Worried about police brutality abroad, but what about violence that takes place in your own backyard?

Ranchi: The murder of George Floyd by the police has triggered a global movement that raises a voice against police brutality. In India, too, #blacklivesmatter was trending, with everyone from celebrities, social activists to the common man registering their voice and demanding justice. But by the looks of it, the movement has failed to make an impact in India, as we recently witnessed a father-son-duo (Jayaraj-Fenix) being brutally tortured to death in police custody in Tamil Nadu.

The multiple injuries on the bodies indicated the brutality inflicted on them was far worse than what Floyd had to endure while being choked to death. The case also highlights the fact that custodial deaths are a reality in India, to which many choose to turn a blind eye. Sadly, they often even fail to create outrage as in the case of Minhaj Ansari of Jharkhand.

Ansari’s murder is a prime example of police getting away with killing people in custody in India, unlike the four officers in Minneapolis, who have been charged with second-degree murder of George Floyd. The case is now under trial.

Ansari, resident of Jamtara, owner of a mobile repairing shop and a father of an eight-month-old daughter, died in police custody just because he was the admin of a WhatsApp group, in which someone had allegedly shared pictures of beef. For this, he was picked up by the police. Harish Pathak was then the officer of Narayanpur police station. Later, Ansari was brutally beaten up by police and also by the complainant — Sonu Singh, a Bajrang Dal member. Pathak and Singh allegedly assaulted Minhaj in front of his mother too. They mercilessly beat him to so much that Ansari succumbed to his injuries when he was rushed for treatment, just like the father-son duo who died in Tamil Nadu.

However, the injustice did not stop there, after a lot of struggle the family managed to get a murder charge slapped on Pathak, but eventually his suspension order was revoked. The trial against him did not begin and Pathak was able to get a stay on his case. Singh’s name was also erased from the charge-sheet filed by the police.

Four years down the line, the trial is yet to start. However, Pathak has now been posted in a police station which falls in the Chief Minister of Jharkhand, Hemant Soren’s constituency.

police brutality custodial death jharkhand minhaj ansari
The torture marks on the body of Minhaj, before he was buried (file picture)

“My brother was made the admin of a WhatsApp group by his friend, and then one of the members sent the alleged picture of beef to the group. Sonu Singh complained to police about his religious sentiments being hurt. After which the police picked up Minhaj (Ansari) from his house along with several others in the Whatsapp group on October 2, 2016, around 9 pm. Later, all were released by the police barring Minhaj. All those released by police had wounds from being beating on their bodies,” recalled Hazrat Ansari, Minhaj’s brother while talking to eNewsroom.

He paused and then added: “Next morning, when Ammi (Ajhela Bibi) went to visit Minhaj at the police station, she saw both Harish Pathak and Sonu Singh beating Minhaj. When my father and the Mukhiya reached the police station and confronted them, they were abused and sent back.”

An NDTV report had also claimed that when the police had called a press conference, Minhaj was seen slumped against the wall, without much body movement. His face was also covered with a piece of cloth suggesting that he had been subjected to severe beating.

“When police were taking him to Narayanpur from Jamtara, there is a village named Pobia. It was here that he was taken out of the vehicle and handed over to Sonu Singh, who beat him again mercilessly,” alleged the brother.

police brutality custodial death jharkhand minhaj ansari
Autopsy report of Minhaj Ansari, clearly mentions grave external and internal injuries on his body

After Ansari was declared dead in RIMS, Ranchi on October 9, his post-mortem report said there were signs of torture on his body. Doctors had even pointed out that Ansari might not have been fed for long while in police custody.

Ansari’s lawyer accused the police of murdering the young man in connivance with outsiders and then suppressing the victim’s case. “Our case against Pathak was registered on 6 October, 2016, which is four days after Pathak’s FIR against Minhaj. However, with Minhaj dying on 9 October, a departmental inquiry was set up against Pathak. But senior officials who had to start the inquiry did not begin it. They maintained that the department would start the inquiry only when Pathak’s criminal case proceedings ended,” said advocate A Allam while talking to eNewsroom.

“Pathak had registered two cases against Minhaj, one for circulating the beef message and the other against the victim’s family for attacking him. So we initially demanded that the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) club all three FIRs and investigate the matter,” said Allam.

In the charge-sheet not only was Sonu Singh’s name removed, but the section 302 (murder) of IPC had been changed to 304 (unintentional murder). “However, in our fight, a supplementary charge-sheet was filed and section 302 of IPC was mentioned in the case,” informed Allam.

The senior lawyer added, “His anticipatory bail was rejected twice by the court. However, six months ago Pathak managed to get a stay in the case.”

When contacted, Jamtara MLA Irfan Ansari, expressed concern and mentioned the Tweets he had posted after Harish Pathak became the Officer In-charge of Barhait police station. “This police officer is a psycho. He does not deserve to be posted anywhere, leave aside the CM constituency. Wherever he has gone, he committed wrong acts, his career is full of misdeed. I have raised this issue and will keep raising it.”

Meanwhile, Minhaj’s father Umar Mia recalled Rajya Sabha MP and JMM President Shibu Soren’s promise. He had promised the old man that he would help him get justice for his son.

eNewsroom tried reaching out to Pathak, but he could not be contacted for a comment.

“We Treat Sleep Like a Waste of Time”: Dr Haseeb Hassan on India’s Growing Sleep Crisis

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eNewsroom: In today’s world, people often proudly say things like, “I slept only four hours,” or “I studied the whole night.” Why has sleep deprivation become such a normalized culture?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: Unfortunately, in today’s fast-paced and always-connected world, sleep deprivation has somehow become a badge of honour. People proudly parade their exhaustion as proof of dedication, productivity, and hustle. Many sacrifice sleep to meet work deadlines, binge-watch web series, doom-scroll through social media, or reply to late-night emails. Gradually, we have started treating sleep like a useless activity, whereas in reality, it is one of the most essential biological processes for survival.

Sleep Is Not “Wasted Time”

eNewsroom: Many people feel sleeping is simply “wasting time.” Is sleep really that important?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: Absolutely. This is one of the biggest myths surrounding sleep. Many people view sleep as a passive state—an annoying biological requirement that gets in the way of life. But that is completely incorrect.

Sleep is actually an intensely active biological process. While you are sleeping, your body is working the night shift. It repairs tissues, regulates essential hormones, strengthens the immune system, and consolidates memories. Your brain is essentially cleaning itself and filing away the day’s experiences.

Good sleep is not a luxury. It is as fundamental to survival as healthy food, clean air, and exercise.

eNewsroom: What happens when people continuously compromise on sleep?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: When you consistently shortchange sleep, the consequences can be severe. Global research has linked chronic sleep deprivation to several serious health problems, including:

  • High blood pressure and heart disease
  • Obesity and diabetes
  • Anxiety, depression, and emotional instability
  • Increased risk of dementia later in life
  • Higher risk of brain stroke

A sleep-deprived brain functions very similarly to an intoxicated brain—it becomes slow, inefficient, and more vulnerable to errors.

I often explain sleep deprivation like debt. Occasional, need-based sleep deprivation may be manageable, but frequent sleep deprivation becomes an unmanageable debt trap for the body and brain.

