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Periyar’s Long Walk North: Unearthing a Suppressed Legacy

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he newly released book Periyar: Caste, Nation & Socialism—the third in the widely appreciated Conversation Series from People’s Literature Publication—is a landmark contribution to contemporary anti-caste literature and political historiography. Based on a sustained conversation between veteran Tamil intellectual SV Rajadurai and human rights defender and writer Vidya Bhushan Rawat, the book brings to light long-suppressed or underexplored aspects of Thanthai Periyar’s life, ideology, and political engagements beyond Tamil Nadu. It functions not only as a rich intellectual excavation but also as an urgent archival and political intervention challenging many mainstream distortions about Periyar, especially in the non-Tamil public domain.

At its core, this is a profound and wide-ranging dialogue that combines deep historical scholarship with clear ideological conviction. It revisits Periyar’s radical critique of caste and religion, his anti-Brahminism, atheism, rationalism, socialism, and his nuanced engagements with communism, land and labour politics, nationalism, and the language question. Through this extended exchange, the 85-year-old Rajadurai—supported by Rawat’s insightful and provoking questions—brings Periyar back into sharp contemporary relevance, not as a regional icon but as a national political thinker whose legacy continues to inform debates on social justice, caste, and democracy.

Rawat, who has long been engaged in dialogues with leading Ambedkarites and global human rights voices, describes his role in this book as that of a listener and provocateur—posing the difficult, often uncomfortable questions that many have overlooked. His effort, as he notes, was to draw out facets of Periyar’s work and thought that have remained underexplored, particularly in the Hindi-speaking belt and North India. The result is a powerful testament to the potential of sincere, critical conversations in preserving histories frequently ignored or marginalized by dominant Brahmanical academic frameworks.

Opening the Tamil Archive to a Wider World

One of the book’s most significant contributions is its success in making Periyar’s writings accessible beyond the Tamil-speaking world. For decades, original texts published in Kudi Arasu, Viduthalai, and Puratchi—journals edited by Periyar himself—remained buried in archives or institutional libraries such as the Dravidar Kazhagam’s Periyar Thidal in Chennai. Rajadurai, despite health challenges, and Rawat, through persistent collaboration, have unearthed and contextualized many of these writings, translating them for the first time into English and presenting them with analytical clarity.

This effort alone marks the book as a major intervention. Far too often, Periyar is reduced to a caricature—as merely an “anti-Brahmin iconoclast” or regional agitator. What emerges from this book, however, is a portrait of a visionary and deeply committed revolutionary who saw the caste system as a fundamental axis of oppression, and whose critique of Hinduism was rooted in a broader vision of egalitarian social reconstruction.

Reconstructing the Forgotten: Periyar in North India

Another remarkable feature of the book is its reconstruction of Periyar’s engagements in North India—visits to cities like Delhi, Lucknow, Kanpur, Bombay, and Pune that have been largely absent from mainstream narratives. These details, made possible through archival research and persistent questioning, offer fresh insight into Periyar’s attempts to connect the Dravidian movement with broader national political currents. In doing so, the book fills a critical gap in the understanding of how southern anti-caste politics intersected with national movements for justice.

The book also addresses persistent misperceptions about Periyar’s approach toward Dalits, untouchability, and the Communist movement. Through detailed textual analysis, the authors provide a robust rebuttal to the claim that Periyar’s anti-Brahminism was merely a strategy to benefit dominant backward castes at the expense of Dalits. Rajadurai, supported by Rawat’s probing, shows that Periyar’s opposition to caste hierarchy was uncompromising, extending even to entrenched biases within non-Brahmin and intermediate caste groups.

Periyar and Ambedkar: Complementary Radicals

A highlight of the volume is the section exploring Periyar’s relationship with Dr BR Ambedkar. Drawing from rarely cited writings and speeches, the book reveals how Periyar praised Ambedkar’s efforts to shape India’s democratic and social justice framework. The conversation doesn’t gloss over differences—especially on religion and strategy—but argues that both thinkers were deeply committed to the annihilation of caste and shared a common goal of building a just society.

This section holds particular value for Ambedkarite readers and scholars, many of whom have been influenced by a widespread mischaracterization of Periyar as indifferent or even antagonistic to the Dalit cause. Rawat and Rajadurai’s work corrects this narrative and creates new pathways for engagement between Ambedkarite and Periyarist traditions.

Political Clarity, Scholarly Precision

What distinguishes Periyar: Caste, Nation & Socialism from many political biographies or ideological surveys is its powerful blend of scholarly rigour and political clarity. Rajadurai is not just an interpreter of Periyar’s legacy but a lifelong activist and organic intellectual. His encyclopedic knowledge of the Dravidian movement and meticulous use of archival material reflect a rare depth of engagement.

The text, despite its scholarly richness, avoids academic elitism. There is no dense jargon, no unnecessary abstraction. Every claim is substantiated with references, every quotation sourced. The conversation format, enriched by Rawat’s accessible style and inquisitiveness, makes the book engaging and digestible even for general readers interested in social and political movements.

Rajadurai’s achievement is especially impressive given his age and health concerns. The effort to trace and decode old, fragile Tamil journals and translate their contents speaks to a rare commitment to anti-caste knowledge production. It is a labour of love and political responsibility, and this volume will stand as a testament to that dedication.

Dismantling Brahmanical Distortions

This book is also a much-needed response to the rising Brahmanical backlash against Periyar’s legacy. It systematically deconstructs the smear campaigns that portray Periyar as anti-Dalit or anti-Hindu, and places him firmly within the traditions of radical humanism influenced by Buddhism, Marxism, and rationalist ethics.

For readers unfamiliar with Tamil Nadu’s political history, the book is a gateway into the complexities of the Dravidian movement. For those already engaged in Ambedkarite or Marxist thought, it opens up fresh terrain for dialogue. By grounding the discussion in original sources and building linkages with contemporary questions of caste and power, Rajadurai and Rawat succeed in connecting ideological legacies with present-day realities.

Periyar: Caste, Nation & Socialism is a monumental and timely work—an intellectual and political offering that not only rescues Periyar’s legacy from distortion but also expands the possibilities of anti-caste discourse in India. It is both a historical recovery project and a sharp political intervention.

Above all, it affirms the transformative potential of sincere, critical conversation—when rooted in mutual respect, political commitment, and intellectual honesty. As a dialogue between two committed voices—S.V. Rajadurai and Vidya Bhushan Rawat—this book is not just about Periyar; it is about preserving and carrying forward a tradition of resistance. For scholars, activists, and concerned citizens alike, it is essential reading.

From Missiles to Messages: How Iran Challenged Israel, Shamed the Gulf, and Shook the US

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Iran – Israel war ended as suddenly as it began, a flash of fire, fury and destruction followed by an uneasy regional calm. In the aftermath, US President Donald Trump, ever keen to claim centre stage, took to social media to declare peace and triumph, painting himself once more as the man who made America “great.” In doing so, he appeared to revive his dormant ambition for a Nobel Peace Prize.

