When Pather Panchali Challenges Bengal Files: A Puja Tells Kolkata’s Forgotten Story

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[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne of South Kolkata’s most well-known roads is Leela Ray Sarani, also known as Sarat Bose Road. Cutting across Southern Avenue, many streets flow into Rashbehari Avenue. By one such street, the Samajsebi Sangha was founded in 1946. Among its founders was Leela Ray, who had once worked alongside Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Many might assume that this year’s puja theme at Samajsebi Sangha is about social service. But that is not the case. Instead, it is about remembering the history of how, after the communal riots of 1946 in Kolkata, Leela Ray, Meghnad Saha, and others stood with riot victims, leading to the creation of Samajsebi Sangha. Hence, the theme has been named Pather Panchali.

At a time when a non-Bengali filmmaker is attempting to distort history in the name of showing atrocities by the majority community during the Kolkata riots, this puja has sought to highlight how a street in this very city became a symbol of communal harmony. Artist Pradip Das has tried to depict this, and he deserves credit for choosing this moment. He has worked on such concepts before in several Kolkata pujas, but this year’s choice of theme is particularly meaningful. Bengali history, he reminds us, is essentially a history of secularism, often chronicled in print through various presses. To symbolise this, at the entrance of the pandal he has placed a printing press and the cover of a book titled Manifesto of Secular Bengalis. It makes one feel that no matter how hard divisive forces try, Bengal’s soil will remain an unyielding fortress of unity.

samajsebi pather panchali bengal files durga puja theme kolkata

A Street That Opened Its Doors in 1946

Every street has its own history, and re-presenting that history for our times is undoubtedly praiseworthy. The neighbourhood around Samajsebi Club also carries its own stories—not just as history but as lived memory. The old louvred windows, car porches, large mirrors, and the people of the area have preserved that memory. When fratricidal riots broke out in Kolkata in August 1946, it was the residents here who opened their doors in the name of unity and peace. This is the history of Samajsebi Club, still remembered by many. Leela Ray, through her association with Subhas Bose, worked with like-minded individuals to bring relief to riot-affected people. After the riots of August, she took the initiative to establish this club, and the puja began that very year. It was never merely a religious festival for the majority community—it stood from the outset as a celebration of social solidarity, communal harmony, and resistance to violence. This is why, even today, the sound of the azaan at the entrance of the puja remains an integral part of its journey.

When films like The Bengal Files spread half-truths, it becomes essential to highlight the resistance that existed in those times. That is what this puja’s theme attempts to do. Beyond the narrative of communal violence instigated by the Muslim League, sections of the Hindu Mahasabha, the British rulers, and Mohammad Ali Jinnah—there also existed resistance and efforts to halt the riots. This too was a major part of that era, and the artist has sought to portray it. Surveillance aircraft, vultures, truckloads of weapons, sirens, and bomb blasts were everyday scenes then. This dark period is shown in the pandal, alongside the humanity that also prevailed. Figures like Leela Ray, Jadunath Sarkar, Meghnad Saha, Sarat Bose, and many others rose to defend Kolkata’s communal harmony, and their contribution has been powerfully depicted.

samajsebi pather panchali bengal files durga puja theme kolkata news pujo

Trucks That Carried Both Weapons and Relief

All around the pandal are images of trucks. Just as those trucks once carried weapons for riots, they were also used by Leela Ray and Ashrafuddin Ahmed Chowdhury to rescue riot victims. Historian Soumya Basu’s writings mention such examples. When the riots subsided, it was decided that a dedicated organisation should be formed for social service—and thus Samajsebi was born. This year’s 2025 puja has therefore gone beyond ritual, becoming a witness to history. Houses that still stand today have had their façades decorated with images and cut-outs of hope from that time. During the Second World War, 142 Lake View Road housed an American military hospital. Later, its staff joined Leela Ray and her associates in aiding riot victims. Several books record stories of those times: how Haider Ali of old Ballygunge Circular Road was saved by his Hindu neighbours, or how TN Ghosh of Amir Ali Avenue was rescued from Hindu rioters by a Muslim family.

Such stories live on in the memories of the people of this area, where the spirit of secular humanism triumphed over destructive forces. If the scattered newspaper clippings of those days were pieced together, they would reveal an alternative narrative—one that stands against propaganda films like The Bengal Files which rely on half-truths. Offering such alternatives is the true task of an artist, and that is exactly what Pradip Das has done in this year’s Samajsebi puja. This puja is, in essence, a collection of memories. Memories as simple as sharing tiffin at school, where Hindu and Muslim made no difference then, and still do not today. That is why historian Susnato Das’s words resonate strongly within this pandal: “After 1945, the British wanted to continue ruling India from outside, but they feared that if Hindus, Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs united under one flag as they did in Netaji’s Azad Hind Fauj, their rule would collapse.”