The Biggest Sleep Thieves Today

eNewsroom: Why has getting proper sleep become so difficult in modern life?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: There are mainly three major culprits behind today’s sleep crisis.

The first is excessive screen exposure before bedtime. Phones, laptops, and televisions emit blue light, which suppresses melatonin—the hormone that tells your body it is time to sleep. Late-night scrolling confuses the biological clock and makes the brain feel like it is still daytime.

The second major reason is stress. We carry daytime stress directly into bed. Workplace pressure, financial anxiety, and academic stress keep the mind racing. Many people tell me, “I become more awake when I go to bed. Worries keep coming.” Instead of transitioning into a relaxed state, the brain becomes hyperactive.

The third issue is low awareness regarding sleep disorders. Millions of people suffer from undiagnosed conditions such as Obstructive Sleep Apnea, Insomnia, and Restless Leg Syndrome. Many people also rely on quick-fix sleep medicines, which can sometimes worsen the issue instead of solving it.

“Sleep Hygiene” Can Change Everything

eNewsroom: What practical lifestyle changes can help people improve their sleep quality?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: Improving sleep is an active and dedicated process. Small but intentional lifestyle changes—what we call “sleep hygiene”—can make a massive difference. You do not need dramatic steps like quitting your job or completely abandoning screens. Just as people actively seek healthy food, they must also actively prioritize healthy sleep.

One of the most important habits is maintaining a strict sleep schedule. People should go to bed and wake up at the same time every day—even on weekends—because this helps regulate the body’s biological clock.

The sleeping environment also matters greatly. Bedrooms should be dark, quiet, comfortable, and cozy. At the same time, people should protect the purpose of the bed. It should ideally be used only for sleep and intimacy, not as a home office or movie theatre.

eNewsroom: How harmful are screens, food habits, and late-night routines for sleep?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: Screen exposure before bedtime has become one of the biggest modern sleep disruptors. Ideally, people should stop using phones, laptops, and televisions at least 30 to 60 minutes before sleeping, though two hours is even better. These devices interfere with melatonin production and confuse the brain into feeling that it is still daytime.

Food habits also play a major role. Caffeine—whether tea, coffee, or energy drinks—should be avoided by late afternoon. Heavy meals, alcohol, and excessive water intake right before bedtime can also disrupt sleep quality.

Most importantly, people should intentionally wind down before bedtime. Instead of endless scrolling on phones, activities like reading, meditation, or deep breathing exercises can help signal to the brain that the day is ending and the body can relax.

eNewsroom: What role do exercise and daytime naps play in maintaining healthy sleep?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: Regular exercise during the day significantly improves sleep quality. However, intense workouts late at night should be avoided because they overstimulate the body.

Regarding naps, if someone struggles to sleep at night, daytime napping should be minimized—especially in the late afternoon or evening. Even power naps should ideally not exceed 20 minutes.

“Burning Out Is Not a Status Symbol”

eNewsroom: Finally, what message would you like to give people who continue sacrificing sleep for productivity?

Dr. Haseeb Hassan: We live in a society that celebrates sleeplessness, but it is time to redefine success. Burning out is not a status symbol.

Sleep is an investment in health, efficiency, emotional balance, and long-term well-being. Just as people prioritize career, family, and social life, they must prioritize the one thing that makes enjoying all of those possible.

Note: If you practice good sleep hygiene but still experience persistent sleep difficulty, loud snoring, or extreme daytime fatigue, do not wait. Seek professional medical evaluation to rule out underlying sleep disorders.

Dead at 33: Twisha Sharma, Narrative Management, and Elite Patriarchy

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Thirty-three-year-old Twisha Sharma is dead. That is the only undisputed fact in this entire case, and it should have remained the moral centre of the story. Everything else is now being aggressively negotiated. An elegant, articulate, sari-clad mother-in-law speaks flawless English in television and YouTube interviews, running what increasingly appears to be a textbook public-relations defence rooted in the language of Indian values.

A Noida-based content creator and former beauty pageant winner, Twisha married Bhopal lawyer Samarth Singh in December 2025. Five months later, on 12 May 2026, she was found dead inside her matrimonial home in Katara Hills. Her family alleged dowry harassment, mental cruelty, financial pressure, and domestic abuse. An FIR was registered three days later naming the husband and mother-in-law as accused. Twisha’s family continues to run from pillar to post demanding murder charges, a second postmortem, and an independent probe into the unnatural death of their daughter. The mother-in-law obtained anticipatory bail, while the accused husband, himself a lawyer, reportedly remained absconding for days. Alongside the investigation, what increasingly resembles a parallel narrative-management exercise has unfolded in public.

Former Justice Giribala Singh, a named accused in the FIR, has largely avoided discussing forensic inconsistencies in interviews. Instead, she has offered cultural commentary about Twisha’s domestic habits and personality. Twisha, viewers are told, did not water plants, showed little interest in cooking, resisted guidance, questioned control, and held “liberal views.” Singh also publicly discussed her reproductive choices before cameras, despite allegations made by Twisha’s family that their daughter was forced to abort after being accused of carrying an illegitimate child: “Whose child is this?”

The Weaponized Ideal Bahu Test: Judging Dead Women

None of these statements explains how Twisha died. They are not legal arguments; they are cultural signals. The audience is gently encouraged to morally evaluate the dead woman herself. Was she traditional enough? Obedient enough? Domestic enough? “Sabhya” enough?

The subtext could scarcely be clearer: Twisha failed the test of respectable Indian womanhood. Sympathy, carefully constructed through language, gradually shifts away from the dead woman and toward the accused once public perception begins to settle. Those interviews are profoundly unsettling for many women precisely because they revive a familiar pattern — where a woman’s worthiness becomes part of the investigation into her death.

Singh also casually invoked politically loaded terms like “witch-hunt,” “lynching,” and “media trial” during one of her interviews with Barkha Dutt. These words carry emotional memories of state persecution, mob violence, and institutional excess. Even Umar Khalid found a mention, seemingly to reposition the accused family as victims of public persecution.

But the comparison collapses under basic scrutiny. Khalid’s case concerns incarceration under UAPA, state overreach, and civil-liberties questions. Twisha Sharma’s case concerns the suspicious death of a young daughter-in-law inside an affluent household within months of marriage, involving dowry allegations, reported ante-mortem injuries, dissatisfaction with postmortem findings, and an absconding husband. The law, the facts, and the power structures involved are entirely different. The comparison appears useful only because it imports the emotional vocabulary of victimhood into an ongoing criminal investigation.

Polished English, Soft Cruelty: Inside Elite India Patriarchy

The entire exercise increasingly resembles classic DARVO politics executed with elite polish: Deny, Attack, Reverse Victim and Offender. First deny the allegations. Then attack the media and public reaction. Finally, position yourself as the actual victim of society’s cruelty. In the process, the dead woman slowly disappears from the frame.

Her personality, mental health, domestic habits, pregnancy, lifestyle, and “values” are publicly examined in forensic detail by those accused in the case. This is modern victim-blaming in elite India. It does not always arrive through crude abuse. Sometimes it arrives elegantly in polished English and calm conversations about culture, family values, and motherhood. Sometimes it comes through subtle suggestions that an independent woman was emotionally unstable, difficult to manage, or insufficiently traditional.

