“Vote Rights Are Not Up for Sale”: Sr Advocate Samim Ahammed’s SIR Message

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Karandighi, Uttar Dinajpur: As the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls continues to fuel intense political and public debate in West Bengal, the issue resonated strongly in Karandighi, Uttar Dinajpur, on Saturday.

The CPI(M) Uttar Dinajpur District Committee organised a special legal assistance camp on SIR at the Gopalpur MSK ground in the Domohana area of Karandighi. The programme brought together residents seeking clarity on electoral rolls, voting rights and the legal aspects of the ongoing revision process.

Among those present was Calcutta High Court advocate Samim Ahammed, who addressed the gathering and spoke at length about SIR, voting rights and the role of the Election Commission.

Ahammed said, “I have come here to fight against ‘vote theft’ and to restore voting rights. We are in this fight.”

His remarks came amid renewed national attention on the functioning of the Election Commission. A recent investigation by The Indian Express reported that Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi had formally raised objections at least 14 times over 10 months regarding several decisions connected with electoral rolls and the SIR process. The report said their concerns included changes to voter registration procedures, deletion and restoration of names, and access to the electoral-roll database.

Against this backdrop, Ahammed sharply criticised Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. He alleged that Kumar, while heading a constitutional institution, was attempting to undermine the Constitution.

Ahammed further claimed that people must come together to oppose what he described as an assault on constitutional and voting rights.

In one of the strongest parts of his speech, Ahammed referred to Gyanesh Kumar as a “traitor” and argued that, in his view, a person he describes in such terms should not hold a constitutional position.

However, the allegations against Gyanesh Kumar, including references to “vote theft” and “destroying the Constitution”, as well as Ahammed’s description of him as a “traitor”, are statements made by Samim Ahammed and are not being presented here as independent facts or as findings of a court or constitutional authority.

Ahammed also stressed the importance of protecting every citizen’s right to vote. According to him, the purpose of the campaign is to ensure that citizens in a democratic country can exercise their franchise and choose their representatives.

The SIR debate has gained further prominence following The Indian Express investigation. In its response to that report, the Election Commission said that differing views were part of its decision-making process and maintained that decisions taken during the period were unanimous, while the report noted that the Commission did not dispute the existence, dates or contents of the 14 notes referred to in the investigation.

From Legal Assistance Camp to Farmers’ Rally

The programme in Gopalpur did not end with the legal assistance camp.

After the legal session, a farmers’ rally organised by the Kisan Sabha was taken out in the area. The day therefore witnessed both a legal awareness programme centred on SIR and a political mobilisation linked to the farmers’ organisation.

For the residents gathered at Gopalpur, the discussion around SIR was not limited to electoral paperwork. Questions surrounding voter rights, the electoral roll and the legal safeguards available to citizens became central to the day’s proceedings.

From the Gopalpur platform, Samim Ahammed called for a continued struggle to protect voting rights. His strong remarks on the Election Commission and Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar added a sharp political dimension to an event that was formally organised as a legal assistance camp on SIR.

With SIR remaining one of the most closely watched electoral issues in West Bengal, the developments in Karandighi have become another local chapter in the wider debate over voter rights, electoral rolls and the functioning of the Election Commission.

‘Assalamu Alaikum, Inshaallah, Jazakallah’: Peace, Hope and Gratitude Don’t Cancel Out Your Merit

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What should matter in judging an IPS officer: professional conduct, adherence to the law and administrative competence—or the religious vocabulary she uses while speaking to students?

The controversy surrounding Dr Bushra Bano, a 2021-batch IPS officer of the West Bengal cadre, raises a question that extends beyond one transfer. It concerns the point at which a citizen’s faith begins to intrude into the assessment of her public role.

On September 13, Bano posted a video about her journey through the civil services examination and the role of Aligarh Muslim University’s Residential Coaching Academy in her preparation. She opened with “Assalamu Alaikum”, used “Inshaallah” during her remarks and concluded with “Jazakallah”. The video subsequently attracted criticism.

The Hindu Legal Fund claimed that it had complained to the West Bengal Home Secretary, objecting to these expressions and arguing that a serving officer should maintain neutrality and use expressions such as “Jai Hind” or “Vande Mataram”.

The following day, Bano was transferred from Additional Superintendent of Police, Kharagpur, to Deputy Commandant, State Armed Police, Fourth Battalion. The government notification cited “public interest” but did not mention the video or the complaint. Two other officers were also transferred, and the government has described the reshuffle as routine. The official order does not establish any connection to her remarks made during the speech.

Yet the proximity of the two events naturally invites scrutiny. At the very least, it raises a legitimate question about whether greater administrative transparency would have been appropriate.

Dr Bushra Bano Transfer Row: Merit Over Cultural Markers

The irony becomes clearer when Bano’s professional journey is placed alongside the controversy. She studied mathematics, completed an MBA and earned a PhD from Aligarh Muslim University. She worked as an Assistant Professor in Saudi Arabia before returning to India to pursue the civil services.

She cleared the Uttar Pradesh Public Service Commission examination with Rank 6 and became a Sub-Divisional Magistrate. She subsequently cleared the UPSC examination and secured Rank 234, entering the IPS. Reports also describe her preparing for competitive examinations while managing family responsibilities, including appearing for the UPSC personality test while eight months pregnant during an earlier attempt.

This is a career built through examinations, qualifications and persistence. Yet the public discussion surrounding her has shifted from what she achieved to three words she used.

Faith vs Duty: When A Greeting Becomes A Loyalty Test

“Assalamu Alaikum” is a conventional Islamic greeting. “Inshaallah” means “God willing”, while “Jazakallah” is an expression of gratitude invoking God’s reward. Such usage does not, by itself, demonstrate political allegiance or administrative prejudice. If public servants are subject to rules governing official communication, those rules should be clearly defined and applied consistently to everyone, irrespective of religious identity. But professional neutrality and cultural uniformity are not necessarily the same thing.

A public servant must not discriminate on religious grounds. That is a requirement of public office. It does not follow that she must abandon every expression associated with her cultural or religious background. A Hindu officer saying “Namaskar”, a Sikh officer saying “Sat Sri Akal” or a Muslim officer saying “Assalamu Alaikum” need not be interpreted as a declaration of institutional allegiance. The relevant question is how an officer performs her duties.

Otherwise, an important constitutional principle risks being reduced to something narrower: not equal treatment of different citizens, but the expectation that some citizens must constantly demonstrate that their cultural identity does not make them less national.

There is also a gendered dimension. Bano’s story is that of a woman who navigated higher education, professional life, motherhood and the demands of one of India’s most competitive examinations. When the vocabulary, appearance or personal practices of a Muslim woman become subjects of disproportionate public scrutiny, religious politics can intersect with older forms of social control over women. The concern is not that Bano should receive special protection because she is a woman or a Muslim. It is that neither characteristic should become an additional burden placed upon her professional credentials.

The irony of the controversy is particularly sharp because Bano’s video was not a political speech. It was directed at students. She was discussing preparation, perseverance and the institutional support that helped her pursue the civil services. The substance of that message was eclipsed by the language in which she delivered it.

This is how cultural markers acquire political weight. A name becomes a statement. Food becomes an ideological signal. Clothing becomes a declaration. A greeting becomes evidence to be examined. What was once an ordinary expression of belonging is recast as a question of loyalty.

There is, certainly, a legitimate boundary between personal expression and the responsibilities of public office. An officer cannot use official authority to promote sectarian or partisan interests. But that principle becomes meaningful only when applied without religious double standards. Neutrality cannot require one section of society to suppress its cultural vocabulary while treating another’s expressions as naturally compatible with public life.

