Worried about police brutality abroad, but what about violence that takes place in your own backyard?

Ranchi: The murder of George Floyd by the police has triggered a global movement that raises a voice against police brutality. In India, too, #blacklivesmatter was trending, with everyone from celebrities, social activists to the common man registering their voice and demanding justice. But by the looks of it, the movement has failed to make an impact in India, as we recently witnessed a father-son-duo (Jayaraj-Fenix) being brutally tortured to death in police custody in Tamil Nadu.

The multiple injuries on the bodies indicated the brutality inflicted on them was far worse than what Floyd had to endure while being choked to death. The case also highlights the fact that custodial deaths are a reality in India, to which many choose to turn a blind eye. Sadly, they often even fail to create outrage as in the case of Minhaj Ansari of Jharkhand.

Ansari’s murder is a prime example of police getting away with killing people in custody in India, unlike the four officers in Minneapolis, who have been charged with second-degree murder of George Floyd. The case is now under trial.

Ansari, resident of Jamtara, owner of a mobile repairing shop and a father of an eight-month-old daughter, died in police custody just because he was the admin of a WhatsApp group, in which someone had allegedly shared pictures of beef. For this, he was picked up by the police. Harish Pathak was then the officer of Narayanpur police station. Later, Ansari was brutally beaten up by police and also by the complainant — Sonu Singh, a Bajrang Dal member. Pathak and Singh allegedly assaulted Minhaj in front of his mother too. They mercilessly beat him to so much that Ansari succumbed to his injuries when he was rushed for treatment, just like the father-son duo who died in Tamil Nadu.

However, the injustice did not stop there, after a lot of struggle the family managed to get a murder charge slapped on Pathak, but eventually his suspension order was revoked. The trial against him did not begin and Pathak was able to get a stay on his case. Singh’s name was also erased from the charge-sheet filed by the police.

Four years down the line, the trial is yet to start. However, Pathak has now been posted in a police station which falls in the Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Hemant Soren’s constituency.

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The torture marks on the body of Minhaj, before he was buried (file picture)

“My brother was made the admin of a WhatsApp group by his friend, and then one of the members sent the alleged picture of beef to the group. Sonu Singh complained to police about his religious sentiments being hurt. After which the police picked up Minhaj (Ansari) from his house along with several others in the Whatsapp group on October 2, 2016, around 9 pm. Later, all were released by the police barring Minhaj. All those released by police had wounds from being beating on their bodies,” recalled Hazrat Ansari, Minhaj’s brother while talking to eNewsroom.

He paused and then added: “Next morning, when Ammi (Ajhela Bibi) went to visit Minhaj at the police station, she saw both Harish Pathak and Sonu Singh beating Minhaj. When my father and the Mukhiya reached the police station and confronted them, they were abused and sent back.”

An NDTV report had also claimed that when the police had called a press conference, Minhaj was seen slumped against the wall, without much body movement. His face was also covered with a piece of cloth suggesting that he had been subjected to severe beating.

“When police were taking him to Narayanpur from Jamtara, there is a village named Pobia. It was here that he was taken out of the vehicle and handed over to Sonu Singh, who beat him again mercilessly,” alleged the brother.

police brutality custodial death jharkhand minhaj ansari
Autopsy report of Minhaj Ansari, clearly mentions grave external and internal injuries on his body

After Ansari was declared dead in RIMS, Ranchi on October 9, his post-mortem report said there were signs of torture on his body. Doctors had even pointed out that Ansari might not have been fed for long while in police custody.

Ansari’s lawyer accused the police of murdering the young man in connivance with outsiders and then suppressing the victim’s case. “Our case against Pathak was registered on 6 October, 2016, which is four days after Pathak’s FIR against Minhaj. However, with Minhaj dying on 9 October, a departmental inquiry was set up against Pathak. But senior officials who had to start the inquiry did not begin it. They maintained that the department would start the inquiry only when Pathak’s criminal case proceedings ended,” said advocate A Allam while talking to eNewsroom.

“Pathak had registered two cases against Minhaj, one for circulating the beef message and the other against the victim’s family for attacking him. So we initially demanded that the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) club all three FIRs and investigate the matter,” said Allam.

In the charge-sheet not only was Sonu Singh’s name removed, but the section 302 (murder) of IPC had been changed to 304 (unintentional murder). “However, in our fight, a supplementary charge-sheet was filed and section 302 of IPC was mentioned in the case,” informed Allam.

The senior lawyer added, “His anticipatory bail was rejected twice by the court. However, six months ago Pathak managed to get a stay in the case.”

When contacted, Jamtara MLA Irfan Ansari, expressed concern and mentioned the Tweets he had posted after Harish Pathak became the Officer In-charge of Barhait police station. “This police officer is a psycho. He does not deserve to be posted anywhere, leave aside the CM constituency. Wherever he has gone, he committed wrong acts, his career is full of misdeed. I have raised this issue and will keep raising it.”

Meanwhile, Minhaj’s father Umar Mia recalled Rajya Sabha MP and JMM President Shibu Soren’s promise. He had promised the old man that he would help him get justice for his son.

eNewsroom tried reaching out to Pathak, but he could not be contacted for a comment.

“Bring Her Home”: SC Orders Return of Pregnant Sunali Khatun ‘Dumped’ Across Bangladesh Border

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Delhi/Kolkata: After months of uncertainty and anguish, a ray of hope broke through on December 3, when the Supreme Court of India—acting on a humanitarian plea—ordered the immediate repatriation of pregnant Sunali Khatun and her minor son, back to their ancestral home in Birbhum. The court’s decision marks a turning point in a saga that exposed the human cost of hasty deportations and the perilous administrative handling of citizenship identity.

Sunali’s ordeal began when she was deported to Bangladesh from Delhi solely for speaking Bengali — a claim that sparked outrage among human-rights advocates and communities across Bengal. Her forced expulsion, alongside five others, reverberated as a jarring example of how identity, language and religion are increasingly weaponised in cross-border deportation cases.

The Supreme Court, in its December 3 order, emphatically rejected a government proposal to first bring Sunali to New Delhi. Instead, justices directed authorities to ensure that she and her son are returned directly to Birbhum — a move widely welcomed as compassionate and respectful of the family’s dignity. The court also urged the state machinery to extend full medical support to Sunali, who is in an advanced stage of pregnancy, underscoring the urgency of her physical well-being.

Earlier on December 2, a court in Bangladesh had already granted bail to Sunali and the other five individuals, declaring that they had been “forcefully pushed” across the border without due process. Though now in safe custody, their wait for repatriation dragged on as legal and diplomatic channels slowly unfolded.

A Pregnancy, a Border, and a Battle for Identity

The saga took a turn on December 1, when the group was released, and Sunali publicly acknowledged the support of All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) leaders — including Mamata Banerjee and Abhishek Banerjee — for standing by her during the ordeal. The Supreme Court’s intervention came upon a petition filed by senior advocate Sanjay U Vacha, who emphasised the urgent need for physical verification and humane treatment.

At the heart of this case lies a broader debate: what it means to be Indian citizen when bureaucracy, identity and language intersect — and how easily due process can be bypassed when fear, prejudice or negligence dominate. The court’s observation on December 3 was sharp and unambiguous: if Sunali’s biological father is an Indian citizen, and was not deported, then there is no legitimate basis to label Sunali a foreigner or deport her. By that logic, her son too is an Indian citizen.

For Sunali, the court verdict is more than just a legal victory. It is a chance to reclaim her dignity, to return to her home, to prepare for childbirth surrounded by her people. For thousands of others watching closely, her case is a beacon of hope — a reminder that the law can still uphold humanity in a fraught political environment.

Citizenship, Bureaucracy, and the Faultlines of Justice

As of now, the country awaits the logistics of their return. Once back, Sunali’s safe repatriation will stand as a fitting rebuke to those who — under the guise of national security or migration control — treat ordinary citizens as disposable.

In many ways, this case transcends one woman’s suffering. It speaks to the larger condition of marginalised communities, whose lives — vulnerable to sudden dislocation — depend on the vigilance of courts and the conscience of the nation.