Yet, behind the performative diplomacy lay a far more intricate web of motives and manoeuvres. Israel, by drawing the United States into what began as a bilateral conflict, again revealed the extent of Zionist influence over Washington’s Middle East policy. Critics argue that the US strategic decisions in the region have long reflected the priorities of Israeli policymakers rather than independent American interests. Trump’s chest-thumping proclamations and media assertions failed to mask the compromised geopolitical reality.

For Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the war offered a temporary reprieve from domestic political turmoil. Long embattled by corruption investigations, Netanyahu found momentary shelter in the nationalistic fervour of wartime. But that shield may prove short-lived. As the dust settles, the Israeli public is beginning to reckon with the war’s sobering costs both economic and human. Once regarded as an invincible force, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) endured unexpected losses, some inflicted by Hamas, an adversary often dismissed as tactically inferior. Even as Mossad upheld its formidable reputation with precise assassinations of Iranian military commanders, questions about the IDF’s vulnerabilities became increasingly apparent.

Cracks in the Iron Dome: How Iran’s Missiles Pierced a Western Mirage

On the other side, Iran delivered a surprising show of strength. Its missile salvos managed to penetrate the Israeli Iron Dome and the American-supplied THAAD defence systems, long held up as paragons of modern military technology. These breaches not only startled military analysts but also eroded the confidence of both Israelis and Americans in their technological superiority. At the same time, Iranian air defences remained vulnerable to Israeli air strikes, with Israel enjoying air superiority during its operations.

Still, the war proved politically advantageous for Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. By standing firm in the face of Israeli aggression and American pressure, Khamenei emerged from the crisis with elevated domestic legitimacy and newfound regional prestige. In stark contrast to the gilded yet timid monarchs of the Arab Gulf, whose geopolitical calculations are often guided by palace preservation over principle, Khamenei projected defiance and resilience. While Iran absorbed significant losses including damage to nuclear sites and the deaths of senior commanders, it succeeded in striking deadly blows, especially through successful missile attacks on the capital Tel Aviv and the port city of Haifa. These attacks not only breached critical defences but reshaped Tehran’s image as a force to be reckoned with.

The war’s conclusion leaves regional power balances visibly altered. Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, seen as the rising architect of Sunni power in the Gulf, may well regret how Netanyahu’s aggression allowed Iran to rise like a phoenix from the ashes. While Riyadh merely postured, Tehran acted decisively and earned results.

Iran’s refusal to buckle under Trumpian threats and abandon the nuclear negotiations was more than just posturing. It was a bold assertion of sovereign policy-making in the face of overwhelming pressure. Amid the looming spectre of US retaliation and pre-emptive Israeli airstrikes, Tehran’s decision to stand firm underscored its commitment to defending its right to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, what it sees as its legitimate national rights. This wasn’t mere defiance. It was a strategic calculation laced with remarkable audacity. Following the US B-52 bombings on Iran’s nuclear facilities in Fordo, Natanz and Isfahan, Tehran responded with unprecedented precision, targeting US military bases in Qatar and inflicting significant damage on Israeli infrastructure. In an international order where few dare to directly confront American military might barring perhaps Russia and China, Iran’s calibrated counterstrikes marked a new threshold of deterrence and resolve. So striking was Iran’s response that even Donald Trump, rarely known for praising adversaries, was compelled to acknowledge their resilience. Speaking to the press at the NATO summit in the Netherlands, Trump described the Iranians as “smart people”, a rare and unexpected commendation from a leader who has long championed maximum pressure against Tehran. He even conceded that Israel had been hit “very hard” by the Iranian missiles. In diplomacy, praise from an adversary carries weight; when it comes from Donald Trump, it’s nearly seismic. That grudging respect, expressed in a moment of rare candour, speaks volumes about Iran’s strategic maturity and its evolving place in the global balance of power.

Palace Silence, Persian Roar: How Iran Upstaged the Arab Monarchs

Elsewhere, Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi made modest overtures, positioning troops near Israel’s border more for domestic optics than strategic purposes. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, never one to miss a chance for political theatre, issued bombastic condemnations with little substance behind them.

Privately, many Arab leaders likely hoped for a swift and decisive Iranian defeat. What they got instead was a newly emboldened Tehran. For all their wealth, influence and Western alliances, the Gulf monarchs were reduced to spectators – careful, calculated and increasingly out of step with the thinking and aspirations of their citizens.

From Haifa to Hearts: How Tehran Shook Israel’s Image and Won the Muslim Street

The 12-day conflict has left the region with more questions than answers and a trove of hard lessons for all actors involved. Israel’s ability to swiftly degrade Iran’s air defence network to the point of achieving dominance over Iranian skies was perhaps the most significant tactical victory. The apparent impotence of Iran’s anti-aircraft systems in defending its territory from Israeli air missions has exposed critical vulnerabilities in Tehran’s military apparatus. The targeted assassinations of senior Iranian commanders only compounded this psychological and operational blow. Moreover, the extent of damage inflicted on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure has added urgency to Tehran’s strategic recalibrations. Repairing these facilities and restoring deterrence capabilities will likely become a top priority for the Iranian leadership. Yet, amid these setbacks, Iran’s resilience has yielded geopolitical dividends. Despite the technological superiority of Israel’s Iron Dome and the deployment of the US-supplied THAAD missile defence systems, Iranian ballistic missiles found their marks with near impunity. This conflict has dealt a symbolic blow to the invincible image of the IDF. What followed was even more consequential: Iran’s standing among the ordinary people of the Muslim World appeared to rise.

Tehran’s defiance represented a broader resistance to Western-backed hegemony and a voice for Palestinian justice, something Arab regimes have been accused of abandoning. This surge in Iran’s soft power is deeply unsettling for the Sunni monarchies of the Gulf. It challenges their long-held leadership role in the Islamic world, now seemingly contested by a resurgent Shiite Iran. But instead of introspection or renewed commitment to justice, particularly regarding the Palestinian cause, what’s more likely is a deepening of covert cooperation aimed at containing Tehran. After all, the Arab leaders see Iran not just as a rival, but as an existential threat, one that could disrupt the delicate balance of power and potentially destabilize their reigns. Their willingness to engage in the normalization of ties with Israel through frameworks like the Abraham Accords, in exchange for Israeli and American security guarantees, only underscores the transactional nature of today’s Middle East regional diplomacy.

In the end, the war did not just redraw battle lines; it exposed fault lines not only between nations but within them. It revealed who among the region’s leaders wielded real power and who merely adorned it. The Ayatollah for all his dogma stepped out as a leader of action. The rest remained what they’d long been -Princes of Palaces, cloaked in luxury and paralyzed by fear of losing their position, power and pelf.

Reluctant Actor, Born Director: Arnab Makes His Bollywood Debut at 24

Kolkata: Last year, when a young man met Amole Gupte to discuss his proposed movie Murderbaad, the senior actor and director wanted him to act in his film. A determined young director, who has been filming his friends since the age of eight, replied, “But first, you have to act in my movie.”