Routine Reshuffle Or Political Fallout? Questions Over Administrative Transparency

The phrase “public interest” in the transfer order therefore deserves administrative, rather than political, scrutiny. Transfers are a normal part of government functioning, and governments have the authority to reorganise postings. But when an apparently routine decision follows immediately after a controversy involving an officer’s religious expression, clarity about the grounds for that decision becomes important. Transparency can prevent suspicion from filling the space left by silence.

The issue, then, is not whether Bano should have said “Jai Hind” or “Vande Mataram”. She is, of course, free to use either expression. The deeper question is whether their absence can reasonably be treated as evidence of inadequate commitment to India. Patriotism cannot be reduced to a prescribed vocabulary. Nor should secularism be confused with cultural erasure.

Bano entered public service through competitive examinations. Her professional conduct, rather than her religious identity, should be the basis on which her performance as an officer is assessed. If there are questions about her performance as an officer, those questions should be examined through evidence relating to her official responsibilities.

That is the distinction a mature democracy must preserve: between what an officer believes and how she exercises public authority; between cultural expression and administrative conduct; between a citizen’s faith and the state’s obligations.

Constitutional Neutrality Does Not Demand Cultural Erasure

The Constitution does not require an Indian citizen to become culturally anonymous before entering public service. It requires equality before the law.

So the real question is not why an IPS officer said “Assalamu Alaikum”. It is why three ordinary expressions were considered important enough to become part of a controversy surrounding her public role. If a greeting can become a test of national belonging, the concern is no longer about one officer’s vocabulary. It is about whether public institutions are beginning to judge citizens not only by what they do, but also by how closely their identities conform to an imagined national norm.

A civil servant’s duty is to the Constitution, not to a vocabulary test. The credibility of that principle ultimately rests on something simple: judge the officer by her ability and conduct in office, not by the religion of the words she uses.

Bengal: Different Government, Same Playbook? Faizan Ahmed Case Returns to Court

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Kolkata: What the Mamata Banerjee-led TMC government did yesterday, the Suvendu Adhikari-led BJP government is repeating today—at least inside the courtroom, in the Faizan Ahmed murder case.

“On July 30, I met Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari and requested him to help speed up my son Faizan Ahmed’s homicide case. First, he was surprised that nothing had happened in the case and that there had been no arrests so far. He told me that he will see what he can do,” said Rehana Ahmed, mother of the IIT Kharagpur student, whose suicide was declared a homicide by the division bench of Calcutta High Court.

Rehana was reacting to the Bengal government approaching the Calcutta High Court for the formation of a Medical Board to review autopsy reports.

Faizan, a resident of Tinsukia, Assam, was a 23-year-old third-year Mechanical Engineering student. The brilliant student not only secured AIR 11 in JEE Main 2020 and took admission in IIT KGP but, because of his extraordinary talent, also became a member of two centrally funded robotics research teams.

But on October 14, 2022 the partially decomposed body of Rehana’s only child was found inside the LLR Hostel. While the administration has claimed that the student committed suicide, the family believes that he was murdered. Parents approached the Calcutta High Court. The court of Justice Rajasekhar Mantha first appointed a forensic expert, Dr Ashok Gupta. Dr Gupta, reviewing pictures and videos of the body, requested the court to hold a fresh autopsy, which revealed that the IITian was murdered.

Significantly, not just IIT authorities, but the state government too—from police to lawyers—opposed it. They also moved to the division bench.

“But from the single bench to the division bench of Chief Justice TS Sivagnanam and Justice Hiranmai Bhattacharyya, both benches also declared my son’s suicide a homicide and a Special Investigation Team was constituted to act on this line. I was looking forward to further investigation taking place considering it homicide,” Rehana told eNewsroom.

Faizan Ahmed Case: Bengal Government Seeks Medical Board Review Again

“But it did not happen, and the SIT did not bring forth anything in this regard,” rued Rehana.

Instead, in 2025, the Mamata government’s lawyers had also moved for the formation of a medical board to review the autopsy.

For almost a year, there was no progress in the case.

And now, the Suvendu Adhikari government’s lawyers again approached the court on September 15 to form a medical board and review the autopsies.

Faizan’s Mother Questions Delay in IIT Kharagpur Murder Probe

Rajdeep Mazumder, the Additional Advocate General, told the court that, in view of the ‘diverse medical information which has surfaced in the course of investigation’ into Faizan’s death, the state intended to constitute a medical board for a fresh opinion.

She further said, “I met Suvendu Adhikari with great hope. When the death occurred, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma had tweeted and written to Mamata Banerjee to take action. So when the BJP government came into power in Bengal, I thought they would help speed up the case to find the perpetrator. But it seems no government wants to stand with the victims.”

“Now, it’s time for the judiciary to understand that there are processes to derail their own judgements. The judiciary has the responsibility to bring justice in the case, as since the murder of Faizan, several students have died in IITs. And most of them are from IIT Kharagpur, IIT Bombay and IIT Delhi,” she added.

Reports suggest at least 171 student deaths, including suicides and unnatural deaths, have been recorded across the IITs between 2005 and 2025. Between 2021 and 2025 alone, 53 student deaths took place.

Justice Md Shabbar Rashidi fixed September 29 as the next date of hearing.

You Can Crack IIT. Can You Crack Its Caste System?

India’s elite institutions have been a ‘death trap’ for students on the margins, particularly SC-ST-OBCs. The recent suicide of IIT Bombay student Sahil Wakode has enraged students, but the tragic part is that the entire debate has become polarised. IIT faculty suggested that Sahil used his mobile phone for ‘copying’ during the examinations. His family and other students accuse the professor of using a casteist slur against Sahil and say that he has been systematically harassed.

India’s varna vyavastha actually controls our education system, and at every step there are Dronacharyas to punish the students. Now, a Dalit student or, for that matter, an Adivasi student, comes from very difficult circumstances. Yes, some of them who make it might have their parents working in government services, but that does not take away the pressure to not only prove their worth but also remain prone to discrimination just because of their identity.

The suicide cases of Dalit-Adivasi students in these elite institutions are not isolated incidents. Rohit Vemula’s institutional murder ignited Dalit-Adivasi-OBC students, but slowly our institutions have shut down all forms of protest. Asking questions is an offence. Students can’t even protest against wrongs done to them for fear of being targeted, so most of the time, even when protests happen, young scholars are just part of the crowd, hiding from the spying eyes of administrations that wait for any pretext to act against them.

After Rohit Vemula’s death, an important point was raised about the mechanism through which SC-ST students can share their grievances and get good counselling. There is no mechanism except for some formalities that are based on ‘facts’ and are not really interested in the issue with their heart in it. Such ‘dry’ committees are only meant to provide legitimacy to the action taken against the students. The continuous erosion of student voices and forums inside the campuses has resulted in further isolation of SC-ST students. The problem grows as they face not only their caste identity issue but also the challenge of being immigrants to a big city where no one would listen to them. These heartless cities have no time for anyone sharing their pain and agony.

In the last twenty years, 171 students have committed suicide in various IITs of the country, as per a report in The Hindustan Times. The data is between 2006 and 2026, in which, in the first half, 51 students committed suicide, while in the second half, it jumped to 120. It means that things have become increasingly difficult for students from SC-ST-OBC communities as the campuses become more corporatised and state assistance continues to disappear. So, with the merit noise, we just want the state to withdraw from these institutions so that they become the fiefdom of the Brahmin-Bania corporate class who enjoy government subsidies and then fly away to the United States and Europe to get big, fat assignments.

How Caste, Merit and Privilege Shape India’s Elite Institutions

We suffer from a big disease of ‘merit’, which has become the biggest strength of the hierarchical forces. Our institutions have systematically denied diversity by invoking the doctrine of ‘merit’ to keep the Brahmanical hegemony intact, which is being challenged every day by the rising aspirations of scholars and students from the margins.