The naval mutiny and labour movements of that era displayed such unity. To counter it, the British sowed seeds of communal division, splitting workers and peasants along religious lines. Yet, they ultimately failed. This is why Samajsebi’s Pather Panchali speaks of an alternative vision, one that every Bengali should see. It reminds us how deep-rooted the history of secularism in Bengal truly is. And even though this year’s heavy monsoon rains may have caused much damage, if one gets the chance, one must visit Samajsebi’s puja in South Kolkata at least once.

The piece has been translated from a Bangla piece, published at inscript.me.

Mad, Musical, and Magnificent: Remembering Zubeen Garg

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[dropcap]I[/dropcap] am contemplating whether I should write about Zubeen Garg’s art or his personality. You are familiar with his literary music work and have studied it in detail too, so I would rather write about the person. It’s possible that many of us (including myself), who have been detached from Axhom or from North East India, know very little about him—or perhaps nothing at all. Very well then, let’s talk about the man.

The man, whenever he walked and wherever he went, carried with him: “Mei ghenta care nahi karta hu” (I don’t give a damn about any of them). On the evening of Friday, April 14, 2017, when he walked onto the stage in Guwahati to perform at the start of Bohag Bihu (also known as Rongali Bihu), marking the Assamese New Year, Zubeen was completely enamoured by the huge gathering and the festive mood. He was there to sing only for Xhomiya—for them alone. Zubeen knew every verse, every chord, every tune of his repertoire.

But as he was singing only for the audience, the organisers stopped him midway while performing Dil tu hi bata from Hrithik Roshan’s superhit Krrish 3. According to media reports, the organisers of the Noonmati Bihu Committee stated that they had an agreement with the singer, insisting that he stick only to Assamese songs during his performance.

A Clash at Bihu: Songs, Silence, and Defiance

As the matter persisted, he didn’t say a word in protest. True to Zubeen’s cliché, his silence was taken as assent. There, Zubeen said again: “Mei ghenta care nahi karta hu.” And when that happens, the legendary singer leaves, always being both happy and hurt.

He reached another Bihu function in Guwahati. Here, he broke into a smile. People were excitedly waving at him. He waved back. His face was glowing with happiness. He probably recalled: “Mei ghenta care nahi karta hu.” Zubeen, the man, sang songs till past 2 a.m.

News spread like wildfire in Assam. By Saturday morning, social media was abuzz with the issue. Hundreds of Assamese and others jumped into the debate. A news report published by The Hindustan Times was titled, “Assam split over singer Zubeen refusing to sing only non-Hindi songs for Bihu.”

“It was an insult to Zubeen that he wasn’t allowed to sing his own song. The way the organisers stopped him midway was bad. I stand with Zubeen,” popular Assamese actor Jatin Bora told journalists in the report.

But this man was above all this. He didn’t feel betrayed, cheated, or exploited by what had happened.

A friend who lives near Sharabbhati (a locality in Ulubari, Guwahati) narrated a memorable incident of Zubeen. People who knew him admit that he could work throughout the night and preferred spending the day at home with family members and his dogs.

The Night Wanderer: Anecdotes of a Mad Genius

It was midnight, and Zubeen was engrossed in adda mari (an informal gathering of like-minded people) in one corner of a residential colony in Guwahati. A man in messy clothes stood by and shouted: “Tu Zubeen hai na? (You are Zubeen, right?).” Even before Zubeen could reply, he added: “Tu bhi meri tarah raat ko ghumta hai.. Pagla! (You too roam like me in the night…mad).” But what came next surprised everyone. “Main toh paagal hoon hi” (I am a declared mad person), said the man in messy clothes, before disappearing into the darkness.

Much later, early this year, in an interview, Zubeen accepted this truth to heart. “I am mad, I want to give everything of mine to people,” he told POP Pavelopedia in January.

Beyond powerful voices, romantic ballads, and mournful songs in dozens of languages, Zubeen’s lifelong friend was the common man. They served as his eyes and ears, his advisers and aides in all his pursuits and interests. The smiling legend—who played multiple instruments, acted in films, composed scores, and filled concert venues—devoted hours and hours to distributing medicines, food, shelter, and solace to whoever approached him.

Friend of the Common Man: Music, Charity, and Humanity

There are hundreds of people ready to recount anecdotes about Zubeen’s love for Assam and his affection for the common man. He made huge donations to various social causes. His charity, the Kalaguru Artiste Foundation, donated generously during floods in Assam and beyond. People recall that Zubeen even played charity football matches to raise funds for flood-affected communities.

This story is just one of the folklores that add to the mystique of Zubeen. During the COVID-19 pandemic, this man even offered his two-storey residence in Guwahati to be used as a COVID Care Centre, helping to address the urgent shortage of beds during the crisis.