Meet Arnab Chatterjee, the new kid in Bollywood. The phrase “new kid on the block” is typically used for actors, but this 24-year-old, who has received numerous offers to act in movies, wants to stick to filmmaking. “Except acting, I want to do everything.”

The director, producer, and writer’s first film Murderbaad, a romantic thriller is scheduled to be released on July 18.

Arnab has made several short films, one of which—Unsaid—has won many national and international awards. He also directed the legendary actor Soumitra Chatterjee in Jonmodin, another short film.

An alumnus of MetFilm School, London, and La Martiniere, Kolkata, Arnab is the son of lawyer Ranajit Chatterjee and homemaker Paromita Chatterjee. He has no family background in the film industry.
In a more than half-an-hour-long interview (over the phone from Mumbai), one of India’s youngest directors, Arnab, opened up to eNewsroom.

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File picture of Arnab Chatterjee with others during the screening of his award winning short film Unsaid | Courtesy: Facebook/Arnab Chatterjee

eNewsroom: I have learnt that the earlier name of the movie was Murdabaad. Was there any reason for changing it?

Arnab: There is a plan behind it, but I don’t want to reveal it right now. I want to retain the title and use it in future.

eNewsroom: In this era of OTT, you could have made a web series, but you chose a 70 mm movie.

Arnab: Since I was 8–9 years old, Cinemascope was in my mind. And that one day I would direct a movie. So I went for it. Yes, even during the making, I was repeatedly requested to turn it into a web series.

eNewsroom: You have done three major tasks—writing, directing, and producing. How did you manage it all, especially since it’s your first film? And which role did you enjoy more?

Arnab: Writing can be done alone, inside an air-conditioned room. But direction is mainly about man management. Every day, you wake up and plan to manage 300 crew members. It creates an ambience and gives me a different level of high, which I enjoy. Being a writer also helps—if you want to make changes in the story, you can do it in real-time. And as a director, you’re always clear about what you want.

eNewsroom: Not only is Murderbaad directed by a new filmmaker, but you’re also introducing Nakul Sahdev, which means a new actor in the lead role. Was there a specific reason for not choosing an established actor?

Arnab: There’s a problem in the industry—everyone wants to make films with big names. I also tried. But there’s a studio system in place—if you want to shoot your movie there, the studio first asks who the stars are. When you approach stars, they ask, “Show me the studio first.” It’s a sort of Chakravyuh you can’t break easily. After spending one and a half years trying, I decided to make my film with actors who value the story and fit my budget. Nakul is not exactly a newcomer—he’s worked for nearly ten years in the OTT industry and has done good work. While I’m launching him as a film hero, he is not a fresh face.

eNewsroom: These days, it’s a challenge for all kinds of filmmakers—experienced or newcomers—to bring audiences to cinema halls, especially after the Covid lockdowns. How challenging is it for you?

Arnab: Again, it’s that same studio-and-star game. Audiences say good movies don’t get made, but when we do make one, they don’t show up in theatres.

Yes, it’s a reality I accept. When people are getting good cinema in their bedrooms, why would they take the time to go to a theatre? But that creates another option—release the movie in theatres first, and then go to OTT platforms. As a writer and director, I’m confident that my film will draw audiences to the cinema.

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With Soumitra Chatterjee, with whom Arnab made Jonmodin, a short movie (File Photo) | Courtesy: Facebook/Arnab Chatterjee

eNewsroom: How was the experience of directing Bengali cinema legend Soumitra Chatterjee?

Arnab: It was a new and enriching experience. It was my first time directing a professional actor.

In the actor-director relationship, I learnt a lot.

eNewsroom: How was the experience of directing senior actors like Amole Gupte, Sharib Hashmi, and Manish Chaudhari?

Arnab: It has been a very satisfying experience. I am quite confident about their performances. The film unit had all three kinds of actors—experienced, mid-level, and newcomers. Among them, I was the youngest. They accepted me as a director. Many didn’t—and chose not to work on the film, which is okay.

Why would any senior actor work with a 23–24-year-old director with no film industry background? It’s quite natural, and I’m fine with it.

eNewsroom: Coming from Bengal, a region with many legendary filmmakers, is there pressure on you to produce great cinema? And who are your inspirations?

Arnab: There’s no such pressure. It’s actually the opposite—if I can make one good film, it will help me establish myself quickly.

Satyajit Ray and Polish filmmaker Roman Polanski are my two favourite directors. I also admire many Hindi cinema directors like Rajkumar Hirani, Shoojit Sircar, Anurag Kashyap, Anurag Basu, Sanjay Leela Bhansali, Vidhu Vinod Chopra, and several Bengali filmmakers who are making good films today.

I’m not someone who prefers only one genre of cinema. You’ll see that reflected in my work—it’ll be a blend of commercial and art cinema.

Produced by ACJEE Entertainment and presented by Reliance, the film has been shot in Rajasthan and North Bengal. Other actors include Kanikka Kapur, Saloni Batra. While singers are, Shaan, Nakash Aziz, and Amit Kumar.

Best of luck to the young director, who already has several promising projects on his plate.

Vanished in the Night, Returned from a Foreign Land: How Indian Migrants Were Wrongly Exiled

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Kolkata: “We were beaten and thrown out like stray dogs, even after showing our Aadhaar and voter cards. They took our money, our phones—everything—and pushed us into another country as if we were criminals,” said Nazimuddin Mandal, a mason from Murshidabad, recalling the nightmarish ordeal he and six other Bengali-speaking workers faced at the hands of the Indian authorities.

eNewsroom has long warned of the dangers facing Bengali-speaking Muslim migrants wrongly branded as Bangladeshis in BJP-ruled states. That fear has now come true—with innocent workers detained, assaulted, and pushed across the border.

Nazimuddin is among seven migrant labourers from West Bengal who were allegedly illegally deported to Bangladesh earlier this month—despite being Indian citizens and possessing valid identity documents. The shocking incident has triggered local outrage, state-level political condemnation, and exposed deep flaws in the treatment of migrant workers in India, particularly those who speak Bengali and work in BJP-ruled states.

Detained in Maharashtra, Deported via Cooch Behar

Nazimuddin Mandal, from Taritipur village in Murshidabad’s Hariharpara block, had been working as a mason in Mumbai with three others—Mehboob Sheikh of Hossainpur (Bhagwangola), Minarul Sheikh of Kajishaha (Beldanga), and Mostafa Kamal from Kulut village (Monteshwar, East Burdwan). On June 10, all four were picked up by Mumbai Police under suspicion of being Bangladeshi nationals.

What followed was both bizarre and chilling. Instead of contacting the West Bengal Police to verify their identities, the Maharashtra Police handed the four to the Border Security Force (BSF) in Siliguri. Then, without proper verification or court procedure, the BSF reportedly transported them to Zero Point, near Mekhliganj in Cooch Behar, and pushed them across the Bangladesh border—along with two actual Bangladeshi nationals.

“They didn’t ask us anything. They beat us, accused us of lying, and took away our mobile phones and all the cash we had saved. We kept shouting that we are from Bengal and showed our documents, but no one listened,” Nazimuddin said in a video message recorded and circulated from inside Bangladesh, which ultimately helped alert his village back home.