I have always maintained that our corporate sector is the symbol of our caste disease. Globally, it was felt that capitalism would bring liberalism and modernity to our boardrooms, but India’s corporate sector is the domain of particular jaatis who abhor the idea of diversity in their boardrooms. Educational institutions, particularly at the elite level, have now become their biggest target, as they want to kill the aspirations of the vast majority of India’s marginalised so that their boardrooms remain the sole domain of ‘vegetarian’ Vaidiks.

While it is also true that the suicides in these institutions are not merely those of SC-ST-OBC students, and different forms of pressure have resulted in suicide by others too, the problem with students from the margins is that they have to face a hostile administration as well as an equally unfamiliar environment, now with the growth of cultural prejudices.

A couple of years back, IIT Bombay’s student mess in the campus hostel had clearly drawn the line between the ‘vegetarians’ and non-vegetarian groups. Clearly, such incidents make students vulnerable to prejudices, particularly by academics; a majority of them these days are categorically associating with the ruling dispensation and its Brahmanical cultural value system.

When Campus Culture Reinforces Caste and Cultural Prejudices

Just a few days back, we saw a poster put up by IIT Mandi suggesting that the job of a Shudra was to ‘serve’ the other three varnas. While IIT Mandi dissociated itself from it after the issue was blown out, it is also a fact that the director was associated with ISKCON and teaches a ‘three-credit Gita Course’ at IIT Mandi, as per The Hindu.

IITs are also engaged more in studies like Gau Mutra and Ayurveda than in meaningful engagement on other issues. More and more discussions and ‘research’ are happening on the ‘cultural’ side to ensure that all our Vedantic treatises are termed as ‘scientific’.

When Merit Becomes a Barrier for Marginalised Students

So, the system and the environment around it have become more and more Brahmanical, which ensures that those who disagree with it or are uncomfortable with it might not even be able to pursue their studies.

The Prime Minister speaks volumes on Babasaheb Ambedkar, but at university campuses, his thoughts are unwanted. He is only allowed on his birthday and death anniversary, but if student groups want to organise seminars or discussions on Ambedkar’s thoughts, then it is a difficult choice unless the administration thinks it could be beneficial for their political masters.

Why Ambedkar’s Ideas Still Struggle Inside Elite Campuses

The elite institutions in India are actually collapsing. They are being pushed towards privatisation so that quality education becomes out of bounds for the common person. The environment around these institutions is already corporatised, where ‘vegetarianism’ is another quality of being part of it. You don’t need to say things. Your environment ensures that students on the margins hide their food habits and political perceptions and ideologies.

After Rohit Vemula’s death, the government said it would work on institutional mechanisms, and internal committees would be formed to deal with caste discrimination issues, but I am not sure whether such mechanisms are available in our IITs. Even if they are there, the questions are: who is part of these committees, and what is the representation of SC-ST-OBCs in these committees?

India’s Elite Institutions Cannot Survive Without Diversity and Inclusion

There is no point in blaming this or that. The fact is that there are serious cases of violations in our elite institutions, and the government and these institutions must act to ensure that the environment there is broader, inclusive and reflects the cultural diversity of India. Attempting to create a homogeneous group from these elite institutions will only hamper their credibility.

Meanwhile, we ask IIT Bombay to form an inquiry into this suicide and should not attempt to justify the act. Let the administration come out with a proper mechanism to deal with such cases so that they are not repeated, and the students get justice. Sahil Wakode’s family deserve justice.

It is also important that while mental health cases are important to deal with, we can’t hide the caste discrimination angle prevalent in our elite institutions. It is therefore essential to provide enough safety and protection mechanisms for SC-ST-OBC students, apart from taking strict action against those committing such violations.

Who Will Pick Up the Phone Now? The Crisis Facing Hemant Soren After Sonu

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September 6 will always be remembered by the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, especially by Chief Minister Hemant Soren and his family.

It was the day Sudivya Kumar Sonu, among the most dynamic leaders and dependable crisis managers in recent JMM history, passed away at the age of 56. There was no warning, no time to prepare for his absence. And perhaps that is what makes his death politically more significant.

Sonu was not just the Giridih Sadar MLA or a minister in the Hemant Soren government. Over the years, he had quietly become a key mind behind the JMM’s political strategy and one of the people the Soren family could turn to when the party or the government was going through a difficult phase.

That is why his absence creates a question much bigger than who will contest the next election from Giridih.

Who will be Hemant Soren’s crisis manager now?

Behind the Scenes: How Sudivya Kumar Sonu Built the JMM Shield

Sonu had at least three qualities that made him different from many politicians of his generation.

First, he was a political thinker and strategist. He understood the ground, the organisation and, perhaps most importantly, the political mood of Jharkhand.

Since 2019, he had remained a trusted troubleshooter for the JMM and the Hemant Soren government. His political journey also brought him particularly close to the Soren family.

He stood by Shibu Soren during some of the family’s difficult legal battles and later became an important figure around Hemant Soren.

When Hemant Soren was sent to jail in 2024, Sonu was among the leaders who helped the JMM navigate the uncertainty that followed. He was also instrumental in Kalpana Soren’s entry into electoral politics through Gandey

That was not a small development.

Kalpana Soren, who had never contested an election before, suddenly found herself at the centre of Jharkhand politics. Sonu was among those who helped turn that transition into an organised political campaign.

And when Champai Soren, another senior tribal leader who had briefly taken over as chief minister, eventually left the JMM, Sonu remained with the Soren family and the party.

For Hemant Soren, that kind of loyalty mattered.

Even during the recent JPSC-CGL examination protest, Sonu was the government’s face in negotiations with the protesting aspirants—a role that showed why Hemant Soren trusted him in moments of crisis.

Why Giridih Assembly Seat Is Hemant Soren’s Biggest Post-Sonu Test

The second major contribution of Sonu was Giridih.

Giridih has never been an easy political territory for the JMM. The BJP has had a strong presence here, while leaders such as Babulal Marandi and Jairam Kumar Mahto have made the district even more politically significant.

Yet Sonu managed to hold Giridih Sadar for two consecutive Assembly elections.

That is important because Giridih Sadar was the only urban Assembly constituency that the JMM won in the 2024 Jharkhand Assembly election.

Sonu had therefore done something that went beyond winning his own seat. He had built an organisation in an area where the JMM had to fight a much stronger urban political challenge.

And that organisation is now without its central figure.

Beyond Assembly Borders: Decoding Sonu’s Dominance in Giridih Urban Politics

Sonu’s influence was not restricted to the Assembly election.

In the 2026 municipal elections, the JMM-backed formation succeeded in securing the mayor’s post, with Pramila Mehra becoming mayor, while Sumit Kumar became deputy mayor.

For a party that has traditionally had to fight hard for space in Giridih’s urban politics, this was significant.

It also showed how far Sonu’s influence had travelled beyond the Assembly constituency.

Now the question is whether that organisation can survive without him.

Hemant Soren will need a group of leaders who can keep the JMM and its allies relevant in Giridih. Replacing an MLA is one thing. Replacing the political network, personal relationships and organisational machinery built around him is another.

Will Shweta Sharma Contest the Giridih Bypoll? The Succession Question

The most immediate name being discussed in Giridih is that of Sonu’s wife, Shweta Sharma.

Her name has started doing the rounds as a possible JMM candidate for the Giridih Assembly bypoll. If the party eventually chooses her, it would allow the JMM to take Sonu’s legacy directly to the voters.

But as of now, this remains a discussion and not an announced decision.

There has also been speculation about a possible ministerial role for Shweta Sharma. That too should be seen as speculation unless and until Hemant Soren or the JMM formally announces it.