Sunali’s walk back home is not just a physical journey. It is a testimony to resilience, dignity and the enduring promise of justice.

Unregulated Access, Unchecked Power: The Hidden Dangers of India’s Mandatory Sanchar Saathi App

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Delhi: The Government of India’s directive requiring the preinstallation of the Sanchar Saathi application on all smartphones marks a critical inflection point in the country’s digital governance framework.

According to the Department of Telecommunications, the app is designed to help users verify device authenticity, block stolen phones and identify fraudulent SIM cards. Its stated purpose is crime prevention. Yet the mechanism chosen to deliver these benefits represents a far deeper structural shift. A government-controlled application, embedded at the system level and granted permissions that expose telephony metadata, effectively creates a persistent state presence inside every smartphone.

The gap between official justification and technological implementation reveals the core tension. The government frames Sanchar Saathi as a convenience feature. In practice, its architecture enables the possibility of population-level metadata access. This contradiction is not philosophical. It is infrastructural.

The official rationale and its unresolved contradiction

According to the Press Information Bureau’s release on 28 November 2025, the amended Telecom Cyber Security rules require every smartphone manufacturer to preload Sanchar Saathi and ensure that it remains visible and functional upon first use. The directive applies to devices already in the supply chain through software updates. This is not a recommendation. It is a binding mandate.

Amid public criticism, Telecom Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia attempted to defuse concerns, telling The Economic Times that the app is optional and can be deleted, and that its purpose is limited to fraud prevention. However, this assurance does not alter the legal text of the directive. Technical implementation follows the directive, not the press conference. The ministerial reassurance and the regulatory order therefore remain in unresolved contradiction.

The permissions architecture exposes a deeper risk

According to the Sanchar Saathi privacy policy available on sancharsaathi.gov.in, the app requests permissions that include making and managing phone calls, sending SMS, reading call logs, accessing SMS logs, viewing stored media and using the camera. Independent analyses by Jagran and MediaNama confirm that these permissions are both present and functional.

These permissions matter because they expose highly sensitive metadata. Call logs reveal the structure of a person’s social network. SMS logs reveal communication patterns. Device identifiers can map mobility histories. According to a peer-reviewed study by de Montjoye and colleagues in Scientific Reports, even four spatio-temporal data points are sufficient to identify most individuals in a large dataset. Metadata is therefore not a harmless alternative to content. It is a powerful substrate for profiling, inference and reidentification at scale.

When the state mandates that such a tool reside on every device, it creates the potential for systemic metadata surveillance, regardless of stated intent. In a democratic society, the existence of such an architecture, not merely the assurances that accompany it, determines its risk.

System-level installation turns the app into infrastructure

Android platform documentation makes clear that system applications enjoy elevated privileges compared to user-installed apps. They can bypass certain permission checks, resist user removal and integrate more deeply with telephony APIs. When the DoT directive instructs manufacturers to ensure that core functionalities cannot be disabled, it extends the mandate beyond service delivery. It embeds the service into the device.

This is why the minister’s claim that the app can be deleted is technically ambiguous. Removing an icon does not necessarily remove the underlying package, its forensic footprint or its telephony hooks. On many devices, removing a system application requires rooting, which voids warranty protections and exposes users to security risks. For ordinary citizens, deletion becomes a symbolic rather than functional option.

Apple’s refusal clarifies the scale of intrusion

According to Reuters, Apple informed the government that it would not comply with the mandate because iOS does not permit third-party applications to access call logs or manage telephony functions. The Verge reports that Apple argued the mandate violates its core privacy design principles.

The refusal is instructive. It demonstrates that the intended integration is incompatible with high-standard privacy models. The objection was not political. It was architectural. Android permits deeper telephony access. iOS does not. As a result, Indian citizens who rely on more affordable Android devices will be exposed to levels of state-integrated access that would be technologically impossible on iPhones.

The policy thus creates a two-tier privacy regime based not on constitutional protections but on economic capability.

Governance gaps magnify the structural harm

Digital rights organisations, including the Internet Freedom Foundation, argue that the Sanchar Saathi mandate lacks adequate legal safeguards, as reported by The News Minute. India still lacks a fully independent data protection regulator with robust investigative powers. Without such an authority, assurances that data will be used only to prevent fraud remain unenforceable.

The Sanchar Saathi privacy policy states that user data may be shared with law enforcement when “required by law,” a clause devoid of statutory specificity. Without judicial oversight, mandatory transparency reports, access logs or data retention limits, this clause risks becoming an open conduit for expanded surveillance.

Historically, systems introduced for narrow safety purposes have often widened in scope once integrated into state infrastructure. Without independent regulatory checks, mission creep becomes a predictable risk rather than a remote possibility.

Metadata architecture cannot be separated from political context

Intent and capability must be viewed separately. While the government may intend only to prevent fraud, the architecture it has mandated enables population-level metadata capture. Once such a system exists, future governments, intelligence agencies or law enforcement units may find ample incentives to expand its use.

A system-level application present on every smartphone becomes an attractive instrument for political profiling, protest monitoring, counter-terror operations or targeted social control. Absent strong institutional constraints, these incentives tend to prevail over initial assurances.

Democracies therefore build systems with inherent limitations rather than trusting voluntary restraint. A right that depends on discretion is not a right. It is a privilege that can be revoked.

Proportionate alternatives already exist

According to official CEIR documentation, IMEI verification and device blocking already operate through web platforms and SMS commands. These services do not require deep telephony permissions.

A more proportionate design would include making Sanchar Saathi entirely opt-in, restricting its permissions to camera access for barcode scanning and network access for reporting, publishing its full source code for independent audit, imposing statutory limits including judicial oversight for any law-enforcement access and prohibiting manufacturers from placing the app in system partitions.

These measures would preserve the legitimate aim of fraud prevention while avoiding the hazards of systemic device-level integration.

The issue is not intent. It is architecture.

According to the government, Sanchar Saathi is a digital safety tool. According to the directive, it is a compulsory system-level component. According to the minister, it is optional. According to its permissions, it exposes sensitive metadata. According to industry analyses, it violates privacy architecture norms. According to civil society, it lacks sufficient oversight.

All of these claims cannot be true at the same time.

India is at a decisive moment. The country can choose a rights-respecting model of cyber safety, grounded in transparency, consent and minimal privilege. Or it can choose a model that embeds a permanent state interface into the personal devices of more than a billion people. In its current form, Sanchar Saathi moves India toward the latter. That path requires far greater scrutiny before it becomes internalised as normal.

A democracy protects citizens not only from fraud but also from the silent expansion of unregulated state power. To maintain that balance, the Sanchar Saathi mandate must be reconsidered and redesigned with constitutional principles at its core.

होमबाउंड: दलित–मुस्लिम पहचान पर नए भारत की सियासत का कड़वा सच

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फिल्म ‘मसान’ से चर्चित हुए निर्देशक नीरज घायवान की फिल्म ‘होमबाउंड’ बॉलीबुड के फिल्मी पैटर्न को तोड़ती हुई फिल्म है। इस फिल्म के नायक (चाहें तो मुख्य पात्र कहें) चंदन वाल्मीकि और शोएब मलिक दो व्यक्ति नहीं हैं, बल्कि समकालीन भारतीय समाज में दलितों-मुसलमानों के प्रातिनिधिक चरित्र हैं। कोई व्यक्ति या कोई खलनायक इनके जिंदगी के सपने, गरिमा, आत्मसम्मान और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकारों को नहीं रौंदता हैं, इनसे इनका किसी और के जैसा ही इंसान होने का हक नहीं छीनता है, पूरा का पूरा सिस्टम रौंदता है, कुचलता है। दलित समुदाय का चंदन वाल्मीकि तो सैंकड़ों वर्षों से वर्ण-जातिवादी व्यवस्था, संस्कृति, जीवन-मूल्यों, आदर्शों और मनोविज्ञान की पग-पग मार झेलता ही रहा है, शोएब भी नए हिंदू राष्ट्र के पैरोकारों के निज़ाम में चंदन की नियति को पहुंच गया है। कुछ मामलों में चंदन से भी बदतर स्थिति में भी।