Zubeen was preternaturally refined. He had the time and freedom to pursue his interests and take care of himself, his family, his friends, and anyone who came within his horizon—the poor, the needy, the chailwallah, the orphan, the destitute, or the patient lying outside on the footpath of a hospital. In each one of them, he discovered form, fragrance, tone, colour, and texture. His works and deeds were both philosophical and abstract. With his music and his acts of generosity, this man fascinated Assam and the nation for over three decades.

However, the story of Assam’s eternal man is hidden and untold. Not his death, though—and let’s accept this: ৰাইজ (pronounced as raiz, meaning people or public in Assamese).

Two Years, No Justice: Mamata Govt Moves to Review Faizan Ahmed Autopsy, Mother Opposes

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Kolkata: The lawyers representing the state (Mamata Banerjee government) have sought the formation of a medical board to review the two autopsies in the Faizan Ahmed murder case.

On September 24, after 15 months, the hearing on the murder case of IITian Faizan Ahmed resumed at the Calcutta High Court. Surprisingly, the state counsels made an oral submission before Justice Tirthankar Ghosh, requesting that the two autopsies be reviewed by a medical board.

On October 14, 2022, Faizan Ahmed’s partially decomposed body was found inside his IIT Kharagpur hostel.

The first postmortem conducted at Midnapore Medical College had concluded that Faizan Ahmed, a third-year mechanical engineering student of IIT Kharagpur, had died by suicide. However, his parents refused to accept the Kharagpur Police’s claim, pointing out several inconsistencies. They moved the Calcutta High Court, where the police failed to provide a clear explanation for the cause of the 23-year-old student’s death. Justice Rajasekhar Mantha, who was hearing the case, appointed retired forensic expert Dr. Ashok Kumar Gupta to independently review the matter. After carefully examining the video footage of the initial autopsy, Dr. Gupta observed what appeared to be signs of hemorrhage on Faizan’s body, raising serious doubts about the suicide theory. He recommended a second autopsy to ascertain the truth. The court accepted his suggestion, and a fresh postmortem was conducted at Calcutta Medical College. The second report dramatically altered the course of the case—it confirmed that Faizan’s death was not suicide but homicide.

After the findings, the court also set up a Special Investigation Team (SIT) led by an IPS officer. Later, a division bench comprising Chief Justice TS Sivagnanam and Justice Hiranmai Bhattacharyya confirmed that further investigation would proceed based on the outcome of the second postmortem and continued with the SIT.

The order of September 24 (copy with eNewsroom )also mentioned that the report of forensic expert Ashok Gupta (submitted to the court in May 2024) has been kept on record.

“We have opposed it and said that tthe second postmortem was upheld by the division bench. And the bench of the then Chief Justice had approved the formation of the SIT in it too,” Faizan Ahmed’s counsel Anirudha Mitra told eNewsroom.

Mitra also informed the court that they had presented all the recordings and opposed the formation of the medical board.

Faizan’s mother accuses state of betraying victims

In 2023, Rehana Ahmed had written to West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, urging her to intervene and help secure justice in the case. However, while Mamata Banerjee spoke publicly on two other cases of students’ murders—one involving a Jadavpur University student and another of a medical student at RG Kar—she did not make any statement on the murder of IITian Faizan Ahmed.

“I have a question for Mamata Banerjee. It has been two years, and we did not get justice. And now we see the state requesting a medical board. Why do they want to review the autopsy? To change the outcome of the second autopsy? As the mother, I do not allow any other postmortem of my son,” said Rehana, the grieving mother.

“Since the death of my son, we have never received support from the Bengal police or state counsels. Is this how you treat the family of a genius who was murdered in Bengal?”

Significantly, the state lawyers had also opposed the formation of the SIT and argued to continue with the Bengal police, but the division bench had gone ahead with the single bench decision.

“Does the state stand with victims or with perpetrators?” questioned Rehana.

The court of Justice Tirthankar Ghosh has fixed November 6, 2025, as the next hearing date in the case.

Zubeen Garg’s Legacy—Songs in Assamese, Protests Against CAA, and a Heart for Che Guevara

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he spontaneous outpouring of grief all over Assam at the demise of Zubeen Garg indicates that those who speak of love remain forever in the hearts of people. Assam has often been in the news for the wrong reasons, but few outside really know about the deep cultural connection and unity among its people. Zubeen was someone who opposed the CAA, spoke out against hatred, and refused the pull of Bombay cinema’s homogenising demands.

I don’t think the superstars of the tinsel world have that kind of dedicated fan following. It also shows the power of native languages. Let us not call them “regional,” as every language is a national language in its own domain.

Frankly speaking, I don’t watch or follow cinema or cricket, so I don’t comment on things around them. I watched old cinema, sang songs, and stopped following cricket after the late 1990s, when players became superstars and were being auctioned and purchased.

I saw a few clips of an anchor referring to Zubeen Garg as a Bollywood singer who became famous from a Ya Ali song. As I said, the Delhi-based overrated anchors push their nationalist agenda without understanding native issues. Every native is a national in their own land, so terming them “regional” is hypocrisy. A “celebrity anchor” was visibly shocked when Zubeen told her that he loved Socialism and his idol was Che Guevara.