Bengali Muslims migrant workers Bangladesh Bangla
Arranged

Local Alerts Lead to Rescue

Shamim Rahman, a resident of Hariharpara, said he saw the video and immediately contacted Zilla Parishad member Zillar Rahman and local MLA Niamat Sheikh. “That started the rescue process,” he said.

The matter quickly reached the office of West Bengal Migrant Workers’ Welfare Board chairman and TMC Rajya Sabha MP Samirul Islam, who then coordinated with the BSF, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), local police, and administration to bring the workers home. Aadhaar, voter ID, and other official documents were provided to prove their Indian citizenship.

Their families, meanwhile, were gripped by fear and uncertainty. Nazimuddin’s wife, Pinky Bibi, expressed her relief through tears: “I’m very happy to know that he is safe. I thank everyone who helped in bringing him back.”

“They Took Everything, Even My Wife’s Phone”

In a similar case, 21-year-old Fazer Mondal and his wife Taslima Mandal, both from Hariharpur village in Bagda, North 24 Parganas, faced a nearly identical ordeal. The young couple, also working in Maharashtra, were picked up by the police from Nayanagar around 2 AM on June 10.

Fazer’s father, Tahajul Mondal, said, “They called me and asked for documents. I sent everything—Aadhaar, voter ID, ration card, school certificate—on WhatsApp. They promised to release him. But then his phone went off, and we couldn’t reach him.”

On June 14, Tahajul received a WhatsApp call from someone claiming to be a BGB officer in Dinajpur, Bangladesh. During the call, Fazer confirmed what the family feared: that he and his wife had been pushed across the border, after Maharashtra Police confiscated their documents and phones.

“I don’t know how to get my son back,” Tahajul had told reporters, his voice breaking. “He is a citizen of India. His only fault is that he speaks Bengali.”

The family’s desperate appeals finally led to action. After diplomatic intervention and sustained pressure from local leaders and the West Bengal government, the BSF arranged a flag meeting with BGB, and the couple was brought back through the Koyladangi border at Bindol in North Dinajpur. They were handed over to Raiganj Police Station and have now been reunited with family.

Political Outrage: “A Grave Injustice Because They Spoke Bengali”

The incident has sparked widespread condemnation. TMC MP Samirul Islam termed the deportation an “unconstitutional, discriminatory act”, targeting Bengali-speaking Indian citizens.

He posted on X (formerly Twitter):

“Under the leadership and active intervention of our Hon’ble Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, we were finally able to repatriate seven Indian citizens who were illegally deported to Bangladesh. This grave injustice was committed simply because they spoke Bengali.”

Islam demanded accountability and raised three sharp questions:

  1. Why did Maharashtra Police hand over Indian citizens to the BSF without informing the West Bengal government?
  2. Why didn’t the BSF verify their documents with local or state authorities before deportation?
  3. Is there a larger coordinated effort by BJP-ruled states and security agencies to target Bengali-speaking migrant workers?

“These workers had all the documents—Aadhaar, voter ID, even birth certificates. Still, they were treated like illegal aliens and dumped at a foreign border,” Islam said. “We will not let this issue go. We will expose the dark forces behind this misdeed and ensure accountability.”

BSF Contacts BGB, Police Escort Workers Back

According to Murshidabad Police, following high-level intervention, the BSF contacted the BGB, and the four workers originally deported from Mumbai were returned to India and handed over to Behar District Police. A Murshidabad police team has since travelled to bring them home.

MLA Niamat Sheikh, who has been closely following the case, said, “Nazimuddin is a legal citizen of India. Despite valid identity documents, he and three others were labeled as Bangladeshis and thrown out. I have reported the matter to our party leadership.”

A Pattern of Profiling?

Human rights activists and migrant workers’ groups warn that this is not an isolated incident. The deportation of legal citizens without trial, verification, or even basic administrative inquiry raises serious concerns—not only about procedural lapses, but about ethnic and linguistic profiling.

“These are not just mistakes. These are acts of systemic violence against the poor, against those who leave home to earn a living and dare to speak in their mother tongue,” said a migrant rights activist who is helping document the cases.

As all seven workers make their way back to the safety of their villages in West Bengal, the trauma remains.

“We were not criminals,” Nazimuddin said again. “But they made us feel like we didn’t belong in our own country.”

SPEAKING BENGALI, BEING MUSLIM: The Twin ‘Crimes’ That Invite Detention in BJP States

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Kolkata: 26 Hooghly Workers Detained in Chhattisgarh for Speaking Bengali: In a disturbing development as recent as on May 29, more than two dozen Bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers from Hooghly district were detained in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, by Tikrapara Police merely on suspicion of being Bangladeshis. The only ‘evidence’ against them was that they were speaking Bengali.

Five of them — Sheikh Nawaz Sharif, Sheikh Aminul, Sheikh Irfan, Sheikh Sahib, and Mirza Azeem, aged 26–32 — were formally arrested, even though all had valid Indian identity documents. They were later released after verification, but the damage was already done.

“We’ve worked in Chhattisgarh for over 15 years,” said Sheikh Azhar Uddin from Arambagh. “But now, police just detain anyone speaking Bengali. Is it a crime to speak our mother tongue in India?”

Detained for Speaking Bengali: Cooch Behar Family’s Ordeal in Rajasthan

Earlier to Chhattisgarh incident, twelve members of a Bengali-speaking family from Cooch Behar’s Dinhata-2 block were detained by Rajasthan Police simply for speaking their native language. Obaidul Khandekar, a resident of Balabari village, said the Patan Police Station in Sikar district held his entire family for nine days on suspicion of being illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

“Speaking in Bangla has become a crime here,” Khandekar told eNewsroom. “Despite having Indian documents, we were branded as Bangladeshis. Even my wife and children were detained.” They were finally released on a Tuesday evening after sustained appeals and verification.

The family had been working at a local brick kiln in Rajasthan for years.

Nadia Worker Remains in Custody, Family Anxious

In a separate incident, 28-year-old Shafiqul Sheikh, a migrant construction worker from Kamari village in Nadia, was picked up by Rajasthan’s Lalkothari Police and transferred to a detention camp. He had been working in the state for some time.

While several other Bengali-speaking workers were released, Sheikh remains in custody. “I haven’t been able to contact my son. I don’t know where he is or how he’s doing,” said his father, his voice shaking with fear.

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Aadhar of a migrant who was jailed for a week in Gujarat (mentioned in the first part of the story)

12 Murshidabad Migrants Detained in Assam, Released After Intervention

In Assam, at least 12 Bengali-speaking workers from West Bengal’s Murshidabad district were arrested while working as daily wage labourers in Golaghat district’s Numaligarh area. The Assam Police reportedly detained them on suspicion of being illegal immigrants.