Beneath the civility lies a familiar upper-class entitlement — the soft-spoken cruelty of elite patriarchy delivered through the language of concern, refinement, and morality while quietly administering judgment. Even the repeated references to pregnancy termination function within this pattern. Abortion is legal in India under the Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act. Publicly invoking pregnancy termination in this context serves little legal purpose; it primarily invites moral scrutiny of a woman who is no longer alive to respond.

Forensic Reality vs PR: The Unresolved Injury Questions

Meanwhile, the actual unresolved questions remain buried beneath an avalanche of carefully curated public sympathy-building.

Why were there reports of ante-mortem injuries? Why is the family dissatisfied with the initial postmortem findings? Why are they demanding a second postmortem? Why did the husband reportedly remain absconding for days? Why does the family continue insisting this was not suicide? These are the questions that should dominate the public conversation. Not whether Twisha watered plants, cooked meals, or fit someone’s idea of a “good bahu.” Criminal law is not supposed to function on patriarchal aesthetics.

Whether Twisha held liberal views, wanted autonomy over her body and life, or resisted domestic expectations is ultimately irrelevant. The central question remains painfully simple: how did a 33-year-old woman end up dead inside her matrimonial home within months of marriage?

Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of all this is the calmness with which the public dissection of a dead woman continues to unfold. There appears to be remarkably little discomfort in repeatedly scrutinising the private life of someone who can no longer defend herself.

One woman is dead. The other controls the narrative. That inversion should disturb anyone still interested in justice.

‘Bulldozers, AI and Freedom of Speech’: Bengal’s New BJP Govt Faces Sharp Questions at Kolkata Roundtable

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Kolkata: The state capital witnessed an intense and wide-ranging debate on the future of West Bengal under the newly formed BJP government as politicians, journalists, lawyers, and public intellectuals gathered at a round table discussion organised by the Centre for Peace and Progress. The event examined the opportunities and challenges before the new dispensation, touching upon public healthcare, administrative overreach, minority rights, freedom of speech, and the emerging AI revolution.

The discussion reflected both cautious optimism and deep anxiety about the direction Bengal may take in the coming years. While some speakers urged the BJP government to rise above political interests and utilise its “double engine” advantage for development, others warned that constitutional values, secularism, and civil liberties could face unprecedented strain.

Dr Fuad Halim on BJP Health Policy

Senior CPM leader and healthcare professional Dr Fuad Halim launched one of the sharpest critiques of the government’s health policy, arguing that the first cabinet meeting on healthcare offered “nothing new” except a repackaging of existing insurance-driven models.

According to Halim, both the BJP and previous governments have shared a similar ideological approach — weakening public healthcare while strengthening private hospitals through public funding. He criticised proposals that would allow government funds to finance treatment in private hospitals, including plans to reserve 15% of beds in private facilities under state-sponsored schemes.

“The health system of the government continues to decline while private healthcare businesses are supported with public money,” he argued.

Halim also highlighted alarming administrative failures within Bengal’s public health infrastructure. Citing a 2023 RTI response, he pointed out that nearly 68% of General Duty Attendant (GDA) and sweeper positions in government hospitals remain vacant.

“You cannot clean hospitals through administrative orders alone,” he remarked, stressing that filthy wards and toilets reflect deeper staffing failures. “The government must first fill the vacant posts.”

The CPM leader also warned against increasing reliance on armed or central forces in civilian spaces, saying such interventions often create institutional friction and worsen extortion-like practices in local administration.

Bulldozers, Constitutional Limits and Administrative Overreach

The discussion soon shifted to the politically sensitive issue of bulldozer-driven demolitions and the expanding role of state authority in municipal matters.

Several speakers expressed concern that local municipal powers were being bypassed through direct state intervention. The Tiljala demolitions emerged as a major flashpoint during the discussion.

Senior advocate and former Rajya Sabha MP Bikas Ranjan Bhattacharya reportedly reminded the audience that building regulations fall under municipal jurisdiction and warned that governments cannot override constitutional procedures for political optics.

The veteran lawyer had recently approached the Calcutta High Court against alleged arbitrary bulldozer actions in Tiljala, forcing judicial scrutiny of the new administration’s methods.

Panelists warned that if constitutional checks weaken, minorities and economically vulnerable communities could become the first targets of administrative aggression.

BJP Urged to Rise Above Politics

Senior Economist Dr Sen, describing himself as a “common citizen of Kolkata,” argued that Bengal’s political culture has long suffered from endless agitations, union clashes, and economic stagnation. He supported periodic changes in government but insisted that the BJP must now rise above partisan interests.

“The challenge before the BJP government is to overcome political interests and serve public interest,” he said.

At the same time, Tousif Ahmed, an advocate acknowledged that the BJP now possesses a rare “double engine” opportunity with power at both the Centre and potentially in the state administration. They argued that if utilised sincerely, Bengal could finally attract major industrial and infrastructural investment.

However, panelists repeatedly stressed that welfare schemes must remain secular in implementation and not become instruments of communal discrimination.

AI Revolution: Bengal’s Missed Opportunity?

Perhaps the most unexpected part of the evening was the detailed discussion on AI and Bengal’s economic future.

Speakers argued that the world is entering an AI-driven transformation comparable to the internet revolution. Andhra Pradesh was presented as a model for aggressive AI-led development, particularly after massive investments reportedly flowed into Visakhapatnam through strategic engagement with global tech leaders.

The panel suggested that Bengal possesses similar opportunities due to its educational ecosystem and alumni networks connected to institutions like the Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur.

Mentioning global technology leaders like Sundar Pichai and Satya Nadella, speakers argued that Bengal should aggressively pursue AI investments before other states dominate the sector completely.

The discussion also referenced major proposed investments in AI by companies like Amazon and Nvidia, claiming that India’s vast pool of human intelligence makes it a natural destination for future AI infrastructure.

“If Bengaluru could transform into a global software capital, Bengal too can reinvent itself through artificial intelligence,” one panelist observed.

Freedom of Speech and Rapid Content Takedowns

Shahnawaz Akhtar raised concerns over shrinking democratic space and increasing pressure on independent journalism.

“The biggest challenge is freedom of speech,” Akhtar said, pointing to situations where stories or digital content allegedly face pressure to be taken down within hours of publication.

He argued that Bengal’s political and demographic realities differ sharply from several northern states and warned that attempts to import aggressive majoritarian politics could destabilise the state’s social fabric.

Minority Anxiety Rises Over Bulldozer Drive

Mutawalli of Waqf properties, Irfan Sher, claimed that the people of Bengal are watching the new government closely, and if the BJP does not perform well, the people will throw them out.

However, journalist Nurullah Jawaid remarked that if the BJP comes to power in Bengal through processes like Special Intensive Revision (SIR), it could introduce similar new mechanisms in future elections too, causing electoral outcomes to differ from public perception once again.

Senior journalist Abdul Aziz also expressed concern that fear and insecurity were growing among minority communities, particularly after recent demolitions and aggressive administrative actions in Muslim-dominated localities like Tiljala.

Father Sunil Rozario also touched upon anti-conversion laws implemented in several states and growing restrictions under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act framework, which speakers claimed have affected charitable and humanitarian institutions linked to figures like Mother Teresa.

Sardar Tarsem Singh highlighted what he described as the role of the BJP-RSS against minorities in India.