Also, don’t start bringing your LIMCA book records for everything. These are ways that companies use to legitimise their actions. Facts are not merely numbers but the faces and feelings of people. No one can quantify them.

We all know very little about our world, and you won’t be able to understand even India by just watching idiotic and mediocre anchors defining things on their prime time. We must remember that hatred and fake news have an expiry date. Love conquers. The love and affection that Zubeen got is the result of his love for his roots. He remained natural, unfiltered, and totally in love with his land and people. This is the power of native language that connects.

Zubeen Garg’s role in the anti-CAA protests

Zubeen Garg was more than a popular singer; he was a cultural backbone during Assam’s anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) movement. From the moment the Bill was proposed, he allied with student organisations like the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU) and led peaceful protests. He helped mobilise youth, using his crowd-pulling power in public meetings, raising his voice in mass gatherings, and even joining hunger strikes with AASU to protest non-violently. The Assam Tribune

He repeatedly urged the protests to be conducted without bloodshed, insisted that legal avenues be pursued, and remained firm in his belief that the people of Assam would reject the CAA. In one public statement in March 2024, he said, “Protests against CAA should continue … wherever, however I can,” stressing that there should be no more deaths in the name of agitation. The Times of India

His admiration for Che Guevara and his socialist leanings

Zubeen Garg openly expressed his admiration for Che Guevara, the Argentine revolutionary. On his social media, he described himself as “Socialist” and said his idol was Che Guevara. Facebook While there is less detail in public records about precisely how deeply he studied Guevara’s life or ideology, this identification reflects Zubeen’s avowed political consciousness — not merely as a performer but as someone who saw societal struggles, who aligned with the underdog. His socialism wasn’t just rhetorical; it informed his public positions (against the CAA, for communal harmony) and shaped his identity among fans who expected more than just songs.

Comrades and Comebacks: Saira Shah’s Book Sparks Debate on the Left’s Future in India

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New Delhi: “Today’s very popular subject could attract in this city, so many people, it speaks volumes,” said former Vice President of India Mohammad Hamid Ansari, looking at the full auditorium at the India International Centre, Lodhi Road. Ansari, who also read the last part of the book at the launch, was speaking at the release of Comrades and Comebacks: The Battle of the Left to Win the Indian Mind, authored by social activist and politician Saira Shah Halim. The former vice president also praised the summing of the book.

A Book on Left Politics Across Eras

Halim’s book, which traces the journey of Left politics from India’s freedom struggle to its role in 21st-century electoral battles, was launched in the presence of Salma Ansari, CPI(M) leader Brinda Karat, and Lt General Zameer Uddin Shah (Retd). The evening brought together political thinkers, academics, students, and activists, reaffirming the enduring relevance of Left ideas in the country’s political imagination.

Distinguished Panel Discussion

A panel discussion followed, featuring former Chief Election Commissioner SY Quraishi, former MP Subhashini Ali, author and translator Rakshanda Jalil, and Supreme Court advocate Sanjay Hegde, with senior journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta as moderator.

Quraishi applauded Halim’s effort: “First of all, congratulations Saira, for writing the book. The only genuine people, the secular people in the country are the Left.”

Hegde called her work “the next little red book,” applauding her courage in “swimming upstream” against dominant narratives. Subhashini Ali noted that despite repeated declarations of the Left’s demise, Halim had written with “determination and hope.”

Rakshanda Jalil described the book as refreshing and designed to spark conversations. She suggested that Comrades and Comebacks should be adapted into visual or cinematic forms to reach wider audiences, while stressing the cultural dimensions of Left politics: “Songs like Chhodo Kal Ki Baatein carried ideas across India. That kind of messaging matters.”

Sacrifice, History, and Contemporary Struggles

During the interactive Q&A, Halim reflected on the personal and collective sacrifices involved in political change:
“Some people are in jail for just dissenting against these powerful voices. That’s the price for freedom, and that’s the price Bhagat Singh and Che Guevara paid. I think in our own capacity, we all can make a small difference and contribute towards the larger goals.”

She underlined that her book was written for lay readers without jargon, aiming to link world history, Indian history, and economic theories in a way that speaks to Gen Z. By connecting global Left movements with India’s freedom struggle, she sought to create intersections that would make complex ideas accessible.

Voices of Support

Brinda Karat stressed the book’s relevance in a time of widening class divides and toxic politics: “This is important to understand exploitation today and how we counter it.”

Lt Gen Zameer Uddin Shah (Retd), former Deputy Chief of Army Staff and ex-Vice-Chancellor of AMU, called Halim’s effort sincere: “The Left, no matter what name you give it, wants the betterment of the country. Saira has done a great job. I read her book and I must compliment her for the labour she has put in.”