For the party, however, the larger question will remain the same: can Sonu’s network be transferred to another leader?

Why Kalpana Soren’s Role Just Got Bigger in North Chotanagpur

Kalpana Soren’s role could become even more important.

She represents the neighbouring Gandey constituency and has already demonstrated that she can carry the Soren family’s message into an electoral battle.

Her first election itself came at one of the most difficult moments for the family, after Hemant Soren’s arrest.

Sonu was closely involved in that political transition.

With him gone, Kalpana Soren may have to shoulder a greater organisational and political responsibility in the region. Whether that eventually means a ministerial position or some other formal responsibility is a decision for the party and the chief minister.

But politically, her importance is unlikely to diminish.

The Sarfaraz Ahmed Factor: Can Decades of Experience Fill the Void?

There is a veteran JMM leader who can be useful to Hemant Soren at this stage: Sarfaraz Ahmed.

Ahmed has spent more than four decades in politics and has been a member of different legislative houses. Gandey was also the constituency from where Kalpana Soren made her electoral debut.

His decades-long understanding of politics could now prove useful not only in Gandey and Giridih but also in the wider state politics of Jharkhand.

Sonu had youth, organisational energy and an understanding of the ground. Ahmed brings something different—experience accumulated over decades.

The JMM may need both.

The Alliance Equation: How CPI(ML)’s Vinod Singh Fits Into Hemant’s Inner Circle

Vinod Singh, the former Bagodar MLA and CPI(ML) leader who contested the Koderma Lok Sabha election as an INDIA bloc candidate, is another seasoned leader whose experience could prove useful to the alliance.

When Hemant Soren was sent to jail in 2024, there was considerable uncertainty over whether the JMM-led alliance would be able to keep the government together.

Singh was among the leaders involved in the political process that eventually helped the alliance navigate that difficult period.

His experience in alliance politics and his understanding of Jharkhand’s opposition politics could remain useful to the INDIA bloc.

Can Anyone Replace Hemant Soren’s Ultimate Troubleshooter?

Sudivya Kumar Sonu’s death is therefore not simply the loss of a two-term MLA.

For Hemant Soren, it is the loss of a trusted lieutenant.

For the JMM, it is the loss of a strategist.

And for Giridih, it is the sudden disappearance of a leader who had built his own political space in a constituency where the party had historically struggled to dominate urban politics.

Hemant Soren has experienced leaders around him. Kalpana Soren has emerged as a new political face. Sarfaraz Ahmed brings decades of experience. The wider INDIA bloc also has leaders such as Vinod Singh.

But Sudivya Sonu had something that cannot simply be transferred from one politician to another.

He had been there.

He had seen the crises, fought the elections, understood the people and, most importantly, remained with the Soren family when the political winds were not favourable.

That is why September 6 is not merely the date when JMM lost a minister and Giridih lost an MLA.

It is the date when Hemant Soren lost one of the men he could call when the political crisis arrived.

The question now is: who will pick up that phone?

What Is India’s Youth Asking For: Cultural Identity or the Right to a Future?

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India’s youth were never meant to sit in the audience and applaud. Throughout India’s political history, young people have questioned power, challenged the system and, at times, changed the direction of the country’s politics.

Go back nearly fifty years, and you find the student movements of the 1970s. Students in Gujarat and Bihar raised their voices against inflation, corruption and the system. Under the leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan, that movement did not remain limited to students. It changed the course of the country’s politics. Then came 1975, when protecting democracy and civil liberties itself became the question. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Mandal debate gave youth politics a new direction, and the Anna movement brought a whole generation onto the streets over corruption and accountability. Across all these movements, one thing was common: young people were not followers of any ideology. They were asking questions about their own future.

“Caravans do not stop because someone turns away; the question stays alive with every generation that arrives.”

From JP to Anna, Youth Have Always Asked Questions

This is the point from which the two upcoming programmes in Ujjain and Indore should be understood.

The Yuva Dharma Sansad is being held in Ujjain, with more than 1,700 young people from 24 states expected to take part. The programme will discuss religion, culture, nation, education, science and the challenges of modern life. RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat will address the youth there on September 18. The very next day, on September 19, Rahul Gandhi will be at Chhatron Ki Goonj in Indore.

At first glance, the two programmes may look similar. Both are engaging with young people. Both are going out to meet them. Both are saying that youth are the country’s future. But the real difference is not in the stage. It is in the direction of the question. One stage asks: Who are we? The other asks: What is happening to us? That is the basic difference.

Who Are We, or What Is Happening to Us?

There is nothing wrong with talking about religion, culture, civilisation and our roots. Such conversations are necessary to understand India’s soul. But when a young person spends five years preparing for an exam and the paper is leaked, when a family spends lakhs of rupees educating a child who still cannot find a job, when competitive exams keep getting caught in controversy, when education keeps getting costlier while jobs remain scarce — at that moment, their first question is not what their cultural identity is. Their first question is: When will my exam happen? When will I get a job? When will I get justice?

This is where Chhatron Ki Goonj comes in. Rahul Gandhi launched this campaign in June 2026, asking students to speak up and share their views on paper leaks, high fees, the examination system and jobs.

This difference is not small, because in politics there are only two ways to address young people. One way is to remind them of their identity, and hold their attention for a while with religion, nation and dreams that never come true, so that they never really look at the ground reality. The other way is to remind them of their rights, make a real effort to secure those rights, and hold the government accountable for solving their problems. The first creates emotion. The second creates accountability. And the real test of democracy lies more in accountability than in emotion.

Youth Need More Than Recognition of Their Pain

There is a notable shift in Mohan Bhagwat’s recent statements about youth. In his August 2026 remarks on Gen Z, he said that young people’s grievances are genuine and that protest can be a form of dialogue in a democracy. He also stressed the need for reform in education and for listening to youth. This is welcome, because in a democracy, listening to dissent cannot belong to only one party or one ideology.

So the question arises: should young people only be heard, or should there also be a political cost for their problems? It is not enough to tell a young person that their pain is real. The next question is: what will actually change in the system because of that pain?

“Hearing with the ear is not enough, O ruler; changing what is in people’s hearts is the real justice.”

Rahul Gandhi’s politics perhaps takes a different path from here. If we judge his last nearly two decades only by electoral wins and losses, we miss an important side of his politics. In 2007, when he was given charge of the Youth Congress and NSUI, he began pushing for youth participation and internal democracy in these organisations. Since then, his political journey has kept connecting with the questions of youth, students, farmers, workers and social justice. Chhatron Ki Goonj today is a new chapter of that same journey.

Here, Rahul Gandhi is not telling young people to follow his thinking or just listen to him. He is telling them: share your experience, tell me about it. This difference matters. During Chhatron Ki Goonj in Prayagraj, students and young people preparing for competitive exams shared their pain over the examination system, jobs and an uncertain future. Anyone who listens to this carefully cannot stay unmoved by the state of the country’s youth. For Rahul Gandhi, young people are not just a future political force. The present condition of youth is itself a living problem for India.

From Listening to Youth to Giving Them a Voice

Now this debate is not religion versus democracy. It is about the priorities of young people. It would also be wrong to turn this into religion versus secularism. India has religion, and it always will. It has faith, and it always will. It has culture, Sanatan tradition, Jain philosophy, Buddhist thought, Sikh tradition, and India’s beauty is that democracy lives alongside all of this.

But democracy means something very practical. It means a student should get a chance based on merit, not because of their faith. It means an exam paper should be protected by a fair system, not by anyone’s political identity. And it means a young person should not be called anti-national for asking their own government about their future.