The session concluded with a collective appeal to defend constitutional values, secular governance, minority rights, and democratic freedoms in Bengal.

The event was moderated by veteran Peace Ambassador OP Shah, while the formal vote of thanks was delivered by convener Bimal Sharma.

Prescribed an MRI? Fearful of the ‘Tunnel’? Here’s Why Open MRI May Not Always Be the Best Option

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For many patients, the thought of undergoing an MRI scan brings anxiety even before entering the scan room. The narrow tunnel, loud noises, and need to remain still can trigger significant fear — especially in people with claustrophobia.

In fact, studies suggest that nearly 10% of patients experience claustrophobia during MRI examinations, and some may even be unable to complete the scan. Certain reports estimate that 4–20% of MRI scans are interrupted or refused due to anxiety and claustrophobic symptoms.

So naturally, many patients ask:

“Why can’t I just get an Open MRI instead?”

The answer is important — because while comfort matters, diagnostic accuracy matters even more.

Why Most MRI Machines Are Tunnel-Shaped

Most hospitals and advanced diagnostic centres use “closed-bore” MRI systems — the tunnel-like scanners that patients commonly see.

This design is not simply for convenience. MRI requires:

  • A very strong magnetic field
  • Excellent magnetic field uniformity
  • High signal strength for detailed images

The tunnel-shaped magnet helps create this highly uniform and powerful magnetic environment, which is essential for producing sharp, accurate images.

Today, the majority of high-quality MRI systems operate at 1.5 Tesla or 3 Tesla strength, providing superior image clarity for:

  • Brain disorders
  • Spine problems
  • Stroke
  • Tumors
  • Ligament injuries
  • Small nerve abnormalities
  • Vascular diseases

Why Open MRI May Not Always Be Ideal

Open MRI systems were developed primarily to improve patient comfort and reduce claustrophobia. They are more spacious and less confining.

However, many open MRI systems operate at lower magnetic field strengths, which can reduce:

  • Image resolution
  • Signal quality
  • Detection of subtle abnormalities

Lower-field MRI scanners may sometimes miss small lesions or produce images that are less detailed compared to standard high-field MRI systems.

This becomes especially important in conditions involving:

  • Brain imaging
  • Small strokes
  • Epilepsy
  • Spine and nerve disorders
  • Ligament and cartilage injuries
  • Early tumors
  • Multiple sclerosis

While modern open MRI technology has improved considerably, many specialists still prefer high-field closed MRI for critical diagnostic situations.

The Good News: Modern MRI Is Becoming More Comfortable

Fortunately, MRI technology has evolved.

Many modern MRI scanners now feature:

  • Wider tunnel openings
  • Shorter bore length
  • Better lighting and ventilation
  • Faster scan protocols
  • Noise reduction systems

Studies show that newer wide-bore MRI systems significantly improve completion rates among claustrophobic patients and reduce the need for sedation.

How to Overcome MRI Fear and Claustrophobia

If you are anxious about MRI, you are not alone — and there are many ways to make the experience easier.

  1. Talk to the MRI Team Before the Scan

Inform the radiology staff beforehand if you are claustrophobic or anxious. Experienced MRI teams routinely help nervous patients.

  1. Understand That MRI Is Painless

MRI does not use radiation and does not hurt. The machine only creates magnetic signals to generate images.

  1. Keep Your Eyes Closed

Many patients feel much better simply by closing their eyes before entering the scanner.

  1. Use Music or Headphones

Most MRI centres provide ear protection or music to reduce stress from scanner noise.

  1. Practice Slow Breathing

Controlled breathing can significantly reduce panic sensations.

  1. Bring a Family Member

Having someone nearby before the scan often provides reassurance.

  1. Ask About Wide-Bore MRI

Wide-bore MRI systems offer more space without compromising image quality like some low-field systems may.

  1. Mild Sedation Can Help

For severe claustrophobia, doctors may prescribe mild anti-anxiety medication before the scan.

Remember: The Goal Is the Right Diagnosis

MRI is often performed to detect conditions that cannot be seen clearly on X-ray or CT scan. While comfort is important, the primary goal is obtaining the most accurate diagnosis possible.

Choosing a more comfortable scan that compromises image quality may sometimes lead to missed findings, repeat scans, or delayed diagnosis.

The best approach is:

  • Discuss your fears openly
  • Choose a centre experienced in handling anxious patients
  • Opt for the most appropriate MRI system for your medical condition

Because in medicine, the clearest image often leads to the best treatment.

Silent Brain Damage: How High Blood Pressure Affects the Brain

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High blood pressure, or hypertension, is often called a “silent killer” because it may not produce noticeable symptoms for years. While most people associate hypertension with heart disease, fewer realise that uncontrolled blood pressure can quietly damage one of the body’s most vital organs — the brain.

On World Hypertension Day, it is important to understand that blood pressure control is not only about preventing heart attacks. Proper management of hypertension plays a crucial role in preserving memory, cognition, mobility, and overall brain health.

The Brain and Blood Pressure: A Delicate Relationship

The brain depends on a constant and carefully regulated blood supply. Persistently elevated blood pressure places excessive stress on the delicate blood vessels within the brain. Over time, this can lead to narrowing, weakening, or blockage of smaller arteries and tiny terminal vessels known as arterioles, reducing healthy blood flow to brain tissue.

This damage often develops silently over many years. Many individuals remain completely unaware until symptoms begin affecting daily life. This is different from an acute stroke, which occurs suddenly due to blockage or rupture of a major blood vessel and commonly presents with dramatic weakness or paralysis on one side of the body.

Silent Brain Damage: What Does It Mean?

Long-standing hypertension can cause tiny injuries in the brain known as “small vessel disease.” These microscopic changes may not produce immediate symptoms but gradually impair brain function over time.

Brain imaging studies frequently reveal silent brain damage in patients with uncontrolled hypertension, even in those who otherwise feel healthy.

Such damage may contribute to:

  • Memory decline
  • Difficulty concentrating
  • Slower thinking
  • Balance problems
  • Mood and sleep disturbances
  • Slowness and stiffness of body movements
  • Speech and swallowing difficulties

These conditions may eventually manifest as vascular dementia or vascular parkinsonism and, unfortunately, are often irreversible. Lack of awareness and dismissing these symptoms as “normal ageing” frequently delays medical attention until disability and functional impairment become advanced and permanent.

The Growing Burden of Stroke and Dementia

Stroke remains one of the leading causes of death and long-term disability worldwide. In India, the burden of stroke has steadily increased over the past two decades, affecting not only the elderly but also younger adults during their most productive years.

Stroke impacts not only the patient, but also places a tremendous emotional, physical, and financial burden on the entire family and caregivers.

Beyond paralysis and speech difficulty, stroke often results in:

  • Loss of independence
  • Long-term rehabilitation needs
  • Cognitive decline
  • Depression and emotional disturbances
  • Significant caregiver burden

At the same time, dementia and vascular cognitive impairment are becoming increasingly common with ageing populations. Many people associate dementia only with ageing or Alzheimer’s disease, but uncontrolled hypertension is one of the major contributors to vascular brain disease and memory decline.

Repeated injury to small blood vessels caused by high blood pressure gradually damages the brain’s communication pathways, leading to impaired memory, slower thinking, poor executive function, and behavioural changes.