चंदन फिल्म में एक-दो बार शोएब को हिंदू नाम देकर पिटाई-अपमान से बचाने की कोशिश करता है। हां, एक-दो बार वह खुद को मुस्लिम के रूप में प्रस्तुत करके शोएब के साथ मार भी खाता है। हालांकि ऐसा नहीं है कि शोएब के प्रति पहले दुराग्रह-पूर्वाग्रह नहीं थे, पर नए निज़ाम ने उसे खाद-पानी देकर एक बीज को पूरा का पूरा बरगद का पेड़ बना दिया है।

जाति–धर्म की संयुक्त कैद में दो सपने

वैसे तो इस देश में चंदन वाल्मीकि और शोएब मलिक होना ही किसी इंसान की नियति तय करने के लिए आज काफी है, इसके साथ ही दोनों का मेहनत-मजूरी करने वाले मां-बाप का बेटा होना, रही-सही कसर पूरी कर देता है। नीरज घेवान को भारतीय समाज के इस सच का पूरी तरह अहसास है कि यदि आप वाल्मीकि हैं, मुस्लिम हैं, उसके मजदूर वर्गीय स्थिति के हैं, तो आपके लिए देश में ज्यादातर रास्ते बंद हैं। आपकी उड़ान की हर कोशिश को, अपनी जातीय-धार्मिक और वर्गीय वंचना से निकलने के हर प्रयास को नाकाम बना देने के लिए पूरा का पूरा सिस्टम मौजूद है। फिर आप चाहे कितने ही काबिल और होनहार क्यों न हों। सामाजिक-धार्मिक तौर पर निम्न स्थिति के साथ वर्गीय निम्न स्थिति जब जुड़ जाती है, तब इस देश में स्थिति कितनी भयावह हो जाती है, यह चंदन-शोएब की कोशिशों और नाकामयाबियों से समझा जा सकता है, जिसकी अत्यंत यथार्थपरक प्रस्तुति यह फिल्म करती है।

चंदन-शोएब का घर आस-पास है। वैसे भी इस देश के शहरों में दलित-मुस्लिम मुहल्ले और आवास आसपास ही अक्सर होते हैं। विशेषकर गरीब और निम्न मध्यवर्गी बड़े हिस्से की। चंदन वाल्मिकी हिंदू समाज के श्रेणीक्रम में जहां खड़ा है, वहां हिंदूपन की बू का शिकार होकर शोएब से घृणा करने का कोई संस्कार नहीं पाया है या उसके पास इसकी कोई वजह नहीं हैं। शोएब भी हिंदू के बू के शिकार किसी लड़के या परिवार से शायद ही घना दोस्ताना रिश्ता बना पाए, खासकर आज के दौर में। दोनों के बीच घनी दोस्ती है। साथ ही पढ़ते हैं, अक्सर साथ ही रहते हैं, साथ ही खेलते हैं, एक-दूसरे के घर खाते-पीते हैं। दोनों के मां-पिता और बहन एक दूसरे की मां-पिता और बहन जैसे ही हैं। दोनों के सपने भी एक ही हैं– पुलिस में भर्ती होना। पुलिस में भर्ती होकर दोनों अपनी और अपने परिवार की दो बुनियादी समस्याएं हल करना चाहते हैं। पहली आर्थिक। चंदन की मां, पिता, बहन और खुद चंदन की सबसे बड़ी इच्छा है कि उनका एक पक्का घर हो, यही सबसे बड़ा सपना है। पिता खटते हैं, बहन पढ़ाई छोड़कर स्कूल में दाई का काम करती है। बच्चों के पोतड़े साफ करती है। लेकिन पिता-बहन की कमाई से इतना नहीं जुट पाता कि वे अपने लिए पक्का घर बना सकें। सारा कुछ चंदन और उसके भविष्य पर निर्भर है। शोएब का सबसे बड़ा ख्वाब पिता के पैर का आपरेशन करना है, ताकि वे चल सकें।

वर्दी का वादा, ज़िंदगी का धोखा

दोनों इंटर पास हैं। पुलिस भर्ती की तैयारी कर रहे हैं। फार्म भर रहे हैं। परीक्षा दे रहे हैं। पहले परीक्षा नहीं होती, परीक्षाएं कभी होती हैं, तो रिजल्ट नहीं आता। लेकिन दोनों एक अन्य बड़े कारण से पुलिस में भर्ती होना चाहते हैं। वह कारण यह कि उन्हें लगता है कि यदि वे पुलिस बन जाएंगे, तो वाल्मीकि होने और मुस्लिम होने के चलते होने वाले रोज-रोज के अपमान और संघर्ष से मुक्ति मिल जाएगी। उनका आत्मसम्मान और व्यक्तिगत गरिमा वापस मिल जाएगी। चंदन कई बार एससी कैटेगरी में नहीं सामान्य कैटेगरी में फार्म भरता है ताकि वहां पुलिस में भी उसे वाल्माकि होने के चलते अपमानित न होना पड़े या किया जाए। अलग-अलग कारणों से दोनों पुलिस में भर्ती नहीं हो पाते। चंदन के अंतिम तौर पर भर्ती होने की जब सूचना आती है, तब तक उसकी मौत हो चुकी है। शोएब के पास एक विकल्प अरब देशों में जाने का है, लेकिन वह मां-बाप का अकेला बेटा है, वह उन्हें और अपने परिवेश को छोड़कर जाना नहीं चाहता है। चंदन अंत मे गुजरात मजदूरी करने जाता है। बाद में शोएब भी उसके पास ही आ जाता है। अंत में दोनों की नियति उन्हे फैक्ट्री में मजदूर बना देती है। दोनों अपने-अपने मजदूर परिवार को हाड़-तोड़ मेहनत-मजूदरी से बाहर निकालना चाहते हैं, खुद भी निकलना चाहते हैं, लेकिन उन्हें मजदूर ही बने रहना पड़ता है।

कोविड का प्रहार: 1200 किलोमीटर की मौत-यात्रा

दोनों के सपने कुछ उड़ान भरते है, तभी कोविड काल शुरू हो जाता है। सपने अधूरे ही दम तोड़ देते हैं। चंदन 1200 किलोमीटर की घर-वापसी की यात्रा में दम तोड़ देता है, शोएब की बाहों में। उसे बचाने की शोएब की सारी कोशिश नाकामयाब हो जाती है। फिल्म कोविड काल की मजदूरों पर पड़ी मार, पुलिसिया दमन और सिस्टम की निर्ममता का भी जीता-जागता चित्र प्रस्तुत करती है। इस पूरी प्रक्रिया में चंदन और शोएब के गहन मानवीय रिश्ते (दोस्ती) को फिल्म इस तरह सामने लाती है कि दर्शक के मन में इंसानी भाव भीतर तक भर जाता है। चंदन का शोएब की बाहों में दम तोड़ने का दृश्य, चंदन मर रहा है या शोएब, इसके बीच के अंतर को मिटा देता है।