Author’s Vision and Political Journey

Halim, who has been a social and peace activist, educator, theatre artist, and three-time TEDx speaker, joined the CPI(M) in 2022 after years of activism on farmers’ rights, gender equality, and protests against CAA and NRC. Contesting her first election in the Ballygunge Assembly by-poll the same year, she reminded the audience that she had raised the party’s vote share from 5 percent to 30 percent. For her, this was evidence that sustained engagement can revive faith in progressive politics.

In her address at the launch, she said: “With whatever is happening in the country, the price rise, the increase of religious fundamentalism, the difference between the haves and have nots – we need a more radical (non-violent) approach. I feel the country is a little fed up of the soft stand that sometimes secular parties take. I’m here to change things. I’m not here for fame and glory.”

A Collective Reflection

Through Comrades and Comebacks, Halim argues that Left ideology remains vital for countering inequality, authoritarianism, and communalism, while also presenting alternatives to today’s divisive politics. The discussions at the India International Centre reflected the same spirit—blending history with contemporary urgency, and politics with culture—to highlight why the Left continues to matter in India’s democratic journey.

London Dreams, Kolkata Nightmares: Why the City Deserves Better, Not Bigger Promises

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Largest Democracy, Smallest Justice: How India’s Courts Fail Muslim Prisoners

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he judicial system is not actually ‘denying’ bail to undertrials languishing in jail for the last five years—it is reinforcing the belief that the state can put anyone behind bars without giving any reason. There is no accountability for anyone. Another person will be released citing ‘human rights’ and ‘personal liberty’ as the reasoning. The right to free expression is essentially reserved for those with considerable influence and expansive legal representation in the courts.

How do you expect justice when appointments are made by retiring others? Party spokespersons are being appointed to the judicial system. People like Ram Rahim enjoy state patronage, and courts have allowed that to happen. What are common citizens supposed to do?

The fact is that judicial verdicts have never been truly objective—they are subjective. Legal instruments are used only to justify conclusions. This is why Justice Muralidhar or Justice A.P. Shah never reached the Supreme Court. The abrupt transfer of Justice Muralidhar from Delhi to Odisha is a case in point. Both the government and lawyers know who can grant bail and who cannot. Is that objective? Justice Bela Trivedi never granted bail to anyone during her tenure, and nothing happened. A few questions were raised, but there was no accountability.

Subjective Judgments, Selective Justice

Judicial impartiality is nothing but naivety. The judiciary is also part of the system and cannot really oppose the state or its leaders. Perhaps the only time the judiciary showed real spine was during the Emergency, when they called Indira Gandhi to court and declared her election from Rae Bareilly invalid. But can the judiciary do it today?

Most judgments today read like long speeches filled with hollow words—‘biggest democracy,’ ‘liberty,’ and ‘human rights.’ Now, some more such words are being added. These lofty terms are used selectively. Courts, too, understand who is powerful. Big names get relief because they can hire big lawyers who can demand bail at any time.

Bail rejection of Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam, Athar Khan, Khalid Saifi, Gulfisha Fatima, Meeran Haider, Shifa Ur Rehman, Mohd Saleem Khan, and Shadab Ahmed became a national outrage, but the dark reality of our time is that people are rotting in jail for five or more years without any charge sheet or trial. This means the process itself is designed so that the families and loved ones of those arrested suffer not only physical harassment but also daily mental torture. The state apparatus is completely unaccountable. We once said that police officers or legal officers must pay the price if a case is wrongly imposed on an individual who suffers for it, but that seems impossible now. Bureaucracy, judiciary, police, media, and government all wield power without accountability. Law has simply become a tool of intimidation, used at the whims of these institutions.

Law as a Weapon, Not a Shield

It may be time for political parties, lawyers’ associations, and the media—at least those who have the courage—to stand up and speak against this blatant violation of the law. The law is meant to liberate us and provide justice. It cannot be reduced to a punishment or a threat against political opponents.

The hypocrisy is evident when former CJIs repeatedly emphasised that ‘bail is the rule and jail the exception,’ but perhaps that only applies to people like Ram Rahim.

One need not be deluded. Liberty, freedom, and human rights are provided not by principle but by the state and its ruling apparatus. This is loud and clear. Those who can afford powerful lawyers and strong backing can enjoy these rights; the rest will continue to suffer. Someday, the Supreme Court may wake up, and we will again sing songs of victory and joy—‘justice is done.’ Journalists and opinion-makers will once more declare that the judiciary is the last hope in dark times. Meanwhile, political prisoners will continue to suffer and die, with no one held accountable. The grand show of the ‘largest democracy’ with its so-called ‘independent judiciary’ will go on, while the aam janta is expected only to clap and bow to the power of ‘justice.’