The Good News: Much of It Is Preventable

One of the most important facts about hypertension-related brain disease is that a large proportion of it is preventable.

Studies have consistently shown that proper blood pressure control can significantly reduce:

  • Risk of stroke
  • Chances of recurrent stroke
  • Development of vascular dementia
  • Progression of small vessel brain disease

Even modest reduction in blood pressure substantially lowers stroke risk over time. Early diagnosis and regular treatment therefore become powerful tools not only for protecting the heart, but also for preserving brain function and quality of life.

Apart from hypertension, other important preventable risk factors include:

  • Diabetes
  • High cholesterol
  • Chronic stress
  • Tobacco and alcohol addiction
  • Unhealthy dietary habits
  • Sedentary lifestyle
  • Poor sleep

In simple terms:

“What is good for the heart is also good for the brain.”

Younger Adults Are Also at Risk

There is a growing trend of hypertension being diagnosed at younger ages due to modern lifestyle patterns and stress.

Unfortunately, younger individuals often ignore elevated blood pressure because they feel physically active and symptom-free. Silent neurological damage, however, may already be progressing in the background.

Protecting Brain Health Starts Early

Maintaining healthy blood pressure is one of the most effective ways to preserve long-term brain function.

Important preventive measures include:

  • Regular blood pressure monitoring
  • Taking prescribed medications consistently
  • Reducing salt intake
  • Maintaining healthy body weight
  • Regular physical activity
  • Proper sleep
  • Diabetes and cholesterol control
  • Avoiding tobacco use
  • Effective stress management

Equally important is timely medical evaluation when symptoms such as headaches, dizziness, weakness, imbalance, memory problems, or sudden neurological changes occur.

Beyond Cardiology: A Whole-Body Concern

Hypertension should not be viewed only as a cardiac issue. Its effects extend to the brain, kidneys, eyes, and blood vessels throughout the body. Preventing neurological complications requires awareness, early intervention, and a multidisciplinary approach to healthcare.

World Hypertension Day serves as an important reminder that controlling blood pressure today may help preserve cognitive health, independence, and quality of life in the future.

“The absence of symptoms does not mean the absence of damage. Early blood pressure control is one of the most powerful tools to protect long-term brain health.”

The Sound of Bulldozers and the Making of a New Bengal

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Barely ten days have passed since the election results were declared. The new government has hardly settled into office. Yet within this brief span, Bengal has already begun hearing a familiar sound — not the rhetoric of welfare or democratic renewal, but the grinding noise of bulldozers.

The first targets were the railway stations. In Pandua, Bardhaman, Bally, Bidhannagar, and several other towns, small vendors and kiosk owners suddenly found themselves served with eviction notices. Shops that had existed for decades — often tolerated, taxed, and woven into the everyday life of commuters — were abruptly declared “illegal.” Soon afterward came demolition drives. Tin roofs were ripped apart, wooden counters smashed, and livelihoods erased in a matter of hours. Rehabilitation, where mentioned at all, remained abstract and invisible.

The same pattern soon appeared elsewhere. Footpath vendors and informal traders in Kolkata began facing renewed crackdowns. The scenes around Hogg Market were not merely administrative exercises in “clearing encroachments.” They were spectacles of power. In the language of contemporary governance, the poor increasingly appear not as citizens surviving within a fragile economy, but as obstructions to an imagined orderliness.

The most dangerous word in this political moment may well be “illegal.” Once attached to a person or a settlement, it transforms human beings into administrative excess — something to be removed rather than heard. Legality ceases to function as a matter of due process and becomes instead a moral category. Entire communities are rendered suspect before any hearing takes place.

The recent events in Tiljala exposed this logic with chilling clarity. Videos circulated online showed a Muslim woman pleading with officials, insisting that her family possessed all the required documents and were willing to produce them. But bulldozer justice has little patience for procedure. It is not designed to listen; it is designed to perform power. Its legitimacy emerges not from courts or constitutionalism, but from spectacle.

From “Illegal” to Disposable: The Politics of Demolition

Over the last decade, India has witnessed the rise of a new political aesthetic in which demolition itself becomes governance. What began in states like Uttar Pradesh as a highly publicized campaign targeting largely Muslim neighborhoods has gradually normalized a broader authoritarian impulse: punishment first, legality later. The bulldozer has become both administrative instrument and political symbol.

What is perhaps most disturbing is the social approval such actions increasingly receive. Across television studios and social media comment sections, demolitions are celebrated as instant justice. A dangerous popular morality has taken root — one shaped by decades of cinematic vigilantism and televised nationalism — where the destruction of property is mistaken for the restoration of order. Due process appears slow and inconvenient; spectacle feels emotionally satisfying.

History, however, offers a warning. States that normalize exceptional violence against one section of society rarely stop there. Once the machinery of punitive governance is established, its scope inevitably expands. The same apparatus first used against minorities eventually turns toward workers, protesters, informal economies, and the urban poor more broadly.

There is also an unmistakable economic logic beneath these drives. Railway stalls, footpath markets, and informal shops are not merely “encroachments”; they are among the last surviving economic spaces available to Bengal’s lower-middle classes and working poor. Their removal raises a deeper question: who is the city ultimately being reorganized for? Beneath the language of legality and beautification lies the steady consolidation of urban space in favor of organized capital and corporate expansion.

Bulldozer Governance and the Silence of Democratic Society

And yet large sections of society continue to view these developments from a distance, as though they concern someone else. Much of the middle class remains trapped within narrow anxieties over salaries, dearness allowance revisions, or private security. But democratic erosion rarely announces itself dramatically at first. It advances through normalization — through the gradual acceptance of fear, exclusion, and administrative cruelty as ordinary facts of life.

The great Bengali poet, Jibanananda Das once wrote, “Everyone looks at everyone else from the corner of their eye.” In today’s Bengal, that line acquires a darker resonance. Citizens increasingly look at one another with suspicion; the state looks at citizens through documents and surveillance; and society slowly learns the habit of silence.

That may be the most profound transformation underway. Bulldozers do not merely demolish homes or shops. Over time, they erode the social imagination necessary for democracy itself — the fragile belief that other people’s rights, dignity, and survival are inseparable from our own.

The Politics of Memory and Desire in Nalin Verma’s Sacred Unions and Other Stories

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Sacred Unions and Other Stories by Nalin Verma is not merely an anthology of fiction; it is an immersion into the social landscape, emotional contradictions, and cultural textures of Purvanchal. With remarkable ease, Verma transforms ordinary lives into compelling narratives and mundane incidents into unforgettable literary moments, the kind that linger in the mind long after the final page is turned.

Storytelling is not a skill acquired solely through grammar or craft manuals; it is instinctive. Some possess it naturally. I was reminded of this one late evening while driving back from work on the Outer Ring Road near IIT Gate in Delhi. In a dimly lit stretch, I noticed a cyclist collapse on the road, froth coming from his mouth. His tiffin box had rolled into the traffic. It was obvious he had suffered an epileptic attack.

Had I swerved and sped away like some others, the man might have been crushed under the wheels of the vehicles behind me. I stepped out and tried to move him to safety, but could not do it alone. I pleaded for help, yet not a single motorist stopped. Finally, after several anxious minutes, a Sikh gentleman with an Army tag on his windscreen halted his vehicle. Together, we lifted the man and placed him safely on the road divider, along with his bicycle.

