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Two Journeys, One Vote: While Some Migrant Workers Get Support, Thousands Struggle Home

Kibria Ansary
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Two Journeys, One Vote: While Some Migrant Workers Get Support, Thousands Struggle Home

Murshidabad: A large-scale return of migrant workers to West Bengal ahead of the upcoming Assembly elections is placing severe strain on transport systems while revealing deeper anxieties around voter identity, employment insecurity, and administrative preparedness.

While there are reports of special travel arrangements being facilitated for select groups of migrant workers—allegedly backed by networks linked to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—thousands of others are making their way back to the state on their own, facing significant financial and logistical hardships. For these workers, the journey home is not just about participating in an election, but about ensuring their continued presence on the voter list.

Each year, thousands of workers from Bengal migrate to other states in search of livelihood, typically returning home during festivals like Eid or Durga Puja. Elections, historically, have not prompted such large-scale movement. This year, however, the pattern has shifted dramatically.

Following the completion of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, a widespread perception has taken hold among migrant workers that failing to vote could result in their names being removed from voter lists. This fear—whether fully grounded or amplified by circulating narratives—has triggered a surge in return travel from states such as Maharashtra, Kerala, Odisha, Gujarat, and Haryana, placing immense pressure on already stretched railway services.

Trains Hit Capacity as Expensive Private Travel Becomes the Norm

With train tickets largely unavailable, migrant workers are being forced to rely on alternative—and often more expensive—means of travel. Long-distance bus journeys, which are both time-consuming and physically exhausting, have become the primary fallback option.

Samshujoha Sarkar, a migrant worker from Sagarpara in Murshidabad, described the ordeal of returning home from Pune. Despite attempting to book train tickets a month in advance, he failed to secure a seat. Even boarding a general compartment proved impossible due to overcrowding.

Ultimately, he was forced to take a longer and more expensive route—travelling first to Odisha, then by bus to Kolkata, and finally onward to his village.

“For the past 15 years, I have been travelling between my workplace and home, but I have never faced such difficulties,” Sarkar said. “If I had managed to get a train, I could have reached home within a day. Instead, I had to take a longer route, which cost me around 6,000 rupees instead of the usual 2,000.”

Frustrated by the lack of arrangements, he asked: “Can’t the government arrange special trains for people like us?”

In major cities such as Mumbai, Delhi, and Bengaluru, migrant workers employed as domestic helpers, cooks, and daily-wage labourers are undertaking similarly difficult journeys back to Bengal—often without any institutional support.

From Kerala to Bengal: Workers Endure High Costs to Reach Home

The surge is particularly visible in Kerala, where migrant workers form a crucial part of the labour force. In Thiruvananthapuram, tickets for trains bound for Bengal are completely sold out, with only those who booked well in advance able to travel.

Key services—including the Shalimar Superfast Express, Dibrugarh Vivek Express, TVC SCL Express, Gurudev Superfast Express, CBE SCL Superfast Express, and Aronai Express—are struggling to cope with the sudden spike in demand.

As waiting lists grow longer, many workers who initially considered skipping the vote are now turning to private transport. From parts of Ernakulam district—including Perumbavoor, Kothamangalam, and Muvattupuzha—several buses have already departed carrying workers back to West Bengal.

These journeys come at a steep cost. Passengers are paying between ₹4,000 and ₹6,000 per trip—₹4,000 for non-AC buses, ₹5,000 for AC buses, and ₹6,000 for sleeper coaches. Each bus is operated by two drivers to manage the long-distance travel, and many workers have already arranged return trips on the same buses after casting their votes.

“Our train tickets are unlikely to be confirmed. Even if we lose our jobs, we will still go back and vote,” said one worker travelling with his family.

Fears of Voter List Deletion Spark Panic at Major Stations

The impact of this return migration is also visible within West Bengal. For over a week, heavy crowds of returning workers have been witnessed at Sealdah Railway Station, particularly those boarding trains towards Lalgola and surrounding areas.

Reports that numerous names have already been removed from voter lists have intensified anxiety among residents.

Farid Sheikh, a resident of Lalgola, said: “The names of many people have been deleted from the voter lists. Casting a vote is crucial this time. Like many others, I am returning home because I fear that if I don’t vote, my name might be removed.”

Organisations working closely with migrant labourers note that while workers usually return home enthusiastically during festive seasons, elections have historically not drawn the same level of response. This year, however, the aftermath of the SIR appears to have altered behaviour significantly, turning voting into a perceived necessity rather than a routine civic exercise.

Mass Exodus Disrupts Local Industries and Small Businesses

The sudden movement of workers is also disrupting economic activity in sectors dependent on migrant labour. A shortage of LPG cylinders has further compounded the situation, affecting small-scale industries such as jewellery workshops.