Initially, 16 workers were picked up. Four were released after Aadhaar and voter ID verification. The remaining 12—including Situ Sheikh, Abdus Sattar, Nishan Sheikh, Sahabaz Hashmi, and Khairul Sheikh—were taken into custody. The police allegedly confiscated their identity documents and mobile phones.

Jangipur SP Amit Kumar Sau confirmed their release following the submission of IDs by West Bengal authorities. However, several families say they still have not reestablished contact with their loved ones.

Andhra Pradesh: Workers Confined by Employer After Pahalgam Terror Attack

After the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, panic spread among migrant workers in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh. Several labourers from Murshidabad’s Domkal subdivision who wanted to return home alleged they were harassed and confined by their employers.

“When we asked to go home, they began threatening us,” said Zulfiqar, a rescued worker. Local administration intervened after workers informed Domkal police, leading to the rescue of seven labourers.

Detained Under a Tree: Five Murshidabad Workers Held in Uttar Pradesh

Five Bengali-speaking migrant workers resting under a tree in Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, were detained simply for conversing in Bengali. Nur Islam and Saidul Islam of Azmatpur (Islampur), and Golam Rasul, Raihan Sheikh, and Sohel Rana of Bhagwangola were taken to Govindnagar Police Station.

Despite their Indian citizenship and IDs, police reportedly ignored their pleas. They were released only after urgent coordination between Murshidabad and Mathura police.

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Mother of a migrant worker talks to her son, who was arrested by Gujarat police post Pahalgam terror attack | Arranged

‘Forced to Chant Jai Shri Ram’: Brutal Assault in Ballia, UP

In Ballia district’s Rasra area, several Muslim workers from Baryan (Murshidabad) selling plastic goods were violently assaulted by a local mob on April 27.

“They asked for Aadhaar cards, then tore them up without reading,” a worker recounted. The group was then beaten, partially stripped, and forced to chant “Jai Shri Ram.”

“I raised my hands and chanted out of fear,” one of the victims said. “We were so terrified we couldn’t even lodge a police complaint.”

Yusuf, another worker, said, “I’ve been working here for years. But after the Pahalgam attack and the violence in Murshidabad, we’re suddenly being targeted. Just saying you’re from Murshidabad is enough to be harassed now.”

Labour Union Sounds Alarm: ‘No Administrative Support’

Asif Faruk, state general secretary of the Migrant Sramik Oikya Manch, expressed deep concern about the increasing harassment of Bengali workers in BJP-ruled states.

“Workers are being tortured, and there is no proper support from local administrations. Instead of protecting them, authorities are treating them as threats,” he told eNewsroom.

Faruk said his organisation receives distress calls daily. “The state government must act. We need systems in place to protect our workers across state borders.”

‘Deliberate Communal Targeting’: Civil Society Raises Alarm in Kolkata

A press conference held on Shakespeare Sarani, Kolkata, saw strong condemnation from civil society leaders and activists. The Citizen Forum for Social Justice alleged that targeting Bengali-speaking Muslim workers is part of a larger communal conspiracy.

Waqf Bachao Andolan leader Umar Awais, Sikh leader Saran Singh, and Dr Mostafizur Rahman joined others in denouncing the attacks.

“What’s happening in BJP-ruled states is a direct assault on our Constitution,” said Irfan Sher. Maulana Ashraf Ali Qasemi called for a firm stance by the Bengal government. “These workers have every document. Branding them Bangladeshis is criminal.”

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migrant workers at AICSS office | Arranged

AICSS Calls for Nationwide Solidarity With Migrant Workers

The All India Centre of Shramik Swaraj (AICSS), which advocates for migrant labourers, strongly condemned the rising trend of branding Bengali-speaking Muslims as Bangladeshis.

R Kaleemullah, national president of AICSS, told eNewsroom, “These are the people who build India’s economy. Assaulting and detaining them undermines our democracy.”

“Is this what India stands for—where speaking Bengali can get you beaten or jailed?” he asked.

APDR’s Ranjit Sur: ‘Illegal Pushbacks, Detentions Without Process’

Ranjit Sur, secretary of Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR), condemned the trend of labelling Bengali Muslims as Bangladeshis without due process.

“States like Gujarat and Assam are detaining Bengali Muslims without proper verification. In some cases, they’re even pushed back across the border illegally,” he said.

Sur urged the Bengal government to remain alert and intervene in every such case. “Even if someone is a foreign national, they can’t be pushed back arbitrarily. That’s illegal and unconstitutional.”

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Mamata Banerjee during her Murshidabad visit | Arranged

Yusuf Pathan and Adhir Ranjan wrote Home Minister and Odisha, Gujarat CMs: ‘Stop Harassing Our Workers’

Trinamool MP from Berhampore, Yusuf Pathan, has written to the Union Home Minister about the atrocities committed against migrant workers.

Senior Congress leader and former MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury wrote to the Chief Ministers of Odisha and Gujarat after multiple cases of harassment emerged.

His letter said, “Poor, innocent labourers from Bengal are being detained, called foreigners, and even threatened with deportation. This violates their constitutional right to life and livelihood.”

Samirul Islam: ‘Organised Profiling Across India’

Rajya Sabha MP and social activist Samirul Islam has raised the matter both in Parliament and with Bengal Police.

“This is an organised campaign against poor Muslim workers from Bengal. Every second day we get reports — from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Assam, Uttar Pradesh — of people being picked up, tortured, or branded Bangladeshi,” Samirul told eNewsroom.

He recently wrote to Murshidabad and Nadia police chiefs seeking urgent coordination to track and rescue missing workers. “Many of them are citizens with full documents, but that doesn’t stop the abuse.”

Mamata Slams BJP: ‘Targeting Bengali Muslims in the Name of Bangladesh’

In a recent public address, CM Mamata Banerjee strongly condemned the harassment of Bengali-speaking migrant workers, calling it a “BJP conspiracy to communalise and criminalise Bengalis outside Bengal.”
“Why are only Bengali Muslims being questioned and tortured? Is speaking Bengali a crime in India now? We will not tolerate this discrimination,” she said, accusing BJP-ruled states of using citizenship as a tool to spread hatred.

“Who Is the Home Minister—Dipankar Bhattacharya?”: Kanhaiya Kumar Rips into Amit Shah’s Bengal Infiltration Rhetoric

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Kolkata: A day after Home Minister Amit Shah accused Mamata Banerjee and the TMC of facilitating infiltration into Bengal with the help of Bangladeshis and Rohingyas, Congress leader Kanhaiya Kumar hit back with a sharp jibe. “Who is the Home Minister of the country? Dipankar Bhattacharya?” he asked sarcastically.

Kumar, a youth leader, was speaking at the “Save Constitution, Save Country” convention in Kolkata on Monday. “It is time to save the Constitution. And to do that, if you can act—act. If you can speak—speak up. If you can write—write. If you can’t do anything, at least put a copy of the Constitution on your wall,” he said.

“We are living in a time when those who once did sycophancy in the courts of kings, acted as informers, and never sacrificed for the nation—such people are now misusing the power of democracy to kill democracy,” Kumar continued in his more than half-an-hour-long speech.