When I narrated the incident at home, it sounded like a plain account of a roadside emergency. But a few days later, I overheard my grandson Nehemiah retelling the same episode to a visitor. By then, the story had acquired colour, tension, atmosphere, and drama. Listening to him, I wondered whether it was indeed the same event I had experienced. Small wonder, last week he won the first prize in the Marthoma Church’s Delhi Diocesan-level storytelling competition.

That ability to breathe life into a narrative is what distinguishes a genuine storyteller from a mere narrator. For four decades, I have known Nalin Verma to possess this rare gift in abundance. Even in casual conversation, he can transform a prosaic incident into an engrossing anecdote. He has spent years gathering stories from villages, railway compartments, political corridors, and forgotten lanes, storing them like a master craftsman preserving tools for future use.

Today, Verma is no longer just a former journalist exchanging memories on social media. He has evolved into a serious academic and accomplished author with a literary agent negotiating publication deals, a distinction few Indian journalists can claim. Talent may open the first door for a writer, but survival depends entirely on sustained excellence. Sacred Unions and Other Stories, a collection of five long stories, is the fifth of his books I have read or reviewed, and it confirms his growing literary stature.

Though the book reached me weeks ago, I was too preoccupied to begin reading it immediately. Once I did, however, I regretted the delay. Better late than never. I read every page with care and discovered stories that were enchanting, suspenseful, and deeply humane. If readability is the greatest virtue of fiction, this volume possesses it in abundance.

One reason the stories appealed to me is that parts of Verma’s fictional world are not unfamiliar. Though I have never visited his ancestral village, I once travelled with him through Siwan on the way to Lalu Prasad Yadav’s village. I know the terrain, the poverty, the aspirations, and the peculiar rhythms of life in that region.

When I arrived in Patna in 1980 to join The Searchlight, I became friendly with a young man on the train who happened to be the son of the chief engineer supervising the construction of the iconic Mahatma Gandhi Setu across the Ganga. Fascinated by the project, I visited the site myself. Unlike several recently constructed bridges in Bihar that collapsed embarrassingly within months, Gandhi Setu continues to serve as the vital artery connecting Patna to North Bihar.

In Verma’s hands, however, the bridge becomes much more than concrete and steel. It becomes the emotional centrepiece of a love story blooming amid orchards and gardens, only to be bulldozed in the name of development and replaced by a motel. Quietly but powerfully, the author questions the meaning of “progress.” Is development merely the multiplication of buildings and highways, or does it also involve preserving human relationships, memories, and landscapes?

Characterisation remains Verma’s greatest strength. Every figure in these stories carries a distinct identity and emotional weight. The corrupt daroga in the opening story is so despicable that readers almost cheer when he is finally struck down at the command of his own daughter, an IPS officer. The episode may stretch the limits of plausibility, but fiction is not a police diary. Its obligation is not always realism; sometimes it is emotional truth. Verma understands how to sustain suspense, tighten tension, and keep the reader invested until the final revelation.

Equally memorable is his portrayal of love. In one story, an illiterate village girl falls in love with a brilliant young man who secures first rank in the competitive examination for admission to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences. The relationship is tender, restrained, and sublime. Verma understands that great love stories are not always measured by physical union. The world still remembers Romeo and Juliet, as well as Salim and Anarkali, not because they lived happily ever after, but because their love transcended circumstance.

Importantly, Verma does not burden his fiction with excessive explanations. He leaves certain questions unanswered. Will the lovers eventually marry? The author trusts the reader’s imagination enough not to spoon-feed conclusions.

Growing up in a culturally eclectic environment, Verma displays equal familiarity with Hindu and Muslim traditions. Muslim characters and Islamic references emerge naturally in his stories, never artificially inserted for effect. One particularly moving story revolves around a saintly Muslim figure whose death plunges an entire village into grief. The narrative gradually becomes a moral lesson for his self-centred son, who must rediscover humility before regaining the community’s trust.

Another story, which could easily have descended into sensationalism, is handled with extraordinary sensitivity. The mother of an illegitimate child emerges not as a figure of shame but as one of dignity and near-saintly character. In one poignant moment, the child asks about his father:

“Who is my father?” he had once asked his mother. “The Sun,” she had answered. The child’s mind was satisfied by the conclusion of this mystery, and he had gone on to repeat her answer to anyone who asked him about his father”.

That single passage captures Verma’s literary gift: tenderness without sentimentality, pathos without melodrama.

At just 180 pages, Sacred Unions and Other Stories is deceptively slim. Yet within its modest length lies an entire universe of flawed humans, wounded hearts, fading villages, moral dilemmas, and fragile hopes. The stories move effortlessly between love and violence, faith and betrayal, memory and modernity.

Most importantly, the book possesses that increasingly rare quality in contemporary literature: it is unputdownable. Once a reader enters Nalin Verma’s world, leaving it midway becomes almost impossible. One turns the pages not out of obligation but out of irresistible curiosity to know what happens next. That, ultimately, is the hallmark of a born storyteller.

A Seat at the Table? Why Muslims, India’s Largest Minority, Are Fading from the Saffron Project

There is a video circulating on social media in which Ritesh Tiwari, a newly elected Bharatiya Janata Party legislator from the Kashipur-Belgachia constituency, says after winning Bengal assembly election 2026 that he will not do a single work for Muslim community, nor even issue certificates to them, because neither did they vote for him nor did he seek their votes.

Unfortunately, such remarks are no longer unusual in the world’s largest democracy. After elections, BJP leaders and legislators increasingly make statements that openly draw political lines along religious identities. In Bengal, before Tiwari, Suvendu Adhikari — now the chief minister — had made a similar remark soon after the results from his Nandigram seat were announced.

The larger question, therefore, is this: how are Muslims in India expected to vote for the BJP?

Representation Crisis: The Vanishing Muslim Candidate in BJP

Whenever elections are announced, political parties begin selecting candidates. Yet, election after election, the world’s largest political party has almost completely stopped nominating Muslims. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP did not field a single Muslim candidate among its more than 400 contestants. The pattern has been repeated across several Assembly elections as well. It followed during Bengal assembly polls too. A decade ago, in rare cases, the party would still field one or two Muslim candidates. Today, even that token presence has nearly disappeared.

Some BJP leaders argue that Muslims are not sufficiently associated with the party, and therefore there are not enough viable Muslim faces to nominate. But that explanation appears weak. The BJP has minority wings across districts in India, and its outreach among sections of Pasmanda Muslims has visibly expanded over the years. More importantly, a party capable of producing chief ministerial candidates out of no where can surely identify Muslim candidates too — if it genuinely wishes to.

Increasingly, the absence of Muslim candidates appears less like an organisational limitation and more like a political strategy (marginalization of Muslims) aimed at consolidating Hindu votes through polarisation.

Campaigning and Manifestos: Decoding the Strategy of Polarisation

But the issue is not limited to candidate selection alone. Muslims — India’s largest religious minority — can still choose to vote for the BJP. Yet between the declaration of candidates and the casting of votes, two crucial phases shape the political atmosphere of every election.