ऑफिस की दीवारों में बंद अदृश्य सांप्रदायिकता

शोएब पुलिस भर्ती में असफल घोषित होने के बाद एक प्राइवेट फर्म में चपरासी का काम करता है। वहां अपनी योग्यता साबित करके सेल्समैन बन जाता है। उसकी जिंदगी उड़ान लेने की ओर बढ़ती है, सपने पूरा होने की ओर बढ़ते हैं। पर एक दिन जब उसी फर्म के लोग भारत-पाकिस्तान का क्रिकेट मैच देखने के लिए एक जगह जुटते हैं, पार्टी करते हैं। शोएब मैच के दौरान भारतीय टीम के सपोर्ट में सहज ही उत्साहित हो रहा है, तालियां बजा रहा है, लेकिन उसके ऑफिस के वरिष्ठ सहकर्मी भारत की जीत के उल्लास और विजयी भाव को जाहिर करने के लिए अकारण शोएब को धर्म के आधार पर निशाना बनाते हैं, उसे पाकिस्तानी टीम का समर्थक घोषित करते हैं, उसके खान-पान की खिल्ली उड़ाते हैं। उसकी मां के बनाए मूंग के हलवे को धर्म से जोड़कर गंदे इशारे करते हैं। स्थिति शोएब के लिए असहनीय हो जाती है और वह नौकरी छोड़ देता है। हालांकि यह ऑफिस में पहली घटना नहीं थी, लेकिन धर्म-पहचान आधारित छोटे-छोटे अपमानों को वह टालता रहता था। लेकिन किसी भी व्यक्ति की अपमान सहने की कोई न कोई तो सीमा होती ही है, उस दिन शोएब के लिए वह हद पार हो जाती है। ऐसा नहीं कि उस ऑफिस में कुछ एक अच्छे हिंदू नहीं है, हैं। लेकिन बहुत ही कम। उनकी आवाज उतनी मुखर नहीं है, जितनी धर्म-पहचान के आधार अपमानित करने वालों की।

ऐसा नहीं है कि इस फिल्म में सिर्फ त्रासदी ही त्रासदी है, खुशियों के पल नही हैं, प्यार के पल नहीं हैं, जीवन कभी ऐसा नहीं होता है। हर स्थिति में इंसान खुश होने का रास्ता ढूंढ़ ही लेता है, अपने सपनों को पूरा करने की कोशिश तो करता ही है। पढ़ाई और पुलिस भर्ती की तैयारी के दौरान चंदन-शोएब पूरी उम्मीद से भरे हैं, उन्हें अपनी मेहनत और तैयारी पर भरोसा है कि वे पुलिस में भर्ती जरूर हो जाएंगे। इस पढ़ाई, तैयारी और सपने देखने के दौरान वे खुशियों से उछलते हैं, कुलाचें भरते हैं। परिवार की गरीबी दूर हो जाएगी, घर बना जाएगा, पिता का आपरेशन हो जाएगा, पुलिस में भर्ती होते ही चंदन वाल्मीकि होने और शोएब मलिक होने के अपमान से छुटी मिल जाएगी। बस कुछ दिनों की बात है। यह सब सोचकर उनके दिल उमंग-उत्साह से भरे हुए हैं। बुरे दिन कुछ दिनों की बात है, यह उन्हें गहरी दिलासा दिलाता है।

इस सपने के टूटने के बाद अपनी नियति मान जब वे गुजरात में मजदूरी करने लगते हैं, जिंदगी की गाड़ी आगे बढ़ती है, पैसे घर भेजने लगते हैं। चंदन के घर के निर्माण का काम शुरू हो जाता है। पूरा घर खुश है। शोएब भी पैसा जुटाकर और कर्ज लेकर पिता के आपरेशन के पैसे जुटाता है, आपरेशन हो जाता है। खुशी का एक नया दौर आता है। सभी युवा मजदूर गुजरात में अभावों के बीच भी मौज-मस्ती का कोई न कोई रास्ता निकाल लेते हैं। वह शोएब के घर से आए अचार की छीना-छपटी ही क्यों न हो।

मोहब्बत, मज़दूरी और टूटते सपनों की दास्तान

फिल्म में एक नायिका भी है, यदि उसे नायिका कहना चाहें। सुधा भारती नाम है। चंदन वाल्मीकि और उसके बीच प्यार की एक डोर बंधी हैं। चंदन की जिंदगी में सुधा का प्यार उमस भरी गर्मी में एक ठंडी बहार के जैसी है, लेकिन चंदन की जिंदगी और सुधा की जिंदगी में बंबइया फिल्मों के प्रेमी जोड़े की तरह सिर्फ उछल-कूद, आह-उह, देवदास-पारो की तरह गम में डूबे रहने का वक्त नहीं हैं। परिवार, मां-बाप-बहन की रोटी, आवास और एक सम्मानजनक रोजगार माउंट एवरेस्ट की तरह सामने खड़ा है, जिसकी चढ़ाई की कोशिश में ही सारा दम निकल जाता है। यहां तक की मौत भी हो जाती है। फिल्म यहां थोड़ी कमजोर दिखी, सुधा के जीवन और जीवन-संघर्षों को दिखाने के लिए फिल्म में कोई स्पेस नहीं है। ऐसा लगता है कि सुधा को सिर्फ चंदन के चरित्र को उभारने के लिए लाया गया है। जबकि सुधा के माध्यम से जातीय-धार्मिक पहचान की कीमत क्या चुकानी पड़ती है, उसके साथ लैंगिक पहचान की कीमत क्या चुकानी पड़ती है, उसे भी सामने लाया जा सकता था। खैर जो नहीं है, वह नहीं है। सुधा को अंत में चंदन की लाश ही देखने को मिलती है।

कला की दृष्टि से इस फिल्म की सबसे अच्छी बात यह है कि व्यक्तियों के नायकत्व और खलनायकत्व की जगह उस समाजशास्त्र, धर्मशास्त्र, अर्थशास्त्र और उससे बनने वाले पूरी की पूरी व्यवस्था को कटघरे में खड़ा किया गया है। फिल्म में व्यक्ति केवल उस व्यवस्था के प्रतिनिधि के रूप में सामने आते हैं। चंदन वाल्मीकि और शोएब मलिक कुछ एक व्यक्तियों की अपराधिक मानसिकता के शिकार नहीं है, बल्कि पूरी की पूरी समाज व्यवस्था उनके प्रति आपराधिक है। कुछ व्यक्ति यदि अपराधी हों तो उनको ठीक किया जा सकता है, दंडित किया जा सकता है। लेकिन जहां पूरी की पूरी समाज व्यवस्था ही आपराधिक हो, वहां तो व्यक्तियों को नहीं, व्यवस्था को बदलने का कार्यभार सामने आ जाता है। इस फिल्म की एक यह बड़ी खूबी है। फिल्म देखते समय आपको कुछ व्यक्तियों से नहीं, उस पूरी व्यवस्था से नफरत होती है, जो वर्ण-जाति-वर्ग या धार्मिक पहचान के आधार पर सोचती है और व्यवहार करती हैं तथा जहां किसी व्यक्ति की नियति उसकी वर्ण-जाति-वर्ग और धार्मिक पहचान से निर्धारित होती है। फिल्म व्यक्ति और समाज के द्वंद्वात्मक रिश्ते के इस नाजुक संतुलन को कायम रखने में फिल्म कामयाब रही है।

रोजमर्रा के अपमानों का समकालीन भारतीय महाकाव्य

इस फिल्म की दूसरी कलात्मक खूबी यह है कि चंदन-शोएब जैसे लोगों के जीवन-यथार्थ को किसी अति पर ले जाकर अवास्तविक नहीं बनाती है। दलित-मुस्लिम उत्पीड़न को दिखाने के लिए किसी कभी-कभी दिल दहला देने वाली घटनाओं को विषय नहीं बनाती, जिसके बारे में कहा जा सके कि यह तो कभी-कभार होता है या कुछ एक के साथ होता है। वह भारतीय समाज के रोजमर्रा के जीवन में सहज-स्वाभविक तरीके से दलितों-मुसलमानों के साथ घटित होने वाले यथार्थ को अपना विषय बनाती है, जो रोज-बरोज बहुसख्यक दलितों-मुसमलानों के साथ हो रहा है। जो सहज व स्वाभाविक बहुतों के लिए बन चुका है। लेकिन यह सहज-स्वाभविक अपराध जिनके साथ घटते हैं, उनके लिए किस कदर भयावह होते हैं, कितना जानलेवा होता हैं, फिल्म उसे सामने लाती है। जो किसी के लिए सहज-सामान्य व्यवहार है, वह किसी के लिए कितना यातनादायी है, इसकी ओर ध्यान दिलाती है।