Taking a dig at Amit Shah, he added, “The father of Jay Shah—who was here yesterday—made a statement. Politics has sunk so low that if you want to map it, just listen to Jay Shah’s father. He said the government is working to stop infiltration in Bengal. Then who is responsible for stopping it? Who is the Home Minister—Dipankar Bhattacharya?” (At this, Bhattacharya, the CPI(ML) general secretary and another speaker at the event, smiled.)

“Who controls the international borders—the state government or the Union government? Who is responsible for national security?” Kumar asked, sharply criticizing the BJP for deflecting blame.

In his speech, Kumar also mentioned the controversial Waqf Act 2025 brought in by the BJP government. “The media that works for BJP claimed there was corruption in Waqf. So the BJP brought a new bill claiming it would benefit Muslims. But where has corruption been eliminated? Today, governments are run with the support of the corrupt. The more corrupt someone is, the higher the rank they get in politics. In whichever department you go, pay a commission and your work gets done.”

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Leaders at the convention | Facebook/ManzerJameel

The convention began late, as the Moula Ali Yuva Kendra turned out to be too small for the gathering. Organizers claimed they had tried to book a bigger hall, but the administration under the Mamata Banerjee government did not permit it.

Earlier, Dipankar Bhattacharya addressed the audience in Bangla for 22 minutes. “Before the Pahalgam terrorist strike, the BJP claimed Narendra Modi was a strong leader with international stature. But apart from Israel—which has to sell its weapons to India—not a single country supported India after the India-Pakistan conflict. Even Nepal didn’t,” he said. “That is the failure of Narendra Modi’s foreign policy.”

Siddharth Varadarajan, founding editor of The Wire, whose site was partially blocked during the India-Pakistan conflict, was the convention’s first speaker. He warned that free speech, a constitutional guarantee, is under https://www.sarahannlorethphotography.com/conceptual-photography/ serious threat under the Modi regime.

“Of course, Modi and Amit Shah may say Prasenjit Bose [the host] gave a fiery speech and held a convention. But I recall what Idi Amin once said: ‘Yes, I guarantee freedom of speech—but not what happens afterward,’” Varadarajan said.

“From college students to academics and journalists, many have been arrested for expressing their views. Recently, Ali Khan Mahmudabad wrote to save the Constitution—and what he wrote is now being echoed by all well-meaning people. There was nothing wrong in him saying that, just as Colonel Qureishi was brought forward for Operation Sindoor, the government should also bring forward Muslims who face mob lynching and daily atrocities in India. Yet he was arrested. Journalist Siddique Kappan was jailed for two and a half years just for going to report on the Hathras gang rape and murder of a Dalit girl.”

CPI(M) state secretary Mohammed Salim appealed to the people to rise above caste, creed, and religion to save the Constitution.

ISF MLA Naushad Siddiqui emphasized how the BJP’s Waqf Act 2025 is an attack on constitutional principles. CPI(M) leader Saira Shah Halim also spoke, criticizing Modi’s open support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in what she called genocide against Palestine—an action she said goes against India’s historic foreign policy.

Azad Samaj Party’s state president Imtiaz Mollah said that more than the speakers, it is the people of India who will save the Constitution.

A resolution passed at the convention rejected religion-based nationalism and demanded the immediate convening of a Parliament session. It expressed solidarity with the armed forces for Operation Sindoor against cross-border terrorism but condemned the RSS-BJP’s divisive politics. The resolution also stated that the Modi government is keeping both Parliament and the Indian public in the dark on crucial national security matters. It called for the rollback of unconstitutional laws and demanded the restoration of democracy—not just at the national level but also in West Bengal, where democratic erosion has steadily continued under Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s rule.

There were six conveners of the event– Prasenjit Bose, Ali Imran Ramz, Atanu Chakraborty, Biswajit Maiti, Umar Awais and Kallol Mazumdar.

TERRORIZED FOR TONGUE & FAITH: Bengali Migrant Workers Brutalized in BJP-Ruled States

Kolkata — On April 15, a group of 20 migrant workers from Murshidabad arrived in Sambalpur, Odisha, hoping for steady work in construction. What they met was terror. Days later, they were surrounded by local men demanding to see their Aadhaar cards. Once the men confirmed they were Bengali Muslims, the violence began.
The workers were forced to walk in a line through the village while being whipped with sticks and belts, some hit with chains and sharp weapons. “They beat us like animals. We begged them to stop,” said one worker who later returned home with deep wounds on his back.

Fearing further violence, many of the injured fled back to Murshidabad. Chad Mohammed, one of the survivors, filed a police complaint in Beldanga after returning: “There was no point reporting it there. We were terrified. Only after reaching home could I gather the courage to go to the police.”

‘They Asked If I Was Bengali—Then Dragged Me Away’: Gujarat Police Detain Indian Citizens

On April 26, Gujarat Police launched a sweeping raid in Ahmedabad and Surat, detaining over 1,000 individuals on suspicion of being ‘illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.’ Of those, 884 were later confirmed to be Indian citizens.
Among them were at least 20 migrant workers from Bengal—including Sultan Mallick and Sheikh Ataur Rahman (Labhpur, Birbhum), Kamaruzzaman Mallick (East Burdwan), Saibul Sheikh (Nadia), and Saidul Sheikh (Murshidabad). Many had been working in Surat for over a decade.

“I was sitting in the shop like any other day,” said Saidul Sheikh. “The police came and asked, ‘Are you Bengali?’ When I said yes, they didn’t listen to anything else. They grabbed me and threw me into the van.”

Saidul showed them his Aadhaar, PAN, and voter ID—all ignored. He was jailed for a week before being released, only after intervention by a senior officer. “It didn’t matter to them that I had all the documents. To them, being a Bengali Muslim was enough.”

A large number of migrant workers from West Bengal are employed across various Indian states. However, reports indicate that their rights are being systematically violated in many regions. These workers often face discrimination, abuse, and even physical harassment — especially for speaking their native language, Bangla.

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May Month Irony: As World Celebrates Labour, Workers Flee in Fear in India

May — a month that begins with observing International Workers’ Day to honour the contributions and rights of workers — is often marked by rallies and awareness programs in many countries. However, the ground reality for many migrant workers tells a very different story. We bring you stories of the plight of Bengali-speaking migrant workers from across the country.

The situation has worsened following the violence in Murshidabad linked to the Waqf movement. Since then, numerous incidents of intimidation and assault on Bengali workers have been reported. There are alarming accounts of workers being robbed of their earnings, having their identity cards forcibly taken, and being denied basic legal support. Many allege that local police authorities are either unresponsive or ineffective. Samiul Islam, a migrant worker, voiced his frustration: “Only when workers are empowered will true development take place in this country. Not before that.”

It has further deteriorated after the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. Bengali Muslims, in particular, are reportedly facing a surge of hatred and suspicion in several states. Instances of hate speech and targeted hostility have been frequently reported from Gujarat, Maharashtra, Uttarakhand, Haryana, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh.

These disturbing developments raise critical questions about the safety, dignity, and rights of migrant labourers — the very backbone of India’s economy.