The first is campaigning. From district-level leaders to state and national leader’s hate speeches have repeatedly become part of election campaign. Civil society groups often write open letters to the Election Commission of India demanding action against communal campaigning and inflammatory remarks. Yet meaningful intervention rarely follows. Over time, such rhetoric has become so routine that many Indians barely react to it anymore. What was once considered extraordinary is now treated as standard election language.

The second phase is the manifesto. Every party releases a document outlining its vision and priorities for the next five years. Yet BJP manifestos and campaign promises frequently include proposals centred on minority-related laws, religious conversions, madrasa regulations, or the Uniform Civil Code — issues that many Muslims interpret as signals directed against them. In this way, campaign rhetoric gradually transforms into policy language.

So when Muslims are denied representation in candidate selection, targeted through polarising election speeches, and confronted with manifestos that often amplify their insecurities, how are they expected to feel politically included within the BJP’s project?

The Trust Deficit: Why the Saffron Brigade Struggles for the Muslim Vote

It is also important to note that Muslims, in most constituencies, vote overwhelmingly for non-Muslim candidates. Their voting behaviour is not solely driven by religious identity. In fact, one of the enduring ironies of Indian politics is that Muslims are repeatedly asked to prove their secularism, while parties openly mobilising religious majoritarianism rarely face the same scrutiny.

Perhaps that is why the real question is not, “Why don’t Muslims vote for the saffron brigade?” The more uncomfortable question is: what meaningful political, symbolic, or moral reason has the BJP offered Muslims to trust it with their vote?

Needless to revisit what is already well documented in the public domain — the BJP’s political rise was closely linked to the Rath Yatra movement centred around the demand for the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Over the last decade as well, new political phrases and narratives such as ‘Love Jihad’, ‘Land Jihad’, ‘Ghuspethia (infiltrator)’, and even ‘bulldozer justice’ have increasingly entered mainstream discourse, almost always with Muslims at the centre of suspicion or hostility.

The citizenship question has increasingly been turned into a life-altering and fear-driven issue through policies such as the CAA and NRC. And now, the newly introduced Special Intensive Revision (SIR) is widely being perceived by many as merely a new name for the NRC, further deepening anxieties around identity, documentation, and belonging.

At the same time, the country has repeatedly witnessed how crimes involving Muslims are often projected as civilisational threats, while cases where Muslims themselves become victims frequently fail to evoke the same outrage, urgency, or justice. In such an atmosphere, the real surprise is not that Muslims hesitate to vote for the BJP. The real question is whether the BJP has genuinely attempted to create the conditions in which Muslims can feel politically respected, represented, and secure enough to trust it with their vote.

The Silence of the Lambs at IMS-BHU: Investigating Dr Satya’s Suicide Attempt and Toxic Overwork Culture

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Banaras Hindu University is one of India’s premier educational institutions. Under it, the Institute of Medical Sciences (IMS) was established in 1960 and was upgraded to the level of an AIIMS-like institution in 2018. Yet despite its stature, the institution has increasingly drawn criticism for its allegedly toxic environment.

On March 13 this year, Satya, a junior doctor from the Department of Surgery at IMS-BHU, allegedly attempted suicide. The excessive insulin dosage reportedly caused severe kidney damage. Satya, a resident of Samastipur in Bihar, has been battling for life on a ventilator in the Medicine Department for the past two months.

Instead of ensuring transparency, BHU has maintained what many describe as a shameful silence over the matter. The institution has allegedly attempted to bury the issue through an internal inquiry committee aimed at protecting those responsible. However, since an attempted suicide falls under the category of a criminal matter, many believe it warrants a proper police investigation.

United Doctors Front Chairperson Dr Lakshya Mittal wrote to the Uttar Pradesh government demanding an impartial inquiry under the leadership of the Varanasi Police Commissioner. Yet, critics argue that under the “double-engine government,” hopes for justice remain bleak.

Fear and Intimidation Inside IMS-BHU

At present, an atmosphere of fear and intimidation reportedly prevails within IMS-BHU. Following the suicide attempt, junior residents briefly staged partial strikes and protests to highlight their grievances, particularly the issue of illegal and excessively long duty hours. However, students were allegedly threatened into silence.

IMS Director Prof. S.N. Sankhwar announced that issues related to PG students’ duty rosters would be addressed, after which the protests were withdrawn. Frightened students, too, were compelled to remain silent.

Two months have passed since the tragic incident, yet no one is willing to speak openly. What exactly is Satya’s medical condition now? How much recovery has she made? What medical complications is she battling? Is she receiving satisfactory treatment? Does she require transfer to a better-equipped institution or access to expensive medicines and advanced medical technology?

No answers are forthcoming.

Similarly, there is complete silence regarding the internal inquiry committee. Has the committee submitted its report? Were any actions taken against the seniors accused of harassment? IMS-BHU’s silence on all these questions appears both mysterious and deeply troubling.

Endless Duty Hours and a Broken System

Government hospitals in India function heavily on the labor of medical students. These hospitals handle thousands of patients daily while facing severe shortages of doctors and nursing staff. The burden is often shifted onto junior doctors and PG students.

Unlike permanent staff, medical students can be pressured with the fear of academic failure. As a result, many are forced to work continuous 36-hour shifts. Their basic human needs — sleep, food, and rest — are frequently ignored.

What quality of healthcare can society expect from exhausted and sleep-deprived junior doctors?

(Postgraduate students are commonly referred to as resident doctors or junior doctors.)

Such extreme fatigue often leads to serious medical errors, though patients and their families rarely realize the real cause. Recently, a woman named Radhika Devi reportedly died in the same hospital after undergoing the wrong surgery due to mistaken identity with another patient of the same name. If investigated properly, the incident may reveal a direct connection between medical negligence and the crushing workload imposed on PG students.

The role of excessive duty hours in Dr. Satya’s suicide attempt must also be examined. Authorities should study the duty charts of Surgery Department PG students for the past six months and investigate how doctor shortages and prolonged work hours are affecting patient care.

What Do the Rules Actually Say?

According to the Government of India’s 1992 Residency Scheme rules, postgraduate medical students should work a maximum of 48 hours per week and no more than 12 hours continuously in a single shift. The same rules officially apply at IMS-BHU, which is being developed along AIIMS standards.

An AIIMS order dated August 21, 2025, reportedly reiterates the same norms verbatim.

Yet, at IMS-BHU and many other medical colleges across India, junior doctors are allegedly forced into illegal and inhuman 36-hour shifts. Fake duty rosters are allegedly created to conceal the reality.

The consequences are devastating: depression among medical students, students abandoning hard-earned seats, and in some cases, suicides. Parents of medical students are being pushed into helpless despair.

The National Medical Commission constituted a National Task Force on medical students’ mental health in 2024. According to its findings, 37 percent of medical students reported suicidal thoughts. Every year, more than 25 medical students reportedly die by suicide, while over 250 students abandon their seats despite fierce competition to secure admission.

The quality of treatment in government hospitals will remain compromised unless the 1992 duty regulations for PG medical students are honestly implemented.

PMO Reached as the Matter Escalates

Dr. Lakshya Mittal of the United Doctors Front has demanded justice while wishing for Dr. Satya’s speedy recovery. Since Varanasi is the parliamentary constituency of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the matter has now reportedly reached the Prime Minister’s Office.