Who Owns Urdu? Javed Akhtar, Religion, and the Fight for a Shared Language

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[dropcap]“B[/dropcap]ahut Samjhe the Hum Is Daur Ki Firqa Parasti Ko
Zubaan Bhi Aaj Shaikh -o-Brahaman Hai Ham Nhi Samjhe” (Rashid Banarsi)

Around 225 years ago, in the city of Calcutta (now Kolkata), the seeds of division between the Urdu and Hindi languages were sown with the establishment of Fort William College. The British colonial administration introduced separate language primers and translated Persian and Sanskrit texts into Urdu and Hindi, which were distinguished primarily by their scripts. This bifurcation laid the foundation for a divide that later deepened through the politicization of language and the eventual religious association of Urdu with Islam.

Ironically, in the present context, one of the most prominent institutions associated with the development and promotion of Urdu, the West Bengal Urdu Academy, succumbed to similar tendencies. The Academy was scheduled to organize an event titled “Urdu in Hindi Cinema” from August 31 to September 3. The event aimed to explore and celebrate one of the most vibrant and influential cultural spaces where Urdu has thrived. Hindi cinema has long served as a transnational vehicle for embracing Urdu, helping to preserve its beauty, idioms, and lyrical richness across linguistic and religious boundaries. However, the event was postponed following pressure from two Muslim religious organizations. Their objection stemmed from the inclusion of celebrated lyricist Javed Akhtar, whose offensive and dismissive remarks about Islam have often sparked controversy.

The decision to postpone the event in response to these objections raises serious questions on different points. First, the dismissive use of Urdu cultural spaces by a few literary figures affects the inclusive and tolerant nature, as well as the tradition of refined literary expression within the Urdu language. Secondly, the encroachment of linguistic and cultural institutions by religious bodies. Third, the independence and credibility of the organization involved in the preservation of Urdu, and lastly, the future of Urdu itself.

When Faith Overrides Language

It is important to mention that religious organizations are partially precise in terms of their right to express discontent with views they find offensive related to faith. Although it should be based on constructive dialogue with mutual respect for those who differ and should not be selective. In a democracy, dialogue, dissent, and critique form the bedrock of civil society. Likewise, cultural figures such as Javed Akhtar also bear a responsibility to engage with belief systems respectfully, especially in public or institutional spaces. Insensitive or derisive remarks, regardless of intent, risk alienating audiences and undermine the spirit of constructive engagement. In today’s communally polarized climate, such remarks are often weaponized—not just to critique individuals but to vilify entire communities.

Therefore, as a public intellectual, these things must be taken into consideration, and unnecessary derision of beliefs should be avoided in serious literary or cultural discourses. And in terms of spaces related to Urdu, it adds woes to the already diminishing circles and risks undermining the effectiveness of intellectual engagement.

Javed Akhtar and the Burden of History

However, the choice of the Urdu Academy as the platform by a religious organization to register such objections is also deeply problematic. It puts the language and institutions dedicated to its survival and growth in a precarious position. Urdu, unlike Arabic, holds no intrinsic religious sanctity. In fact, during the 15th and 16th centuries, when the language existed in its early forms like Hindavi or regional variants such as Dakkani, it was considered unsuitable for religious writings. It was only in the 18th and 19th centuries, during the reformist movements, that Urdu began to be employed for religious discourse.

The association of Urdu with Islam was further cemented during the colonial period, when the language emerged as a symbol of Muslim identity. This perception, however, ignored the diversity within the Muslim community—spanning sectarian, class, ethnic, and linguistic lines. The post-colonial fate of Urdu has been shaped by these historical legacies. In Pakistan, despite being the mother tongue of less than 10% of the population, Urdu was declared the national language and used by the Punjabi elite to suppress other ethnic languages like Pashto, Sindhi, Balochi, Saraiki, and Bengali. In India, Urdu too faced structural neglect, primarily due to its association with a religious minority and its stereotyping as the language of Islam. However, there have been continuous efforts to challenge the sectarian appropriation of Urdu within academic and cultural circles.

Religious institutions have undoubtedly contributed to sustaining this language, but their intervention in secular institutions, as represented by this incident, would restrict the relevance of Urdu to a theological domain. This would, in turn, lead to the overshadowing of the secular literary and cultural dimensions of Urdu by religious connotations. It would reinforce the stereotyping of Urdu as inherently Islamic, thereby resulting in alienation of the non-Muslim Urdu speakers or their well-wishers.

Moreover, it would hinder the potential of Urdu to serve as a bridge across communities, particularly in the already dwindling state of multicultural spaces. And most importantly, this trend demonstrates a dangerous precedent of subordination of cultural and literary discourse to theological gatekeeping.

The decision by the West Bengal Urdu Academy to postpone its program under religious pressure is yet another blow that deserves lamentation. It undermines the Academy’s credibility and its stated purpose: to promote and preserve the Urdu language. This surrender to the religious bodies represents a failure of institutional responsibility, which is the norm of the day in West Bengal these days.