Hawker Assaulted in Dhenkanal, Falsely Accused of Being Bangladeshi

In Odisha’s Dhenkanal, an elderly hawker from Murshidabad—selling plastic household goods door-to-door—was slapped and humiliated by locals who accused him of being a Bangladeshi.

A video of the incident circulated on social media, showing the hawker surrounded and mocked for his accent and Muslim identity. His relatives say he’s traumatised and refuses to go back to work. “He’s been working in Odisha for years. This is the first time he’s been targeted like this,” said a family member.

“You Beat Hindus and Come Here?”

The ordeal didn’t end with Chad’s group. Mohammad Bashir Sheikh (28) and Golap Sheikh (21), both masons from Suti Mahishail-2 Gram Panchayat, shared similar stories. “Locals barged into our rented room, checked our Aadhaar, and started beating us after seeing we were Muslims,” Bashir said. “I was hit on my back and legs. No one dared to help.”

Golap, assaulted just after arriving by train, described being accused of “killing Hindus,” abused in public, and dragged through the streets by men wielding sharp weapons. “I returned home fearing I would be killed,” he said.

Jabbar Sheikh, another migrant, said he tried working secretly for a week before facing threats. “They kept saying, ‘You beat Hindus in Kashmir and come here to take our jobs?’ They patrolled with knives, searching for Muslims from Murshidabad,” he said. “The police did nothing. We just wanted to earn our bread.”

One unnamed worker who returned before Eid-ul-Azha said, “In my 20 years of masonry work, I’ve never seen anything like this. No job, no income—I don’t know how I’ll feed my family.”

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A Hawker Assaulted in Dhenkanal

The violence isn’t limited to Sambalpur. In Dhenkanal, an elderly hawker from Murshidabad was allegedly assaulted by local residents while selling daily goods door to door. A video, now viral on social media, shows the man being surrounded and slapped, with attackers reportedly mocking his Murshidabad roots. Though eNewsroom could not independently verify the video, a relative confirmed the assault, saying, “He was targeted solely because of his religious identity.”

Workers’ Rights in Peril

These incidents come at a time when India marks International Workers’ Day in May, a symbolic tribute to the dignity and rights of labourers. Yet, the reality on the ground for migrant workers—especially Bengali-speaking Muslims—is far removed from such ideals.

In recent weeks, rising incidents of communal violence and xenophobic profiling have pushed hundreds of workers to flee job sites and return to Bengal. Many allege they were robbed of earnings, stripped of documents, and denied any legal recourse.

Samiul Islam, a migrant worker, summed up the growing despair: “Unless workers are protected and empowered, development is just a myth in this country.”

Tensions Rise Post-Pahalgam and Murshidabad Violence

The situation has notably worsened since the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, and communal tensions in Jangipur, Murshidabad. These events appear to have intensified Islamophobic sentiment in multiple states. Bengali Muslim workers are increasingly being targeted with slurs, threats, and violence—simply for their religious and regional identity.

From Gujarat to Odisha, Maharashtra to Madhya Pradesh, Assam to Uttar Pradesh, Haryana to Delhi the pattern is alarmingly familiar—migrant workers facing hate speech, communal violence, and police apathy.

Political Voices React

Beldanga MLA Mohammad Hasanuzzaman of the Trinamool Congress has condemned the Odisha incidents, stating, “This is a deeply saddening and condemnable episode. I will raise the matter with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to ensure justice.”

A senior TMC leader, requesting anonymity, accused the BJP of politicising identity. “There was coordination under Naveen Patnaik’s rule. But ever since the BJP took over in Odisha, anti-Bengali sentiment has been on the rise,” he said. “This is not just about workers. It’s about a communal agenda being played out at the expense of human lives.”

Activists Demand Urgent Action

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Activist Matiur Rahman

Human rights activist Matiur Rahman echoed the concern: “Workers from Murshidabad are going to these states for survival, not politics. Whether masons or hawkers, they are being harassed simply for being Muslims. This trend has worsened under BJP rule.”

Rahman recalled a similar wave of hostility last August, when reports of communal violence in Bangladesh led to threats against Muslim workers in Odisha. At the time, Mamata Banerjee had personally called Odisha’s Chief Minister to intervene.

“But things have only gotten worse,” he said. “The fear is now so intense that hundreds of workers are leaving Odisha.”

Gujarat Police Crackdown: Profiling in the Name of Law

The alarm bells grew louder on April 26, when Gujarat Police arrested 1,024 individuals in Ahmedabad and Surat, claiming they were illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. Shockingly, 884 of them turned out to be Indian citizens, mostly from Muslim and interstate migrant communities.

Those detained hailed from states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Rajasthan—and Bengal districts including Murshidabad, Birbhum, Nadia, and East Burdwan.

Among the detained were about 20 Bengali migrant workers. Though many were released after verification, the episode underscored a disturbing trend: the criminalization and profiling of the poor and marginalised in the name of immigration enforcement.

Civil rights groups slammed the operation as “heavy-handed” and “communal,” pointing to a growing pattern of institutional bias.

Tagore’s India vs Today’s Reality: How a Kolkata Bus Ride Exposed the Nation’s Cracks

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]oday morning, I boarded a bus from Topsia, a part of East Kolkata, to visit a client’s school in Howrah. It was one of those slow, lumbering buses that faithfully snake through the city’s arteries, stopping at nearly every crossing. The bus was not yet full; the conductor was calling out for passengers and letting people board, as they often do on weekday mornings.

As someone born and raised in Kolkata, I’m no stranger to these scenes. I am a 38-year-old Hindustani-speaking Muslim. My schooling was in a Christian missionary school in Tangra; I completed my legal education, including an LLM, from a state university. I practised in the district courts before moving into legal and educational consultancy. My parents are from Kushinagar in eastern Uttar Pradesh, and my wife comes from an Urdu-speaking family with roots in Munger, Bihar. Ours is a life deeply stitched into the fabric of Kolkata. And that is why what happened next on the bus disturbed me profoundly.

An Urdu-speaking man, perhaps late for work, was visibly agitated. He began berating the conductor, shouting that he was wasting time and that “people like you make the system filthy.” His tone was coarse, his words laced with contempt for those in service roles. The conductor, like most in his position, remained quiet, focused on gathering passengers.

Suddenly, another passenger—a Bengali-speaking man—retorted sharply: “People from outside Bengal have made this place filthy,” he said. “They come here, crowd our neighbourhoods, pay peanuts in rent, and bring down the quality of everything.” He ended his outburst with a slur—bocachoda—an unprintable word that has, regrettably, become far too common in public speech.

I had heard enough.

I turned around and firmly addressed the Urdu-speaking man first: “If you are in such a hurry, take a taxi. Don’t pollute this space with your arrogance. This conductor is doing his job, just as you are trying to do yours.”

Even before I could finish, another man—also Urdu-speaking—joined me. He rebuked the agitator in our shared language, saying, “Don’t embarrass us. Speak with some decency. This is not how we behave in public.”