This is the real test on which every political effort aimed at youth should be judged. The real question is not whether the Yuva Dharma Sansad in Ujjain is bigger, or Chhatron Ki Goonj in Indore is more important. On September 17–18, Ujjain will hold the Yuva Dharma Sansad, and on September 19, Rahul Gandhi will be among youth in Indore for Chhatron Ki Goonj. The media and political parties may present this as two political camps facing off, but seen through the lens of history, the bigger question is: what kind of citizen will India’s youth become?

Will they only be citizens proud of their identity, or also citizens who can question their own government? Will they only be told about the greatness of the past, or also be allowed to question the shortcomings of the present? Will they only be told India is great, or also told that keeping India great means fighting the flaws in the system?

India’s Youth Must Inherit More Than the Past

This is perhaps both the biggest strength and possibly the biggest challenge of Rahul Gandhi’s politics today: he is trying to turn youth dissatisfaction into questions, not just emotion. And in a democracy, there is no political tool more powerful than a question, because the day young people stop asking questions, democracy itself starts to weaken.

So the real contest is not between two leaders, not even between two individuals. It is a difference between two political viewpoints. One view places the young person inside a larger cultural story and keeps asking: who are you? The other starts from the young person’s lived experience and asks: what is happening to you?

India probably needs both questions. But if I had to say which question matters more for taking democracy forward, my answer is clear: before asking “who are you,” we must ask “what is happening to you.” Identity connects us to the past. Questions take us towards the future. And India’s youth are not just heirs of the past — they are the builders of India’s future.

That is why Chhatron Ki Goonj should not be seen as just another political programme of Rahul Gandhi. It should be seen as part of a larger democratic question: will we let young people speak for themselves, or will we keep speaking on their behalf?

This is where I see the most important part of Rahul Gandhi’s engagement with youth. His message is not “follow me.” It is “raise your own voice.” And perhaps, in a democracy, there can be no more modern, democratic or necessary beginning to youth politics than that.

“Do not ask for borrowed light; ask for a flame of your own.

Learn to question — that is where the real revolution begins.”

BRICS Isn’t Beijing’s Game. It’s India’s Strategic Autonomy

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The BRICS summit India just hosted drew key leaders from Russia, China, South Africa, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Indonesia and other countries. The big absence was the ‘B’ of BRICS — Brazil and its President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who has been one of the founding members and had never missed a single BRICS meeting.

The current global order and various international platforms have leaders weighing their options everywhere. Nobody wants to antagonise the big powers, and hence they become part of all such platforms. BRICS was a platform meant to bring big countries like Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa together and explore commonalities for cooperation. The BRICS Delhi Declaration is a welcome step. Despite Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE being in the group, it would have been difficult to take a unified stand on the war. Yet many points in the declaration deserve appreciation, including its reference to Israel’s genocide in Gaza and support for a two-state solution to the Palestinian issue.

While BRICS is a growing family and is not speaking about de-dollarisation, slowly the process of trading in their own currencies is gaining ground. The process was actually started by Russia, not as a threat to the dollar being the reserve currency of the new world order that emerged after World War II, but because it was pushed to do so after thousands of sanctions were imposed on it due to its war with Ukraine. Iran has also had to face similar pressures, along with North Korea, because they do not fit into the Western ‘democratic’ system.

BRICS Is Growing Because the World Is Moving Towards Multipolarity

BRICS is growing because old colonial manipulations continue unabated, while the natives of those regions are now seeking accountability and total sovereignty over their resources, much to the discomfort of Brussels, London and Washington DC. Hence, there is growing unease in the Western world.

Initially, they mocked Russia and Vladimir Putin, terming him a ‘dictator’, ‘Hitler’ and a villain of peace. They failed to isolate Russia, and hence different methods have been adopted by the ‘deep-state’ actors, including the ‘experts’, ‘liberal commentators’, ‘economists’ and ‘democrats’ patronised by them.

The target during this BRICS summit was not Russia, but China, and the reason is the Western ‘realisation’ that despite all the odds, it would be difficult for them to break India-Russia ties. Hence, the focus shifted to China, once patronised by the West itself during the post-1990s ‘liberalisation’ period, to isolate Russia further.

I am saying it again: Europe is suffering from Russophobia and does not even consider China a threat, unlike the US, which feels China is the real economic threat to it. The sad part is that Indian cheerleaders of ‘strong’ India-West ties suggest that BRICS is only helping China.

All countries are making alliances according to their national interests, and numerous regional alliances have been formed. India once upon a time played a leading role in the development of SAARC but today is responsible for the death of SAARC, which could have provided India with much greater economic leverage. The current regime actually wanted to become more associated with the West and not really with the Global South.

Many of these liberal elites in India might be critical of Narendra Modi and the BJP for their own reasons, but the fact of the matter is that a majority of them are simply the ‘cheerleaders’ of Western capitalist, ‘democratic’ and ‘liberal’ values.

Nobody suggests that an event cannot be criticised, but the way numerous newspapers and media houses came out with and published those gutter-level articles clearly indicates that this American-sponsored lobby in India has deep penetration in the Indian Jain-Marwari-owned Brahmanical media.

The issue is not about who is gaining from it, but about the history of India’s struggle against colonialism and its attempt to create an independent foreign policy for itself. India will gain if it develops good relations and is not seen as a Trojan horse, a term used by a senior Brazilian official several years ago.

Indian liberal media acted absurdly, including a professor from JNU writing that India must ensure BRICS becomes redundant and others suggesting that India must make it look boring. How is it that, amidst hosting an international event, which India became the host of as part of a rotational process, we are being told to work towards weakening it when we have been one of its founding nations?

India was also a leading founder of the Non-Aligned Movement. There is nothing wrong with countries deciding to chart a different path. Being part of a platform and seeking economic associations is not wrong, and it should be welcome.

Why India Must Protect Its Independent Foreign Policy

India’s Western alliance is stronger, but it has never really bothered about associating with the East, where it would have carried greater weight and huge cultural capital in the form of Buddhism.

Western economic systems are suited to benefiting them by exploiting resources, both natural and human, from the Global South. They built their narrative accordingly. Being a part of BRICS does not mean India should get out of other international platforms. India is very much part of them, but the deep-state cheerleaders can explain what exactly the outcome has been of various ‘deals’ between the US, UK and EU that have been signed with India in recent years.

How much employment will these deals generate in India, and how will our domestic industries and farmers benefit from these agreements? Most of these deals are actually detrimental to our farmers. The West is looking at India as a dumping ground and a market for its produce. These deals are often tilted heavily towards Western economies.

The West will glorify India as long as it is not a challenge to them. Donald Trump already wants Indians out of the United States and is harping on his own nationalism. His agenda is expanding US boundaries to Greenland and now Ireland too. The whisper has already started in the air after Donald Trump visited Ireland and began seeking unification.

The UK faces a bigger challenge, as the USA is already not comfortable supporting its ‘ownership’ of the Falkland Islands.

The growth of right-wing nationalist forces in Europe and America is the failure of those who call themselves ‘liberal’ yet allowed the massacre of innocent Palestinians to happen in Gaza. There are other basic issues which the citizens of those countries understand better than us, such as what they need, but it is a fact that Russian energy supplied to the West was much cheaper and more reliable, while now they depend on American energy sources and pay much higher prices.

BRICS, China and the Western Anxiety Over a Changing World Order

The cheerleaders would not even acknowledge the brutality of the regime. The kidnapping of an elected President in Venezuela and the threats now being issued to others in Bolivia, Cuba and Colombia do not seem to impact those who constantly speak about the ‘rule of law’.

Canada and Mexico too are suspicious of Donald Trump’s agenda. But if you ask Grok or Google AI about American intervention in Venezuela, they would simply argue that whatever the US does is the ‘rule of law’, so they do not accept that the US blatantly violated Venezuelan sovereignty.