A UDF member named Rishabh submitted a complaint to the Varanasi Police Commissioner detailing the entire incident and demanding an investigation. The matter is reportedly being handled by Under Secretary Mukul Dixit.

According to the complaint filed before the PMO, forcing junior doctors to work excessively long hours may amount to punishable offenses under Sections 146, 337, 340, and 344 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS). The complaint also states that such exploitative conditions endanger patient care.

The complaint seeks an audit of “work-to-rule” implementation under the 1992 Residency Scheme, which mandates a maximum 48-hour work week, no more than 12 continuous working hours, and compulsory weekly leave.

The letter further demands:

  • A public health update on Dr. Satya’s condition
  • Assurance of the best possible medical treatment
  • A high-level police investigation rather than limiting the matter to an internal committee
  • Meetings with parents of all JR-1 students to hear their grievances

Questions Society and Journalists Must Ask

This is a serious issue that society — and especially journalists — must pursue. They should seek answers from BHU Vice Chancellor Prof. Ajit Kumar Chaturvedi and IMS Director Prof. S.N. Sankhwar on the following questions:

  1. What are the official duty rules for PG medical students at IMS-BHU? Are the Government of India’s 1992 rules and the AIIMS order dated August 21, 2025, actually being followed?
  2. If yes, will the administration publicly confirm this in a press conference attended by students and parents?
  3. If not, under what authority are illegal and inhuman long duty hours being imposed?
  4. If such long duties are indeed being enforced, are the actual working hours properly recorded? Will the institution release department-wise duty data of every student for the past three months?
  5. Will independent citizens and journalists from Varanasi be allowed to investigate whether these excessive duty hours are negatively affecting patient care?
  6. What is Dr. Satya’s current medical condition, and does she require any specialized treatment?
  7. Where is the report of the internal inquiry committee? Why was a police case not registered despite the matter involving an attempted suicide? Is an internal committee competent to investigate offenses potentially involving criminal sections under BNS?
  8. Will IMS-BHU publicly disclose how many hours Dr. Satya worked each day from the time she joined the course until the suicide attempt?

If IMS-BHU refuses to answer these questions, then citizens and journalists in Varanasi must undertake an independent inquiry themselves.

After all, this is a democracy. The public has both the right — and the responsibility — to ask these questions.

Kolkata’s Longest Morning: When the Silence of the Streets Met the Roar of the Screen

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Kolkata: May 4th, 2026.

The morning felt heavy.

It was counting day for the West Bengal Assembly elections. From early morning itself, there was tension in the air across Kolkata and the districts. Tea stalls were fuller than usual. TVs had been switched on before breakfast. People spoke softly, carefully.

For weeks, the atmosphere had been building towards this day.

After the SIR, adjudications, deletions, and all the confusion and panic among voters, the Election Commission kept bringing new restrictions one after another. Hundreds of companies of central forces had been brought into the state along with armoured vehicles. After voting on 29th April in Kolkata, stories and rumours spread quickly. CCTV cameras outside strong rooms suddenly going off. Electricity failures. Attempts to enter strong rooms. Ballot boxes being moved from one place to another. Vehicles being checked everywhere. Restrictions on bikes and pillion riding.

Nobody knew what was true and what was rumour. But together they created anxiety.

So on this day, many people avoided going to work. Some parents did not send their children to school. Markets opened cautiously. People feared something might happen. The only question was how much.

Exit polls had already predicted a BJP victory. Some even spoke of a landslide. But Bengal had seen such predictions fail before, especially in 2021, so many people did not fully trust them. Others simply stayed silent.

From the morning itself, families sat glued to televisions, laptops and mobile phones. News channels started flashing trends surprisingly early, almost before proper counting had begun. In some constituencies, even the first rounds were not complete, yet channels had already started speaking with certainty.

By noon, counting in some seats had yet to begin, but several anchors were already speaking as though the election was over.

Studios had turned into celebration grounds.

On some channels, the excitement was impossible to miss. Anchors shouted over one another while saffron graphics flashed on the screens. It no longer sounded like neutral reporting. It sounded personal.

Repolls had already been ordered in some areas before counting day itself. In one constituency, fresh polling was scheduled weeks later, meaning the final result there would also come much later. That added even more uncertainty and suspicion.

TV Studios Celebrated Before Bengal Counting Was Complete

Then came the first videos.

Small clips started circulating on social media. BJP supporters were allegedly attacking TMC offices. Workers were being beaten or chased away. Flags were being removed and replaced. At first, many people thought these were isolated incidents.

But the videos kept increasing.

As the BJP’s lead kept growing, panic spread among many TMC workers around counting centres. Some reportedly left quietly, not wanting confrontation once the mood outside started changing.

And then the results started becoming official.

Seat after seat.

Constituency after constituency.

Margins beyond what most people had imagined.

Even some of the strongest TMC faces were losing.

The political shock slowly turned into unease.

People opposed to the BJP became unusually subdued. Discussions inside homes became softer. Relatives called each other asking the same thing:

“What is happening there?”

Soon reports started coming in. Some verified, many unconfirmed. Attacks. Vandalism. Threats. Rumours of mosques and minority areas being targeted. Whether true, exaggerated or false, they deepened the tension.

For the next two to three days, Kolkata felt different. Shouts of “Jai Shri Ram” were heard constantly in many areas. TMC offices were vandalised in several places. Party flags disappeared overnight, and saffron flags appeared in their place. Local workers and leaders started changing sides. Some out of political calculation. Some perhaps out of fear.

Social media became a world of its own.

Some celebrated the victory. Some shared videos of violence. Some mocked people changing flags and loyalties. Some were shocked at how swiftly everything was unfolding. Many simply watched in silence.

Bengal Violence Videos Flooded Social Media After Results

Warnings spread quickly through WhatsApp groups and phone calls.

“Don’t go out unnecessarily.”

“Avoid going out late at night.”

“Stay away from sensitive areas.”

Markets became emptier after sunset. People hurried home earlier than usual.

Surprisingly, in some places, bulldozers appeared. Old names were reportedly removed from signboards. New banners with new names suddenly appeared, making many wonder whether they had already been prepared beforehand.

Throughout all this, videos repeatedly showed police and central forces standing nearby while mobs shouted slogans, attacked political workers, broke furniture, ransacked offices and in some places even set party offices on fire.

As the days passed, another side of society also became visible.

The speed with which people, workers and even local leaders switched loyalties surprised many.

Fear, calculation, survival, opportunism, excitement, revenge, silence — all seemed to exist together at the same time.

Perhaps moments like these reveal the true condition of a society more than ordinary times do. People quietly realised how suddenly political certainty can disappear.

Bengal’s Political Shift Left Ordinary People Deeply Uncertain

For many, the events of those few days were not merely about election results. They became a reminder of how fragile normalcy can actually be.

In those moments, one could not help remembering the promises with which the country had begun its journey — justice, liberty, equality and fraternity.

And yet, with every passing election, it often feels as though society is moving further away from those very ideals.

Ordinary people slowly get pushed into situations they neither imagined nor desired, often in the name of politics, power and vested interests.

For BJP supporters, it felt like a long-awaited political victory.

For opponents, it felt like the collapse of a familiar world.

And for ordinary people watching Bengal change in real time, those days felt less like election results and more like the beginning of a completely new and uncertain chapter.