The man went quiet, though his eyes burned with indignation.

Then I turned to the Bengali gentleman: “Dada, I understand your frustration. But we mustn’t fall into the trap of blaming entire communities for what are, in truth, systemic failures. People from Bihar, UP, Odisha, or elsewhere—many of them have made this city what it is. We must all coexist, or we shall all fall apart.”

A strange silence followed—the kind that suggests people are thinking, not seething.

What troubled me the most was not the isolated anger, but how easily our frustrations split into regional, linguistic, and class-based hate. It reminded me of Rabindranath Tagore’s warning in his 1917 lectures on Nationalism, where he said:

“India has never had a real sense of nationalism. Even though she has been living under foreign https://sis.iuea.ac.ug/ rule for centuries, she could never approach her problem in a spirit of organised political independence… The idea of India is not territorial. It is not even political. It is essentially spiritual.”

Tagore’s words are not an indictment—they are a mirror. They remind us that the soul of this land has always thrived on samanvay—a confluence of identities, languages, and traditions. To allow regionalism to rear its head in our public spaces is to betray that very idea of India.

As someone rooted in multiple cultures—Hindustani by heritage, Urdu-speaking by marital ties, schooled in Christian institutions, and deeply embedded in Kolkata’s ethos—I know that we are far more layered than the reductive labels we so casually throw around.

On that bus, I did not speak as a lawyer, or a Muslim, or a UP-wallah, or a Kolkatan. I spoke as a citizen who believes that the dignity of labour matters, that regional chauvinism is no better than communal hatred, and that we must call out prejudice—no matter the language it is spoken in.

India’s buses, like its streets and its courts, are microcosms of the nation itself. And every time we choose empathy over antagonism, sense over sentiment, and solidarity over spite, we inch closer to the country Tagore once imagined—not one bound by territory or tongue, but one bound by the shared spirit of justice and dignity.

The Weekend Threat to Democracy: Saturday, Sunday ‘Very Dangerous Days’ for Civil Rights Activists– Apoorvanand

Kolkata: “Saturday and Sunday have become very dangerous days for civil rights activists in India,” stated Professor Apoorvanand, a well-known advocate of civil rights, at an event in Kolkata.

He emphasized that the role of the police is to protect the civil rights of every citizen of India, whether they are prisoners, tribals, or Maoists.

“We don’t need to agree with what Maoists do, but they too have civil rights. The meaning of the rule of law is that everyone is equal and their rights should be protected. When we say this, we are told that we are demoralizing the police,” said Apoorvanand through a video message.

A Delhi University professor, Apoorvanand’s academic freedom was curtailed in April when he was barred from speaking in the United States by the Indian government. Speaking at the event titled- Margins to Mainstream: Empowering Bengal Through Civil Rights & Legal Justice., he said,

“If the civil rights of any section of society are violated, we should stand against it—even if it does not directly affect us.”

The conference was organized by the Bengal chapter of APCR (Association for Protection of Civil Rights).

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One of the conveners Sheikh Khurshid Alam delivers speech at the event

He cited two examples: police actions under the guise of Naxal eradication in Bastar and the arrest of Ashoka University professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad.

Referring to the latter case, Apoorvanand began:

“There was nothing wrong with Ali Khan’s social media post. Considering what is happening with Muslims in ‘Hindu Nation’ India (as the professor pointed out, neither the RSS nor BJP hides its Hindu Rashtra intentions), people were surprised to see Colonel Sophia Qureshi along with Foreign Secretary Misri and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh. BJP and RSS do not want to see Muslims in public life in positions of equality. So, while many were surprised, some were even happy. But the Haryana Women’s Commission Chairperson, Ms. Bhatia, did not like the post. And just because it was written by a Muslim and disliked by a Hindu, it was enough to lodge a case—despite the fact that no law was violated.”

He continued,

“In our country, even a rape victim struggles to get her complaint converted into an FIR so quickly. Yet, in this case, an FIR was registered with unusual speed, and Ali Khan was arrested at 6 a.m.”

“It’s a case of ‘process as punishment’, a practice used by the government. Though the court granted relief, it is a form of freedom that comes with a leash—his passport and laptop have been seized,” added Apoorvanand.

Nadeem Khan, All India Convener of APCR, highlighted the organization’s efforts to protect civil rights and the challenges it faces in Bengal.

Well-known city-based social activist Chotan Das, and advocates Muslima Begum Molla and Tarique Quasimuddin also addressed the gathering.
Social activists Manzar Jameel, Azhar Salim, Sheikh Khurshid Alam, and Rafay Siddiqui served as the conveners of the event.

American Democracy Is Retreating—The Streets Must Rise Again, Says US Scholar in Kolkata Talk

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Kolkata: In a stirring lecture that linked Cold War-era organizing to present-day struggles against authoritarianism, Professor Elisabeth Armstrong of Smith College delivered a powerful message: to counter the growing crises of inequality and fear-driven politics, solidarity and grassroots resistance are more essential than ever.

Speaking at Jadavpur University, Armstrong opened with a potent critique of contemporary America under Donald Trump, drawing a direct line from the radical political struggles of the 1970s to the polarized climate of today.

At the heart of her talk was a compelling historical analysis of the Communist Party USA’s grassroots organizing from 1974 to 1982. Rallying under the slogan “People Before Profits,” these movements challenged systemic racism, unchecked corporate power, and the imperialist ambitions of the U.S. military-industrial complex. Armstrong highlighted how Cold War-era repression and virulent anti-communism served to isolate and demonize leftist movements—paralleling modern tactics of political suppression and spectacle-driven governance.

Crucially, Armstrong spotlighted the role of Roy Cohn, the infamous political fixer and mentor to Trump, whose legacy of fear, aggression, and denial has become a blueprint for today’s authoritarian playbook. She argued that this ethos—rooted in a culture of division and deregulation—has left working-class Americans grappling with rising costs, wage stagnation, and an eroding public sphere. “Basic necessities like eggs have surged in price by up to 400% since 2019,” she noted, “a symptom of a deeper crisis of economic precarity.”

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Lessons from Revolutionary Organizing in the Cold War US to Trump 2.0 talk at Jadavpur University

Yet Armstrong’s lecture was far from a tale of despair. She urged a reawakening of collective political consciousness, asking, “What is it to change the political climate?” Drawing inspiration from the anti-Vietnam War protests and today’s pro-Palestine solidarity movements, she celebrated the resurgence of street-level activism—from labor union revivals to grassroots racial justice campaigns. “The streets,” she said, “are once again our democratic forums.”

The lecture, titled “Lessons from Revolutionary Organizing in the Cold War US to Trump 2.0,” was hosted by Perspectives: A Researchers’ Network in collaboration with the Centre for Marxian Studies at Jadavpur University. It drew a vibrant audience of students, academics, and activists eager to connect past struggles to present-day resistance.

Armstrong closed with a call to action: building solidarity across fragmented movements is challenging, but it is the only path forward. In an age of fear and fragmentation, she reminded the audience, unity remains the most radical and necessary act.