Whatever you may think, the fact is that if Russia were not a military power, the Western world would have demolished it and divided it into so many pieces that you would not even remember it as a great nation. The agenda remains the same, and that is why the Ukraine project continues despite the difficult ground realities.

A powerful Soviet Union was always creating a counterforce against a unipolar world, and people rejoiced in the West when it broke. But in his 25 years in power, Vladimir Putin has brought Russia back into the reckoning as an important player in world affairs, and that is a good sign.

The world must be multipolar, and the UN system needs to be strengthened so that each country respects and follows it. But the system has considerably weakened in recent years.

The Global South Is Seeking Sovereignty Over Its Own Resources

India, and for that matter any other country, has a right to pursue its independent foreign policy. It would be great if there were a just and logical world order, but how is that possible if there is little remorse for historical injustice and acknowledgement of the legacy of colonialism, which has modernised itself in the name of ‘capitalism’?

The so-called private property of big transnational corporations cannot survive without imperial support; hence, the nexus between capitalism and imperialism is extremely close.

The United States and the Western world have provided us with opportunities too and have given us ideas about democracy, human rights and liberal thought. But now, in this age, all those beautiful things have become a matter of the past, being openly dissociated from, while the capture of natural resources is being carried out blatantly.

All these alliances are emerging in response to such tyrannical economic and military punishment. The leading countries need to speak and find solutions to these critical issues, involving the stakeholders too.

India Needs Alternatives, Not Alliances That Limit Its Choices

India must remain part of all these international structures and forums that provide it with alternatives in pursuit of its national interests. There is nothing wrong with India being part of BRICS, strengthening its ties with the Global South, maintaining its relations with Russia and China, and simultaneously engaging with the West.

A mature foreign policy is not about choosing one camp over another. It is about ensuring that India has the freedom to choose what serves its own interests.

In a changing world order, India’s strength lies precisely in its ability to maintain strategic autonomy, engage with competing blocs and remain open to multiple possibilities. BRICS does not require India to abandon the West, just as closer ties with the West should not require India to weaken its engagement with the Global South or the East.

India’s history, geography, economic interests and civilisational links give it a unique position. It should use that position to help build a genuinely multipolar world rather than becoming a subordinate partner of any one power bloc.

Eight Intelligences, One Report Card: The Flawed Machinery of Academic Merit

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According to Howard Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences, intelligence is not limited to a single scale, nor can it simply be measured in levels or grades, as is usually done through IQ tests. Rather, every human being possesses intelligence, and the human mind comprises a range of different abilities and talents. In his famous 1983 book, Frames of Mind, Gardner categorised these abilities into different basic types.

It is important to understand that this classification is not based on individuals but on their tendencies. In other words, a person may have a greater inclination towards one particular ability or a combination of abilities, while showing a relatively lower inclination towards others. Gardner identified the following eight types of intelligence: (a) linguistic intelligence, (b) logical-mathematical intelligence, (c) visual-spatial intelligence, (d) bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence, (e) musical intelligence, (f) interpersonal intelligence, (g) intrapersonal intelligence, and (h) naturalistic intelligence.

In fact, the theory emphasises that these characteristics exist in different proportions in every individual. Therefore, the education system should provide every student with appropriate opportunities to identify, develop and strengthen their unique abilities. Keeping these differences in mind, teachers should pay attention not only to academic performance but also to each student’s learning, development and individual potential. Parents, too, need to assess their children in the light of these differences and help create opportunities for them to progress through the education system in ways suited to their abilities.

When Grades Become the Measure of Intelligence

On the contrary, the educational, economic and social system we are part of today appears to be structured largely around promoting one particular kind of intelligence. Children who are constantly given examples of what are considered “good” or “successful” children within their families are often subjected to psychological pressure. They are made to believe that they are inferior to others and that they must work harder to become like those who are seen as successful.

In other words, the greatest emphasis is placed on grades. In such circumstances, students with different kinds of intelligence are compelled, directly or indirectly, to fit into an education system based primarily on grades, while their individual interests, abilities and aspirations are often ignored.

This is why the attention of both students and parents today is overwhelmingly focused on obtaining good grades. Since high grades can help students gain admission to good universities, the pursuit continues after graduation, with students, families and society collectively chasing a “good” company, a good job, a good salary and other markers of conventional success.

As a result, students and parents expect children to perform brilliantly at school and secure the highest possible grades. At times, however, these expectations become a source of intense mental, psychological and financial pressure for both students and their families. This can have serious consequences for public health, with physical and psychological problems emerging among young people. Symptoms such as high blood pressure, headaches, anxiety, chest pain, shortness of breath, blurred vision, dizziness, confusion and weakness can affect students in many ways, both physically and emotionally.

In many cases, the pressure begins during school education and continues as students struggle to meet the standards of success imposed by the grading system and society. Those who fail to reach the level of success expected of them may face intense mental, familial and social pressure. For some, a sense of failure, disappointment and humiliation can become so overwhelming that they may contemplate or die by suicide at an early stage of life.

Academic Pressure Is Taking a Toll on Student Mental Health

To address student mental health and suicide in India, the Supreme Court of India constituted a National Task Force headed by Justice S Ravindra Bhatt (Retd) in March 2025. Its objective was to identify structural issues, academic stress and discrimination in educational institutions and suggest preventive measures. The task force was also mandated to prepare comprehensive recommendations for creating an inclusive and supportive environment for students in educational institutions and addressing systemic deficiencies.

The task force has submitted its interim report to the Supreme Court. The report emphasises that student suicides need to be addressed as a broader social and structural issue rather than treated merely as a mental-health concern. The latest updates, guidelines and government reports related to the task force are available on the official website of the National Task Force of India (www.ntf.education.gov.in). If you or someone you know is experiencing severe mental distress, government helplines and other professional support services can be approached for immediate assistance.

What India Is Doing to Address Student Suicide

“Manodarpan” is a national-level initiative of the Ministry of Education, formerly the Ministry of Human Resource Development (MHRD), launched under the Aatmanirbhar Bharat Abhiyan to provide psychosocial support for the mental health and emotional well-being of students, teachers and families.

The initiative provides resources on mental health, frequently asked questions, posters, videos and guidance. It also offers a 24×7 toll-free helpline at 8448440632, along with tele-counselling services provided by trained psychologists. A national database of counsellors in schools, colleges and universities has also been developed. In addition, a handbook on 21st-century skills is available to help students develop resilience and life skills, along with online tools, chats and apps for psychological support.

Study Links Academic Pressure to Depression and Self-Harm
Meanwhile, a new international study has revealed that the academic pressure faced by young people can have profound and lasting effects on their mental health. The study found that such pressure is associated with an increased risk of self-harm, and that this effect can persist into early adulthood, up to the age of 24.

Published in the renowned journal The Lancet Child & Adolescent Health, the research was conducted by experts from University College London. The researchers examined the lives of around 4,700 young people born in 1991 or 1992. The long-term study, known as “Children of the 90s”, has followed the health and well-being of its participants for years.

The researchers found that young people who considered school work more stressful at the age of 15 subsequently showed more symptoms of depression. They also reported that higher academic pressure was associated with an increased risk of self-harm, with each one-point increase in stress associated with an eight per cent increase in risk.

The findings suggest that the effects of academic pressure can extend from secondary school into early adulthood. The researchers recommended school-level interventions to reduce overall academic pressure and improve young people’s mental health. Interventions that promote social and emotional skills, as well as relaxation techniques, could help reduce examination-related stress.

The researchers also noted that parents can play a positive role in reducing academic pressure by encouraging young people to remain physically active, socialise and get adequate sleep. The findings were also said to be consistent with surveys of young people who sat their GCSE and O-level examinations, many of whom reported struggling with suicidal thoughts and self-harm.