फिल्म में यदि जाह्नवी कपूर को छोड़ दिया जाए तो किसी स्टार-सुपरस्टार को नहीं लिया गया है। फिल्म में जाह्नवी की भूमिका बहुत छोटी है, उनका स्टारडम हावी नहीं होने पाया है। ईशान खट्टर (शोएब मलिक) और विशाल जेठवा (चंदन वाल्मीकि) का अभिनेता रूप फिल्म के चरित्रों पर हावी नहीं होता। अभिनेता और चरित्र पूरी तरह एकाकार हैं। चरित्रों पर अभिनेता हावी नहीं हैं।

फिल्म में एक अन्य रेखांकित करने लायक चीज यह है कि यह बड़े-बड़े विमर्शों की फिल्म नहीं है। हिंदी में कई चर्चित विमर्श आधारित कलात्मक फिल्में भी बनी हैं, जिसके लिए नसीरूद्दीन शाह, ओमपुरी, अनुपम खेर आदि जाने जाते रहे हैं। विमर्श आधारित फिल्में बौद्धिक वर्ग के एक हिस्से तक तो अपना प्रयोजन संप्रेषित कर पाती हैं, लेकिन आम आदमी उससे जुड़ नहीं पाता। यह फिल्म सामान्य जिंदगी की कहानी को बिलकुल सामान्य तरीके से प्रस्तुत करती है, बिना किसी विशेष ताम-झाम या अबूझ संकेतों के। चंदन या शोएब की जिंदगी वाल्मिकी समाज या व्यापक अर्थों में दलित समाज और शोएब की जिंदगी मुस्लिम समाज के निम्म मध्यवर्गीय युवाओं की सपनों-संघर्षों की जिंदगी है। ऐसे एक दो नहीं, करोड़ों युवा और उनके संघर्ष आसानी से देखे जा सकते हैं।

निर्देशक नीरज घायवान ने भारतीय समाज में जाति, धर्म और वर्ग के बीच के रिश्ते कैसे घुले-मिले हैं, कैसे आपस में गुथे हुए हैं, कैसे किसी व्यक्ति या व्यक्तियों की जिंदगी की दिशा और नियति तय करते हैं, इसको पकड़ने और प्रस्तुत करने में कामयाबी हासिल की है।

नीरज घायवन की यह हिंदी फ़िल्म ‘होमबाउंड’ ऑस्कर, 2026 (98वें अकादमी पुरस्कार) में सर्वश्रेष्ठ अंतर्राष्ट्रीय फीचर फ़िल्म श्रेणी के लिए भारत की आधिकारिक प्रविष्टि चुनी गई है। इसे ऑस्कर मिले। इससे न केवल निर्देशक और फिल्म यूनिट के लिए, सिनेमा जगत के लिए और देश के लिए भी अच्छी बात होगी। उससे अच्छी बात यह होगी, शायद इस बहाने इस देश के हाशिए पर फेंक दिए गए दलित-मुस्लिम और मेहनतकश लोग और उनकी स्थिति लोगों की आंखों के सामने आए, उनके दिलों में उतरे।

Indian Team Discovers 53 Giant Radio Quasars, Some 50 Times Bigger Than the Milky Way

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Kolkata: A team of four Indian astronomers from West Bengal discovers 53 new rare giant radio quasars, 20 to 50 times bigger than the Milky Way. A research paper named “Unveiling New Giant Radio Quasars from the TGSS Sky and Their Large-scale Environment,” published in the The Astrophysical Journal Supplement Series, tells of this.

A team of four Indian astronomers, led by prominent astronomer Dr Sabyasachi Pal of Midnapore City College, recently discovered 369 radio quasars exhibiting enormous radio jets that stretch from approximately 0.2 to nearly 7.2 million light-years using data from the TIFR GMRT Sky Survey (TGSS) at 150 MHz. Of the newly discovered astronomical objects, 53 have been identified as giant radio quasars.

How Bengal’s Astronomers Mapped the Universe’s Longest Radio Jets

Under the leadership of Dr Pal, two young scientists, Dr Souvik Manik from Midnapore City College and Dr Netai Bhukta from Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University, conducted much of the work. Dr Sushanta K Mondal from Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University also contributed significantly to this project. The researchers used the TGSS data because its low observing frequency, wide sky coverage, and high sensitivity of the GMRT (the Giant Metrewave Radio Telescope) make it ideal for identifying such gigantic radio-emitting structures in the distant universe.

Quasars are supermassive black holes, typically containing ten million to a billion times the mass of the Sun, surrounded by intensely luminous disks of gas and dust, and are found at the centers of distant galaxies. Only a small fraction of quasars emit strong radio waves, and most of these radio sources appear compact at radio wavelengths. However, a tiny subset of these rare radio-emitting quasars exhibit enormous radio jets that shine brightly in radio wavelengths, stretching across several million light-years, known as giant radio quasars.

Why Giant Radio Quasars Hold Clues to Black Hole Evolution

Their projected jet lengths span several million light-years. Young scientist Dr Souvik Manik added, “The sizes of these radio jets are not comparable to our solar system or even our galaxy; we are talking about twenty to fifty Milky Way diameters placed side by side.” Galaxies that emit radio signals are called radio galaxies. Each radio galaxy has one or more supermassive black holes at its center. Jets of charged particles are emitted in two directions from the region near these black holes, which are mainly visible at radio wavelengths. The jets from these radio galaxies are sometimes larger than the Milky Way.

At the center of these systems lies a supermassive black hole that draws in the surrounding gas and dust through an accretion disk. As this material spirals inward, it becomes extremely hot and ionized, producing intense magnetic fields in the inner regions of the disk. These fields are believed to channel and accelerate streams of high-energy plasma away from the black hole’s poles, forming powerful relativistic jets that shoot out in opposite directions and travel vast distances through space. Over time, these jets inflate into enormous lobes of radio-emitting plasma that extend far beyond the visible boundaries of their host galaxies. “Their enormous radio jets make these quasars valuable for understanding both the late stages of their evolution and the intergalactic medium in which they expand, the tenuous gas that confines their radio lobes millions of light-years from the central black hole,” said Dr Pal.

Chaotic Early Universe Explains Extreme Jet Asymmetry, Say Researchers

Dr Pal also tells us that the addition of 53 new giant radio quasars significantly expands the known population of such rare objects. The main significance is the size of the newly assembled sample, which is larger than many earlier catalogs. Interestingly, the enormous sizes of these quasars also provide clues about how long jets remain active and how quickly they expand.

Many leading astronomers and research groups have highlighted that uncovering such a powerful and distant quasar provides an important opportunity to study the formation and evolution of supermassive black holes at megaparsec scales as well as the conditions of the early universe and its surrounding environment, jet evolution, and the physical conditions of the young cosmos. Several teams have also remarked that the discovery demonstrates the continued scientific value of archival radio surveys and the capabilities of low-frequency radio telescopes in revealing rare, high-redshift objects.

“It appears that the environment plays a major role in shaping how these radio jets evolve,” comments Dr Bhukta. “In denser regions, the jets might be slowed down, bent, or disrupted by the surrounding gas, while in emptier regions, they can grow freely across the intergalactic medium.” Although most quasars launch two opposing radio jets, the team observed that these jets are often unequal in length or brightness, a feature known as radio jet asymmetry. Regarding this, “This asymmetry tells us that these jets are battling against an uneven cosmic environment,” explained Dr Mondal. “On one side, the jet may be ploughing into denser clouds of intergalactic gas, slowing its growth, while the other side expands freely through a thinner medium.” The team also found that giant quasars at higher redshifts tend to show greater asymmetry than lower-redshift sources. This could be because the early universe was more chaotic and filled with denser gas that distorted the jets’ paths. This observation offers insight into how galaxies and their environments evolved during that era.

Dr Pal informs us that follow-up observations are already underway using the upgraded GMRT and the Very Large Array for further advanced studies. They’re also conducting optical or infrared spectroscopy for precise redshifts and X-ray observations to probe the hot gas around the host galaxies. In this way, discoveries of many new giant quasar models directly strengthen the black hole theory and indirectly improve the modern cosmological models.