The Academy, which enjoys patronage and access to significant resources, is one of the few state-supported institutions dedicated to Urdu in India. Its responsibilities are therefore magnified, as it is expected to safeguard Urdu from political neglect as well as sectarian appropriation. At a time when Urdu faces unprecedented politicization and has become, unjustly, a target of hate, the surrender of one of its key institutions to sectarian interests is indeed troubling. It is a symbolic blow to every voice that envisions the safeguard of Urdu as an essential endeavor in line with the preservation of India’s pluralist and democratic identity.

Safeguarding Urdu’s Plural Legacy

Therefore, it is crucial to delineate religious and secular-cultural spaces when it comes to language. Historically, before being appropriated as a symbol of religious identity, it drew heavily from secular, syncretic, and humanistic traditions. The interplay between its secular and religious dimensions should be acknowledged and preserved, not manipulated to serve ideological ends.

The space for Urdu must be reclaimed as an inclusive, pluralistic domain along with the upkeep traditions of Tehzeeb to foster sensitivity and empathy within its dwindling spaces. More than just a language, Urdu is a cultural and historical legacy that belongs to all Indians regardless of religion. Urdu institutions and the wider Urdu-loving public must remain vigilant and assertive. Cultural programs, literary events, and educational initiatives must continue without fear of ideological backlash.

Most importantly, Urdu must be re-situated within India’s broader democratic and pluralist ethos and should be celebrated not as a communal relic but as a living, evolving, and inclusive language.

The Power of Forgiveness: How Prophet Muhammad’s Example Challenges Modern Narratives

Kolkata: “Some people say Islam is a violent religion, not a peaceful one. It confuses me,” said Dr. Jamir, a Christian professor of Islamic Studies from the Northeast, at the beginning of his speech during the celebration of the Human and Social Legacy of Prophet Muhammad. While Dr. Jamir delivered a 10-minute speech, Dr. Sarfaraz Adil, one of the organizers, addressed questions on the subject.

“Let me narrate a historic incident from the life of Prophet Muhammad to debunk this narrative. After eight years of exile from Mecca, the Prophet had gained thousands of followers in Madina and an army of ten thousand. When he decided to return to Mecca with this army, it was a moment when he could easily conquer or overpower any group. Among those in Mecca were people who had deeply wronged him—the woman who had eaten the liver of his uncle, the man who had divorced his daughter just to hurt him, and those who had thrown camel intestines on him while he prayed. Despite his followers’ calls for revenge, no retaliation was taken. His close companion Umar Farooq wanted to make it a day of revenge, but the Prophet declared it a day of mercy,” narrated Dr. Adil.

“And when the day ended, and Mecca was conquered with almost no bloodshed, the Prophet did not spend the night in a rich man’s palace celebrating victory. Instead, he stayed with a poor cousin. That night he reflected on his family—his father, who had died before his birth, his mother, who passed away when he was just six, and other relatives,” added Dr. Adil.

A Day of Mercy, Not Revenge

He emphasized, “On the day when he had every right to seek revenge, and no one would have questioned it, the Prophet chose forgiveness. Neither he nor his followers resorted to violence, even when no one could stand against them.”

In his address, Dr. Jamir stressed that the legacy of Prophet Muhammad should be embraced by all of humanity, as it benefits everyone.

Several other misconceptions about Islam were discussed during the event, with organizers presenting documented historical facts to counter them.

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The speakers at the event | Picture by: Laib

Global Recognition of the Prophet’s Legacy

The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has declared Hijri year 1447 (2025–26) as the Year of Commemoration of the 1500th Anniversary of the Birth of Prophet Muhammad, highlighting him as the “Prophet of Mercy.”

In Kolkata, the event—Celebrating the Human and Social Legacy of Prophet Muhammad (SAW)—was jointly organized by SR and Tahreek Foundations at Hotel Ivory Inn. Rabiul Awwal, the third month of the Islamic calendar, marks the Prophet’s birth, and Muslims traditionally celebrate it in different ways. Since 2024, the two foundations have chosen to mark the month by highlighting the Prophet’s human and social contributions in interfaith gatherings with non-Muslims.

Echoes of the Prophet Across Faiths

“When I studied the life of Prophet Muhammad, I found striking similarities with Mahavir. What Mahavir taught in the 6th century BC, Prophet Muhammad said in the 7th century. For example, the Jain faith is based on five core principles, and the Prophet emphasized the same five values,” said Dr. Namrata Kothari, a Jain scholar.

Pallav, a member of the Baháʼí faith, highlighted the Prophet’s lifelong commitment to truth and tolerance.

Father Francis Aogo noted, “If he wished, Prophet Muhammad could have lived a comfortable life. But Allah entrusted him with responsibility, and he chose hardship instead.”

Aliah University professor Abdur Rashid also spoke about the Prophet’s life and work.