Why Student Suicide Is More Than a Mental Health Issue

The fact is that the world continues to suffer from many of the same forms of oppression and exploitation that have existed for generations. At the same time, corruption has gradually weakened the foundations of the systems that govern contemporary society. The fragmented family structure and the declining attention given by parents to their children have, in many cases, robbed children of the innocence of childhood at an increasingly early age.

The widening gap between the rich and the poor has further undermined self-esteem and human dignity. In these circumstances, weakening standards of justice and equality, along with decisions and developments within institutions, have contributed to a range of modern social problems.

Moreover, in the present circumstances, when the acquisition of wealth has become the central focus of almost every effort and endeavour, it has had negative consequences for human thinking, understanding, reflection, relationships, the fulfilment of responsibilities and a sense of accountability.

Therefore, it is important to understand the kind of home, family and social environment in which today’s students are growing up. What kind of turmoil is taking place within their ideas, thoughts and actions? What pressures are shaping their understanding of success and failure?

At the same time, the various forms of mental pressure discussed above have combined to create immense hopes and expectations on the one hand, while becoming a source of extreme disappointment on the other. This entire scenario is not merely the result of individual desires and expectations. The prevailing social and economic system is itself a major factor behind these pressures.

This prevailing system has shaped our ideas and aspirations. It has promoted exploitation and material desires, while at the same time proving increasingly unsuccessful in resolving the problems it has helped create. Examples and evidence of this failure are visible everywhere.

Therefore, incidents of mental distress and suicide among students will not stop merely by launching schemes or relying on the media, social media and technology. These measures may provide support, but they cannot address the deeper structural causes of the problem.

What is required is the establishment of justice and equality, a firm system to ensure that people receive their basic rights, and a clean and accountable system that provides practical ways to overcome hopelessness and disappointment.

Those who think, reflect and influence society must pay attention to these issues. Policymaking institutions and individuals must acknowledge their shortcomings and take meaningful steps to address them. Only then can positive change emerge.

Our students must be given the opportunity to understand that their worth cannot be determined by grades, rankings, salaries or conventional measures of success. Their lives are far more precious than any examination result or social expectation. They should be supported in discovering their abilities, nurturing their potential and building lives in which they can find dignity, purpose and hope.

From the Moon to the Manhole: Can India’s Tech Revolution Finally Dignify Its Sewers?

Kolkata: India has sent spacecraft to the Moon, is preparing for deeper journeys into space and is rapidly embracing artificial intelligence and advanced technology. Yet, for decades, it struggled to answer a painfully basic question: why should a human being still have to enter a sewer or septic tank to clean someone else’s waste?

For a manual scavenger, the cost is not limited to the moment spent inside a drain or septic tank. It can break the body, destroy confidence, close future opportunities and push an entire family into generational poverty and stigma.

At Durgapur, however, science is now trying to change that story.

The Central Mechanical Engineering Research Institute (CSIR-CMERI), one of the country’s premier mechanical engineering R&D institutions under the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, has been developing mechanised solutions that could finally make human entry into hazardous sanitation work unnecessary. Its Durgapur campus has also begun training Sewer and Septic Tank Workers (SSWs) to safely operate modern sanitation equipment.

The need could hardly be more urgent.

Manual scavenging has been prohibited in India since 1993 and was comprehensively outlawed under the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013. The practice also violates the constitutional promise of dignity under Article 21 and is inseparable from the abolition of untouchability under Article 17.

Yet it has not disappeared.

Manual Scavenging Remains Despite India’s Ban and Rehabilitation Laws

According to a PIB reply to Rajya Sabha Unstarred Question No. 3021, answered on March 13, 2026, 58,098 manual scavengers were identified through the government surveys conducted in 2013 and 2018. Uttar Pradesh accounted for 32,473 and West Bengal for 680. The government says 729 of 766 districts have declared themselves manual-scavenging free after the two surveys.

But these figures remain deeply contested. Safai Karmachari Andolan has estimated that around 7.7 lakh manual scavengers continue to exist in India.

The human cost is even more disturbing.

In March 2023, then Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment Ramdas Athawale told the Lok Sabha that 1,035 people had died while undertaking hazardous sewer and septic-tank cleaning since 1993. Safai Karmachari Andolan puts the figure at 1,760. In another recent written reply, Athawale said 332 sanitation workers died across 18 States and Union Territories between January 1, 2021 and June 30, 2026.

These are not merely statistics. Behind every number is a family that lost a breadwinner.

Exposure to human waste, biological hazards and poisonous gases such as hydrogen sulphide can lead to hepatitis, tetanus, cholera, asphyxiation and death. Many workers are contractual or daily-wage workers, often without adequate social security, job security or proper safety equipment. Women face an additional burden of caste and gender discrimination.

This is where technology matters—not as a symbol of scientific achievement, but as a possible lifeline.

CMERI’s Mechanised Machines Could Replace Human Entry Into Sewers

CSIR-CMERI has developed several mechanised sanitation solutions, including a mechanised septic-tank cleaning machine, electric drain-cleaning equipment and a recycling-based drain-cleaning system. Its mechanised septic-tank machine weighs about 1,265 kg, has a 500-litre water storage capacity and can clean at speeds of up to 600 litres per hour.

The question, therefore, is no longer whether machines are possible. It is whether they can be taken out of laboratories and made available wherever workers are still being forced to risk their lives.

CMERI has already conducted field trials of its mechanised drain-cleaning system at the Durgapur Steel Plant’s Water Treatment Plant clarifier slurry line and the DVC, DTPS Colony, third-unit sewage treatment line. Both the Steel Authority of India Limited’s Durgapur Steel Plant and Damodar Valley Corporation acknowledged the machine’s efficiency.

For workers, the promise is deeply personal.

After receiving safety training, Subhash Chandra Dhara, a semi-skilled operator at the Durgapur Municipality sewage treatment plant, says he is hopeful that technology will change the nature of his work. Samiron Mullick, an independent sewage cleaner from Narayanpur, and Sadhana Ruidas, who works under the 100-day employment guarantee scheme, similarly hope that machines will mean they are no longer asked to manually clean someone else’s waste.

Their expectation is simple: if technology can do the dangerous work, let technology do it.

Can CMERI Technology Finally Make Sewer Cleaning Safe for Workers?

On September 3, CSIR-CMERI inaugurated a 30-hour Occupational Safety Training programme for SSWs from Durgapur, Asansol and Burdwan. Conducted in batches of up to 45 workers under Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana guidelines, the programme covers toxic-gas exposure, confined spaces, biological hazards, PPE and the safe operation of desludging equipment. Workers completing at least 70 per cent attendance receive a certificate and a ₹1,000 stipend.

Inaugurating the programme, West Bengal Urban Development and Municipal Affairs Minister Agnimitra Paul said an ID card would not merely provide workers with an identity but would be “a symbol of recognition and respect” for their work. She said the government’s objective was to completely eliminate manual scavenging and create a safe, dignified and mechanised working environment. The state plans to prepare a database of 60,630 SSWs, while awareness programmes have already begun across 124 municipalities and municipal corporations and three cantonment boards.

When the minister assured workers of PPE kits, Prabhat Kumar Singh, Managing Director of the National Safai Karmacharis Finance & Development Corporation, said Safai Karmis could obtain ₹2 lakh insurance coverage through two major government social-security schemes.

The Supreme Court has already made the direction clear. In Dr Balaram Singh vs Union of India (2023), it stressed complete mechanisation of sewer cleaning and prohibited human entry except in exceptional circumstances with appropriate protective measures. It also emphasised rehabilitation, compensation for sewer deaths and linking workers to social-security schemes, along with a central mechanism to track deaths and benefits.