Sundarbans Faces Climate Emergency as Study Finds Mangrove Loss and Long-Ignored Community Radio Need

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Kolkata: Tiger widows, mangroves, microplastics, natural calamities, community radio needs, migration and more came under sharp focus at Aliah University’s Park Circus campus, where students and researchers presented their findings from a recent study tour of the Sundarbans.

Speaking about the tour research exhibition, the Mangrove man of Bengal – Uma Shankar Mondal said, “Such study tours need to be encouraged. What made this special was the fact that it was multidisciplinary. I think this happened for the first time in the history of the Sundarbans.”

Students Flag Microplastic Threats and Community Needs

When asked, how good were the research reports of the students. He said: “A particular one that caught my attention related to my area of interest – the mangroves. It talked about how microplastic was affecting the mangrove sediments and its root system. There is ample scope to make this an in-depth study.

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Sundarbans | Arranged

A few needs of the community inhabiting the Sundarbans – like the need of a community radio system; low cost tools to check purity of the honey collected by the honey collectors of the area and how the Bonobibi- the local deity is worshipped by the Hindu and Muslim locals of the area, were shared with the audience.

In the inaugural session, Professor Rafiqul Islam, VC, Aliah University underscored the importance of research that contributes directly to society, noting that the seminar supports the collaborative spirit of NEP 2020.

Speaking to eNewsroom, Ghazala Yasmin, assistant professor at the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication said: “This study tour was indeed an enriching experience for our students and we intend to do more such tours to understand the area.”

She added, “Our departmental study of the area, we discovered that the need for a community radio for the Sundarbans has been long ignored. The locals still rely on primitive modes of communications, which yield little result during disaster management.”

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The tour exhibition | eNewsroom

Affirming the need was Biplab Das, an IIM Bangalore graduate, who left his corporate job with Accenture to start the Kishalaya Foundation to serve the people of the area. Das said, “Having worked in the region, I feel that there is a pressing need for a community radio to help the women stay connected with the outside world. Such radios can even come handy during natural calamities.”

Arabic Influences and Climate Risks Documented

A parallel study conducted by the Department of Arabic found strong evidence of Arabic linguistic and cultural influence in the Sundarbans. Arabic words such as haqq (truth), mahalla (neighbourhood), adab (manners/literature), haqiqah (reality), baqi (remaining), and batil(false/void) have blended into the local Bengali dialect., thereby making researchers conclude that Arabic’s impact on the Sundarbans extends beyond language, shaping historical and spiritual identities across generations.

Results of other studies related to Climate change highlighted Mangrove degradation and species shift, bank erosion at Kaikhali and Jharkhali and loss of soil fertility. The study report stressed on Mangrove restoration, climate resilient embankments, rainwater harvesting can be some adaptation and mitigation measures.

Worst Loss in 93 Years: 408-Run Hammering Amplifies Demands for Gambhir and Agarkar’s Resignations

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India bowled out for 140 chasing 549. Margin of defeat; 408 runs.

It is officially the heaviest defeat by runs in India’s 93-year Test history. In the space of thirteen months, the same team that once lorded over the world from its own backyard has been whitewashed twice at home – first by New Zealand 0-3, now by South Africa 2-0. The fortress is rubble. The aura is dead. And the people responsible still sit in their chairs.

This is no longer a “transition phase”. This is systemic failure, arrogance, and outright incompetence at the very top of Indian cricket’s selection and coaching structure. Gautam Gambhir and Ajit Agarkar must be relieved of their duties immediately. Anything less is an insult to every Indian who woke up at 4 am in the morning to watch their team get humiliated.

An Unstable, Experiment-Obsessed Batting Order

In the last 13 home Tests (2024-25), India have used; 6 different No. 3s (Rahul, Sudharsan, Jurel, Washington, Karun Nair, and even Nitish Reddy), 5 different openers after Rohit’s retirement, 4 different middle-order combinations in the last four Tests alone

The result? India’s batting average in home Tests since November 2024 is a grotesque 26.4 – lower than Bangladesh and Zimbabwe in the same cycle. Against South Africa, the team was bowled out for 227, 164, 201, and 140. Not a single century in eight innings at home – a record last seen in 1932.

When legends retire, you replace them with your best domestic performers, not with IPL cameo artists. Yet the selectors and coach chose chaos over stability.

Blind Favoritism Over Blatant Merit

Some names have become untouchable regardless of performance:
Sai Sudharsan: 10 consecutive Tests at No. 3 in 2025. Average: 16.67. Highest score: 34.
Still played ahead of Sarfaraz Khan (Test average 55.66) and Rajat Patidar (first-class average 51).

Dhruv Jurel: Kept at Nos. 4-6 despite scores of 0, 6, 1, 0, 9 in his last five innings.

Sarfaraz Khan, who averages 69 in first-class cricket and 55 in Tests, was not even in the 16-man squad.

Harshit Rana & Nitish Reddy: Persistent selections on potential and “balance” while

Mohammed Shami – fully fit, 15 Ranji wickets at 10.46 this season – rots in domestic cricket.

This is not selection. This is patronage.

Criminal Neglect of Proven Match-Winners

Mohammed Shami: Took 15 wickets in three Ranji games immediately before the South Africa series. Verdict from the team management: “Not enough cricket.” Translation: We have already moved on without telling him.

Sarfaraz Khan: Dropped after one failure in England, never recalled despite domestic mountains of runs and a proven technique against spin on turning Indian pitches.

Kuldeep Yadav: India’s best wrist-spinner benched repeatedly for “batting depth” all-rounders who neither bat nor bowl effectively.

When your best bowler and your best middle-order batsman are watching from home while the team suffers its worst home defeat ever, something is rotten at the very core.

A Coach Out of His Depth in Test Cricket

Gautam Gambhir’s Test record after 18 matches as head coach (July 2024 – November 2025); Played 18 | Won 7 | Lost 9 | Drew 2 | Win % 38.88. Home Tests: 9 played, 6 lost (including two whitewashes).

He keeps talking about “tough characters” and “backing players”. Backing players is fine when they deliver. When they repeatedly fail and superior performers are ignored, it stops being backing and becomes stubbornness.

After the 408-run defeat he said, “The accountability starts with me.” Fine words. Now act on them – resign.

A Chief Selector Who Has Lost All Credibility

Ajit Agarkar presides over a panel that has turned selection into a lottery. The message to every young cricketer in India is clear: pile up runs in the IPL, get a few Instagram followers, and you will leapfrog the man who scored 3000 Ranji runs in two seasons.
This is no longer about one series. This is about the death of meritocracy in Indian cricket.

The Way Forward – Heads Must Roll

1. Gautam Gambhir must be removed as head coach of the Test team with immediate effect.

2. Ajit Agarkar must step down as chairman of selectors.

3. An emergency selection committee under a proven Test mind (Laxman, Kumble, or Dravid in interim role) must be formed.

4. Clear selection policy for the next 18 months; only domestic performance counts for Test cricket – no more IPL shortcuts.

India still has the talent to dominate Test cricket again. But not under this coach and not under this selection panel.

Today, 408 runs was not just a margin. It was a wake-up call written in blood-red ink.
Enough is enough.

Gambhir and Agarkar – your time is up.

Go.

The Taj Story: Why Myth-Led Cinema Is Harming Public Understanding of History

When a film chooses to revisit a contested piece of history, it steps into a fragile intellectual space where creativity collides with responsibility. The Taj Story, a recent courtroom drama that leans heavily on the long-debunked “Tejo Mahalaya” theory, has placed itself squarely in that terrain. It is visually ambitious yet intellectually precarious, a work that dresses up historical revisionism as inquiry while quietly diluting scholarly rigour in the process.

At its core, The Taj Story is not just another period-flavoured film. It is an ideological artefact, one that consciously or unconsciously participates in India’s ongoing cultural politics around heritage, identity and the ownership of memory. To understand both the significance and the danger of this cinematic moment, we have to look beyond the screen, into the historical and ideological backdrop that the film selectively engages.