Tarsem Singh of the Indian Pluralism Foundation reflected, “Prophet Muhammad used to remind people to remove their ego, as everything is done by Allah, not by humans themselves. This teaching is similar to what Guru Nanak later emphasized.”

Other speakers included Imtiyaz Mollah, Bhim Army state president; Mufti Abdul Mueed; Owaiz Aslam of the Indian Pluralism Foundation; and Athar Firdausi of SR Foundation.

Frontline of Justice: 200 Paralegal Volunteers Trained in West Bengal to Bridge Law and People

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Kolkata: The final phase of a five-week programme to train more than 200 paralegal volunteers (PLVs) across West Bengal began on August 30, 2025. The project, “Strengthening Legal Awareness and Assistance through Capacity Building of Paralegal Volunteers,” is a joint initiative of the Legal Aid Society, West Bengal National University of Juridical Sciences (WBNUJS), the State Legal Services Authority (SLSA), and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

Structured as an intensive bilingual series, the training was delivered over five weekends, with each batch comprising around 40 participants. In the concluding batch, 47 PLVs joined from Purulia, Bankura, Hooghly, Howrah, North and South 24 Parganas, and Kolkata. The curriculum covered eight key thematic areas: constitutional rights, criminal justice reforms, cybercrime, gender justice, juvenile justice, victim compensation, mental health laws, and welfare entitlements. Sessions were interactive, featuring case studies, role plays, and scenario-based learning to enhance practical skills and deepen grassroots legal understanding.

The inaugural ceremony of the first phase was presided over by Justice Soumen Sen, Judge of the Calcutta High Court, as Chief Guest, and Prof (Dr) NK Chakrabarti, Vice-Chancellor of WBNUJS, as Chief Patron. Commending the initiative, Justice Sen said, “PLVs are the frontline of constitutional justice. They must be fully familiar with relevant statutes to ensure that no citizen is left without legal protection.”

PLVs as the Frontline of Justice

Prof Chakrabarti reaffirmed WBNUJS’s commitment to legal empowerment through community engagement. “Justice is not just about laws and courts. It becomes real only when people have the capability to access them,” he observed. S Arnab Ghoshal, Member Secretary of SLSA West Bengal, described PLVs as vital intermediaries between institutions and communities: “They are instrumental in extending legal aid to marginalized groups who cannot navigate the system on their own.”

The programme has been conceptualized and led by Prof (Dr) Sarfaraz Ahmed Khan, Project Director, with support from project assistants Sneha Maji and Sonam Basu. Nusrat Khan, UNDP specialist, played a key role in bringing all three partners together. WBNUJS faculty members Prof (Dr) Sanjit Kumar Chakraborty, Dr Surja Kanta Baladhikari, Arjita Mukherjee, and Debdeep Das, along with senior SLSA officials Poona Singhi, Sri Dibyendu Nath, and Probation-cum-After Care Officer Manoj Kumar Roy, served as resource persons.

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The group photograph consist of judges, DLSA secretaries of different districts of West Bengal | Arranged

The training modules, aligned with NALSA’s 2013 revised scheme for PLVs, incorporated recent reforms under the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), and Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam (BSA), modernizing India’s criminal justice framework. Designed with equity and gender sensitivity, the curriculum included local illustrations and problem-solving exercises tailored for assisting Dalits, Adivasis, transgender persons, women, children, migrants, and other vulnerable groups.

Monitoring and evaluation, supported by UNDP, involved mid-course feedback, group assignments, and final impact analysis to track knowledge acquisition and readiness for fieldwork. Beyond classroom training, PLVs are expected to support legal awareness drives, alternative dispute resolution (ADR), and community-level interventions. They will also guide citizens in navigating schemes such as NALSA’s SAMVAD 2025, Legal Services for Disaster Victims, and victim compensation programmes.

Beyond Training: Building Grassroots Legal Support

Under the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, PLVs play a crucial role in village legal care centers, police stations, and front offices, helping illiterate or disadvantaged persons draft applications, secure free legal aid, and resolve disputes outside court. Professor Khan emphasized the broader vision of the initiative: “This is a historic step toward making justice not just a principle, but a lived reality for people at the grassroots.”

In addition to the five-phase PLV training, a one-day programme titled “Strengthening Legal Awareness & Aid through Capacity Building of Legal Services Authorities Functionaries in West Bengal” was held on August 22, 2025. Nearly 20 District Legal Services Authority (DLSA) Secretaries attended, sharing insights and strengthening institutional capacities. This session was also inaugurated by Justice https://srisabaripackersandmovers.com/contact-us/ Soumen Sen and received an enthusiastic response. Certificates were distributed by Nusrat Khan of UNDP.

The joint effort of WBNUJS, SLSA, and UNDP has already been lauded for its collaborative approach. All three institutions have expressed interest in developing long-term partnerships and replicating this structured capacity-building model across districts in West Bengal to expand and strengthen the state’s legal aid network.