CMERI now wants to bridge the distance between scientific laboratories and the people who need the technology most.

Its Director, Dr NC Murmu, said the centre would bridge the gap between laboratory research and field implementation by providing facilities for innovators, industries, start-ups and government agencies to develop and deploy practical, sustainable and indigenous sanitation solutions. The effort, he said, would support safer sanitation workers and cleaner cities while advancing SDG 6 on clean water and sanitation and SDG 8 on decent work.

For India, this should be more than another technological success story.

A country capable of sending missions to the Moon should not accept the death of a sanitation worker as an occupational hazard.

The real measure of scientific progress is not only how far a nation can travel into space. It is also whether the person cleaning the sewage beneath its cities can return home alive.

If machines like those developed at CMERI can finally replace human entry into sewers and septic tanks, they will do something far more meaningful than merely modernise sanitation.

Across Time Zones and Election Trails: The Sudivya Sonu I Knew

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In 2015, I was in Wuxi, China, working with China Daily. It was midnight, and I was fast asleep when my phone rang.

I answered. It was Syed Akhtar.

“Bhaiya, want to speak to you,” he said.

Sudivya Sonu came on the phone.

“How are you?”

“I’m good,” I replied.

During the conversation, Sonu realised that it was already midnight in Wuxi and that I had to go to the office the next morning. He apologised. In India, it was around 9:30 pm.

Thousands of kilometres and two time zones separated us. Yet, in that moment, nothing about our conversation felt distant. It had the same warmth and familiarity as our conversations back home in Giridih.

Since 2010, I had spent most of my time away from Giridih. Our meetings became occasional, but our phone calls continued. Distance changed the frequency of our conversations, but not the ease with which we spoke to each other.

We also met in Jaipur in 2012, when Sonu had come there with several people from Giridih.

We travelled together three times: during the 2014 Lok Sabha election; in 2019, when we travelled to Bokaro for Jagarnath Mahato’s nomination; and when we came to Kolkata with the baraat for the wedding of Dr Deepak Bagaidia’s son, Abhishek.

But our story was never really about the journeys.

It was about what remained between those journeys.

A Connection That Began at the Giridih Court

Shibu Soren—Guruji—used to regularly appear at the Giridih court. That is where I first met Sonu.

In 2002, I entered journalism and began working with The Telegraph, posted in my hometown, Giridih. That was when my acquaintance with Sonu began. By 2004, we knew each other closely and had already seen many things together.

In 2009, Sonu contested the Assembly election for the first time and received fewer than 10,000 votes.

In 2014, he contested again. By then, I had left Giridih and was working in Jaipur. I knew he had lost by around 10,000 votes.

In 2019, I was back in Giridih and closely observed his campaign. Sonu would go for morning walks and meet people. I watched how he built his closeness with the Soren family and established his own identity within that political circle, and I reported on it.

He won the election.

One day, Sonu called me. I missed the call and returned it 10–15 minutes later.

He said, “The former Telegraph reporter, Deepika Singh, who is now a Congress MLA, is with me. I thought I would get you to speak to her.”

It was a small moment, but it said something about Sonu.

Political positions had changed. His own position had changed. But he had not forgotten people from an earlier chapter of his life.

That was something I noticed about him repeatedly.

A Book That Deepened Our Conversations

After becoming an MLA, Sonu once asked me to write a book on “Baba”—Shibu Soren.

“You should write a book on Baba. I will provide you with all the material,” he told me.

He gave me contacts. I reached out to people and prepared a synopsis.

Later, the party assigned the book to a journalist in Ranchi.

The book never happened.

But something else did.

The idea of that book opened up a different kind of conversation between us.

I would sit at his home for hours. Sonu would share detailed information about his political career, Guruji, his friends and many other things. Some of those conversations eventually found their way into my reports.

He probably knew that the book had not materialised. But he also knew that I had made the effort and had tried to take it forward sincerely.

Looking back, I sometimes think that perhaps the unwritten book gave us something that a completed book might not have—the long conversations that happened along the way.

A Friendship That Existed Beyond Politics

When Sonu came to Kolkata for his daughter’s treatment, we met then too. In 2022, he inaugurated my sister’s shop, Top Trends, in Barwadih.

These were not necessarily important political moments. But they were part of the relationship.

In 2019, after JMM’s poor performance in the corporation election, Sonu was worried. The Assembly election was only six months away. He was concerned about the feedback he was receiving from people.

Perhaps some of that feedback helped. He went on to become an MLA for the first time.

He would call to discuss local and political issues—1932 Khatiyan, the UCC Bill and several other matters. The 2024 election brought many more conversations between us. He followed some of my suggestions. I do not want to go into the details.

The important thing is this: I was his voter—I am a resident of Giridih constituency—his journalist and his friend.

Our houses were barely 500 metres apart.

We spent a lot of time together. We smoked cigarettes, sat for hours and talked about the country, the world and everything in between.

There were also conversations that had nothing to do with politics.

Sonu once told me that on the first night after his marriage, he had told his wife that he smoked, so that it would not become an issue later.

I remember such details because they belonged to the person I knew, rather than the politician people saw.

Our conversations were not interviews. They were not political briefings. They were simply conversations between two friends.

People in his office and within the party knew that we had a good relationship.

When Sonu became a minister, our meetings reduced somewhat. But the phone contact continued.

If he missed my call, he would call back later. He was not particularly good at replying to messages, but he could talk for a long time on the phone. Sometimes, Sonu would call me himself.

The trust remained.

At one point, he even promised to get eNewsroom empanelled.

One City, Two Different Paths—and a Shared Political World

I had good relationships with several other political leaders from Giridih as well. But my relationship with Sonu was different because I was also from his constituency.

There was a coincidence in our journeys.

As Sonu became increasingly active in politics and eventually became the district president, I entered journalism. I also lived near his house.

That meant I was able to observe his political and social life from unusually close quarters.

Sonu admired CPI(ML) leader Mahendra Singh. Before becoming an MLA, he would tell me that he liked Mahendra Singh’s politics and had learned from him. He also spoke positively about Vinod Singh in the early years.

Our political conversations were never limited to JMM or elections.

We discussed leaders, political ideas and the politics of Giridih. Sometimes, I even felt that I stood, in a way, between the two leaders.

There were many private conversations that never became public.

Perhaps they never needed to.

And Then Came That Final Speech

September 5—just 10 hours before his demise—was the last time I heard Sonu speak in public, with me present.

The event was at Islamia Urdu Middle School—the school where I had studied for three years. The occasion was the school’s 100-year celebration.

We were together there.

During the programme, Sonu said:

“Personality is mortal; institutions and ideas are immortal.”

I heard those words in person.

I did not know then that they would become the last words of his I would hear from a stage.

The next day was Sunday.

We had promised to meet.

That meeting never happened.

And with Sonu went many promises, many assurances and many conversations that now survive only as memories.

There are people whose political careers you can document through election results, speeches, positions and newspaper reports.

And then there are people you remember through smaller things—a late-night phone call, a cigarette, a long conversation, a missed call that was returned, a journey to another town, a promise to meet the next day.

For me, Sonu exists in all those memories.

I know enough about his life and political journey to write an entire book about him.

There is an irony in that.

The book Sonu once suggested that I write was never written.

But after his death, I could not stop myself from writing this story of our friendship.

Perhaps this is not the book he once asked me to write.

It is something else.

It is my attempt to hold on to a relationship that survived changing cities, changing political circumstances and long distances—and to a person I knew not only as a politician, but also as a friend.

For now, I have tried to bring this long story of Sonu and me into a single piece.

Some stories are written because they need to be told.

Some are written because the person who was part of them is no longer there to hear them.

This one is both.