A Discredited Theory, Recast as Plot

The cornerstone of the film’s narrative is the theory popularised by P. N. Oak, who argued that the Taj Mahal was originally a Shiva temple-palace called “Tejo Mahalaya,” allegedly built by a Rajput king. Oak claimed to marshal over a hundred pieces of “evidence,” ranging from architectural details to linguistic speculation.

These claims have not simply been questioned. They have been comprehensively rejected. According to a detailed explainer published in Livemint in 2024, the Supreme Court dismissed attempts to revive Oak’s argument decades ago, describing one such petition as “misconceived” and entirely lacking credible evidence.

The Archaeological Survey of India has also been unambiguous. In a response to an RTI query reported by India Today in 2022, the ASI stated that there are no idols of Hindu gods or goddesses in the Taj Mahal’s basement and that the monument was not built on temple land. All available archaeological, architectural and inscriptional data point to its construction under the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan in the 17th century.

Historians have repeatedly attempted to put this controversy to rest. In an interview cited by India Today, historian William Dalrymple called the Tejo Mahalaya idea “ludicrous and malicious nonsense” with “no foundation in fact,” stressing that it is rejected by all serious scholars familiar with Persian chronicles, court records and contemporary eyewitness accounts of the Taj’s construction.

Against this backdrop, The Taj Story’s decision to dramatise Oak’s theory without foregrounding the overwhelming evidence against it is not a neutral creative choice. It effectively invites audiences to treat a fringe idea as a plausible alternative to established history.

Cinema as a Vehicle for Ideology

The film arrives at a time when debates around India’s monuments are deeply politicised. Questions of “ownership” over sites like the Gyanvapi mosque or the Qutub Minar have become flashpoints, and the Taj Mahal is increasingly dragged into a broader project of revisiting medieval history through a majoritarian lens. A report published by UCA News recently observed that such controversies are increasingly shaping public perception of India’s architectural heritage.

In this climate, The Taj Story does not float in a vacuum. It reenters the Taj into the battlefield of identity, and it does so by giving cinematic form to a theory long discarded in academic circles but periodically revived in public rhetoric.

Reviews have been scathing. A review published by The Quint described the film as what happens “when WhatsApp forwards become a film,” arguing that it masquerades as a quest for truth while feeling more like an assault on Indian history and on historians themselves. The critique is not just about artistic quality; it is about the film’s epistemological stance. By relying on fictional “experts” and pseudo-archaeology, the narrative lends a veneer of credibility to ideas that have never passed the tests of evidence and peer review.

The film’s promotional material has added to the unease. A report published in The Indian Express noted that a controversial poster showed a Shiva idol inside the main dome of the Taj, a powerful visual gesture that symbolically repositions the monument within a Hindu sacred geography. The backlash was immediate enough that the makers issued a clarification, insisting that the movie “does not deal with religious matters” and does not claim that a Shiva temple resides within the Taj Mahal, asserting instead that it focuses on “historical facts.”

Lead actor Paresh Rawal echoed this position. According to an interview reported by NDTV, he stated that there is “no Hindu-Muslim jingoism” in the film and urged audiences to watch it before forming opinions. But cultural products do not get to choose the context in which they are received. Once released into a charged public sphere, they inevitably become part of ongoing ideological battles, regardless of the makers’ disclaimers.

The Ethics of Representing Disputed History

The most troubling aspect of The Taj Story is not its production design or performances, but its epistemology. It adopts a courtroom drama frame, a genre that naturally evokes the pursuit of truth, and uses it to stage a debate between “two sides” of history: one aligned with mainstream scholarship, and the other with the Tejo Mahalaya claim.

On screen, this can look like a balanced inquiry. In reality, it creates a false equivalence between rigorously researched history and a theory repeatedly demolished by evidence. The film’s structure suggests that the question of the Taj’s origins remains an open controversy among experts. It is not.

Cultural and academic commentators have warned that cinema can reshape collective memory more quickly than any textbook. A report published by UCA News noted concerns among historians and civil society groups that films built on debunked claims can, through repetition and powerful imagery, replace history with narrative in the popular imagination.

Aesthetic Ambition, Intellectual Fragility

There is no denying that The Taj Story is made with visible craft. Its sweeping shots of the Taj, atmospheric lighting and meticulous courtroom choreography reflect real cinematic ambition. Paresh Rawal’s performance has been widely praised, even by critics unsparing about the script. A review in The Times of India described his portrayal as the film’s strongest element.

Yet style cannot rescue a weak spine. The film’s narrative architecture depends on a familiar trope: the lone truth-teller up against an establishment that wants to suppress “real history.” This can make for compelling drama, but only when the truths being suppressed actually exist. In this case, the “hidden facts” are those already examined and rejected by generations of historians.

The speculative edge of the narrative echoes a 2022 petition seeking to open sealed rooms in the Taj to “prove” the temple theory. According to a report in India Today from that year, the Supreme Court dismissed the petition as a “publicity interest litigation,” underscoring how firmly the judiciary sees these claims as baseless.

There is nothing wrong with questioning dominant narratives. The problem arises when a film questions everything except its own assumptions.

Memory Politics and Monumental Narratives

Every nation crafts stories around its monuments, but the Taj Mahal occupies a particularly loaded space in India’s imagination. It is at once an architectural masterpiece, a tourist magnet, a symbol of romantic love, and a visible reminder of Mughal rule. That combination makes it vulnerable to competing narratives about who truly “owns” India’s past.

Attempts to rebrand the Taj as a Hindu temple intersect with a broader discourse that seeks to frame medieval Muslim rulers primarily as invaders rather than historical actors with complex legacies. In this narrative, revising the Taj is less about architecture and more about civilisational assertion.

Cinema is a potent participant in this process. Visual impressions linger far longer than disclaimers. A narrative shown on screen can, over time, harden into inherited memory.

The stakes are not merely academic. They shape belonging, exclusion, indigeneity and perceptions of who inherits India’s heritage. When the Taj is divorced from its Mughal origins, what is contested is not marble but memory.

The Cost of Pseudo-History

The Taj Story positions itself as a bold challenge to “glorified” history, but boldness without evidence is not courage; it is carelessness. Its decision to resurrect a theory dismissed by courts, historians and the ASI does not signal intellectual bravery. It signals a romanticisation of pseudo-history at a moment when the country can least afford it.

Cinema does not have to reproduce textbooks. But when it engages with live controversies in a polarised climate, it acquires an ethical obligation: to distinguish between what is historically grounded and what is speculative or symbolic.

In The Taj Story, that line is blurred. The film will certainly spark debate. The question is whether that debate will deepen public understanding or simply harden preconceived positions.

A society falters when myth is elevated to the status of memory. When a monument as globally recognisable as the Taj Mahal becomes the canvas for unproven theories dressed up as truth-seeking, the damage goes beyond a single film. It chips away at the shared ground on which plural societies stand: a basic agreement about what is fact, what is interpretation and what is fantasy.

Cinema cannot carry the whole burden of historical responsibility. But in times like ours, it cannot pretend to be innocent of it either.

Dharmendra Remembered: How Bollywood’s Most Human Superstar Became India’s Favourite Hero

Film star Dharmendra lived a full and complete life. He was unapologetically himself—a man with a golden heart who loved fellow human beings and always spread the message of love. As an actor, some of his most iconic films came during the black-and-white era. He idolised Dilip Kumar and ultimately became like family to him. Anytime, anywhere, Dharmendra would speak passionately about his love and admiration for Dilip Kumar.

His journey began with Dil Bhi Tera Hum Bhi Tere, and he acted in some of the most fascinating films of his time. Shola Aur Shabnam, Anpadh, Ayi Milan Ki Bela, Haqeeqat, Purnima, Kajal, Mamta, Devar, Baharen Phir Ayengi, Aaye Din Bahar Ke, and Mere Humdum Mere Dost gave us unforgettable songs and stories. Later, he showcased his extraordinary range in films like Satyakam, Anupama, Chupke Chupke, Phool Aur Patthar, Guddi and many others. Frankly, he was a people’s hero—immensely popular among rural audiences.

Dharmendra was never considered a “great actor” in the traditional critical sense, though his cinematic appeal as a star was far greater. Along with Hema Malini, they formed one of cinema’s most loved couples. Yet Dharmendra rarely leaned on this laurel—he was his own man who lived his life on his own terms.

Dharmendra: The People’s Hero With a Golden Heart

He was not a political person but joined the BJP and became its MP from Bikaner. He rarely attended Parliament and became one of the least-performing MPs—still better than his son Sunny Deol. But unlike some of his children, Dharmendra never turned fanatic. He was, at heart, a romantic who loved Urdu poetry, ghazals, and shayari. He never pretended to be someone he wasn’t and remained unfiltered all his life. He enjoyed his whisky and openly admitted it; he always spoke straight from the heart.

Dharmendra enjoyed his life and leaves behind a big, successful legacy. He gave us some of the most beautiful films. We remember him as a great star who loved life and loved people.

A Star Who Stayed Rooted Even After Politics

I have said it many times and will say it again: Don’t depend on film stars for your political thinking. If you love someone for their art, then love them for that. We admire their acting or singing. We have not yet reached a stage where our film stars can consistently speak meaningfully on public issues—they depend far too much on state patronage. If a government changes at the Centre, some stars suddenly become liberal and secular. It is always better for film stars to focus on their work rather than preach to us.

Dharmendra, though he briefly joined politics, realised the mistake and returned to his roots. In an industry filled with artificial people—who pretend to know things or pretend not to know them—Dharmendra was different. He remained close to his Punjabi roots and felt immensely proud of them. There is another man who left politics but remains a bigger politician than anyone else; I don’t need to take his name.

Dharmendra entertained us and gave us some of the most outstanding films to watch. A big salute to his cinematic legacy.

‘Most Dangerous Phase’: Bengal’s SIR Stage Two May Remove Millions of Voters, Says Yogendra Yadav

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Kolkata: Stage two of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the voter list in West Bengal will be more dangerous, claimed Yogendra Yadav, the social activist who has been raising doubts about the real intentions behind the Election Commission of India’s SIR process and had also approached the Supreme Court against it during Bihar’s SIR.

“The second phase will be when the election commission (ERO) will send notice for the hearing to those voters who could not establish their lineage according to the election commission,” said Yadav during his half-hour address at Press Club in the event named SIR: A Challenge for Universal Adult Franchisee, organised by Desh Bachao Gano Mancha and The Educationists’ Forum, West Bengal.

Phase Two May Trigger Massive Voter Deletions

The founder of Swaraj India further said, “In Bihar, after the Supreme Court’s objections, the election commissions had not conducted the second phase of voters’ hearing, and said okay, there will be no more deletions of voters.”

“But in Bengal, the notice could be sent to any number of voters — it may be 50 lakhs to two crores. However, there is no established protocol or SOP (standard operating procedure) for how those documents will be assessed. This will be an arbitrary decision by the EROs,” he pointed out.

Voters of Border Areas, Women and Migrants Most at Risk

“This may be done especially in the bordering areas of Bengal. While women and migrant workers are the most vulnerable,” said Yadav.

The social activist also mentioned earlier that in the first phase, those voters who do not fill out the enumeration forms will have their names deleted instantly, without enquiring anything from those voters, simply saying that since they did not fill the form their names are being removed.

Yadav, citing evidence he had placed before the Supreme Court during Bihar’s SIR, also claimed that the Election Commission has no intention to clean up the electoral roll, but to remove such voters who can vote against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The Election Commission has not remained an umpire anymore, he said, but has become a player.

“After the final publication of the electoral roll in Bihar, I saw in the Supreme Court that there are 20 lakh households which have more than 10 voters, which means election officials need to verify them physically, but it did not happen. There were also 800 voters in one single house in ten such cases. But the Election Commission did not act.”

“My fear is, Bengal can have the largest number of disenfranchised voters in India or maybe in the world,” he added.

‘Bloodless Political Genocide’: Sharp Warnings Issued

Before Yadav, Dr Parakala Prabhakar, an economist and political commentator, argued, “SIR is bloodless political genocide.”

“SIR is nothing but bloodless political genocide. Earlier genocides happened by killing people. But here it is by depriving a large number of people of their fundamental right, which is the right to vote. Once that is taken out, the essence of citizenship is gone. Then the person or persons are no longer meaningful participants in the political process. That is why I say that with SIR, a new phase is coming — earlier, we voters used to choose governments; now government will choose voters. SIR is an assault on constitutional values. It is a political cleansing of India.”

The other speakers were Professor Om Prakash Mishra and Syed Tanveer Nasreen, while Purnendu Basu moderated the event.

Neeraj Ghaywan’s Homebound: A Stark, Unfiltered Look at Muslim Marginalisation and Caste Reality

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Although I have always been a film buff, I hadn’t gone to a theatre in a long time. But last evening, after hearing about Homebound, India’s Oscar nominee for 2026, something stirred within me. I booked my ticket online, reached INOX, and lo and behold—what a powerful film it turned out to be.

It is not merely a movie. It is an elegy of our time—etched on celluloid—of our country, of our contemporary era. What begins as the story of two young men and their personal losses soon expands into a haunting collective experience. It becomes a commentary on our societal and cultural decline: a mourning of lost optimism, shattered dreams, fading ideals, and the fragmentation of communities.

The film by Neeraj Ghaywan on the story by Basharat Peer holds up a mirror to social injustice, human struggle, and even environmental crises like the COVID-19 outbreak. This “elegy of our time” captures the collective grief and anxieties of today, urging us not just to lament but to rethink the very texture of life in the present.

The movie opens with the two protagonists Ishan Khatter as Shoaib Ali and Vishal Jethwa as Chandan Kumar travelling to appear for a competitive exam—a journey that itself feels like a battle. The railway station scene is unforgettable: chaos everywhere, hopelessness deeply etched on the faces of the young. You feel the weight of a generation fighting for breath.

The film is full of such searing images:

The construction site where Chandan’s mother works barefoot, a stark reminder of inherited suffering—katile pair hi virasat mein.

Shoaib struggling to produce his parents’ Aadhaar cards—a commentary on bureaucratic heartlessness.

The stark transition between black-and-white and sepia tones, reflecting memory, trauma, and time.

Entrenched untouchability, shown through children withdrawing from school meals because a Dalit cooked them.

The centuries-old caste system, refusing to die.

Chandan’s idealism touched me deeply. His reasoning—“If I get a job through reservation, I will still be mopping office floors without dignity”—is both heartbreaking and profoundly insightful.

The office cricket match, with its taunts and covert bigotry, hits hard. As Muslims, many of us have lived that reality. The film’s honesty is disarming; it is so true, so authentic, so painfully genuine. The systematic marginalisation of Muslims in India is portrayed not with exaggeration, but with quiet, precise truth.

Sudha’s tender plea to Chandan—“Paapa ko itni baar haarte huye dekha hai… I wanted to fulfil his dreams through you”—is one of the film’s emotional peaks.

Then comes the sudden outbreak of COVID—the government’s knee-jerk lockdown, mills closing overnight, an eerie silence descending upon the city. Workers, desperate to return home, begin their long exodus. Police brutality, fear, confusion, paranoia—everything is captured with devastating accuracy.

When Chandan is thrown out of the truck mid-journey, the scene is unforgettable. Villagers hurl stones at exhausted migrants, refusing them entry. Yet, in that darkness, a lone woman steps forward with water—resisting pressure, embodying the last flicker of humanity.

The dying scene—quiet, raw, unadorned—will remain etched in the memory of every viewer.

The performances are extraordinary. Ishaan Khatter delivers the finest role of his career, and his co-star Vishal Jethwa matches him every step of the way, both embodying a generation caught between despair and resilience. Janhvi Kapoor, Harshita Parmar as Vaishali and Shalini Vatsa as Phool Chandan’s mother were remarkable as were other casts too. The dialogues are sharp and hard hitting.

Homebound is not just a film—it is a document of our times. A lament, a mirror, and perhaps even a warning.