One manufacturer, who employs dozens of artisans across multiple units, said operations have been severely impacted.

“This situation has arisen due to a shortage of LPG cylinders, making it increasingly difficult for business owners to sustain their work,” he said. “Around 40 artisans are employed in my units, and nearly half of them have already left. Many more are likely to follow.”

He added that, in the absence of train tickets, both employers and workers are being forced to arrange private bus transport.

“This time, the demand among workers to return home is largely driven by the issue of voter list revision,” he said.

For workers themselves, the decision carries both financial and emotional consequences.
Rabiul Sheikh from Shamsherganj said: “We go outside to earn because we have no choice. Now we are forced to return, losing wages and spending our savings just to protect our identity.”

Rajibul Mondal of Domkal, who returned from Kerala, added: “As long as the fear of exclusion from the voter list remains, democracy will be a ‘festival’ only in name.”

Migrants Decry Lack of Government Support for Returning Voters

Despite strong political messaging urging migrant workers to return and vote, many workers say that such appeals have not been matched by adequate logistical support for the majority.

While some groups are believed to be benefiting from organised travel arrangements, large sections of migrant workers—especially those in informal sectors—are left to fend for themselves, navigating expensive and uncertain travel options.

Rahul Chakraborty, Central Committee member of the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR), criticised this gap.

“In the run-up to the Assembly elections, we are witnessing a surge in activity among migrant workers living outside the state,” he said. “Many are returning to Bengal—often at the cost of their livelihoods—solely to cast their votes.”

He added: “The panic created around the SIR has had a profound impact on them. The most concerning aspect is that the very government elected by their votes has not arranged special trains to bring them back.”

Voting Seen as an Essential Shield for Citizenship Status

Beyond logistics and economics, the current wave of migration reflects a deeper crisis—one rooted in the perceived link between voting and citizenship.

According to activists, many migrant workers now believe that failing to vote could not only result in deletion from voter lists but may also jeopardise their status as citizens.

Asif Faruk, State Secretary of the Migrant Workers’ Unity Forum (Parijaye Shramik Aikya Mancha), described the situation as a reflection of systemic insecurity.

“This rush of migrant workers—coming back solely to register their names on West Bengal’s voter list or to ensure their names remain on it—reflects a deep-seated sense of existential anxiety among ordinary people, as well as administrative failure,” he said.

“In the current political climate, having one’s name on the voter list has come to be seen as an indirect safeguard of citizenship,” Faruk added. “Following the SIR, a profound fear has taken root—that if they fail to vote even once, they may be labelled as ‘infiltrators’ or ‘missing voters’.”

He emphasised that this fear is not spontaneous, but shaped over time through political rhetoric and administrative complexity.

Social activist Abdul Gani echoed similar concerns: “The fact that people are travelling thousands of miles—driven solely by the fear of having their names struck off—just to cast their votes highlights serious concerns about institutional assurance. The Election Commission and administrative machinery have yet to inspire confidence among common people.”

Border Delays and High Fees Hamper the Final Journey Home

The journey back home has not been without further complications. Officials confirmed that several buses carrying migrant workers were detained at the Bengal–Odisha border, reportedly on grounds of overcrowding.

Private bus operators, who usually operate during festive seasons, report an unprecedented surge in demand. One operator said more than 100 buses have been deployed—far exceeding typical numbers during Eid or Durga Puja.

However, operators allege that they are facing additional challenges, including being forced to pay around ₹5,000 per trip at the border, cutting into their margins. Buses are also required to remain in Bengal for several days before making return trips.

Beyond the Ballot: A Fight for Recognition and Existence

What is unfolding across West Bengal is not merely a logistical challenge or a seasonal migration. It is a moment that exposes the fragile intersection of democracy, identity, and livelihood.

For thousands of migrant workers, the journey home is no longer just about participating in an election. It has become an act of safeguarding their presence—on paper and, by extension, in the nation itself.

In choosing to return—despite financial loss, physical hardship, and uncertainty—they are not just casting a vote. They are asserting their existence.

Soil, Dreams, and an Erased Name: A Professor, and the Word ‘Deleted’

Mohd Shamim Akhter
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Soil, Dreams, and an Erased Name: A Professor, and the Word ‘Deleted’

Mohd Shamim Akhter, son of Mohd Motiur Rahman, son of Hakim Mohd Suleman, son of Yaad Ali.

I am shaped from the fragrance of that soil which the world calls India. It is this very land that gave me birth—this blessed earth, often likened to paradise; it taught me how to walk, gave direction to my steps, and bestowed wings upon my dreams, allowing them to soar into the vastness of the skies.

My village, Bhatura, in the district of Madhubani, Bihar, may not shine brightly on the world map, yet for me, it is an entire universe—my identity, my roots, my very existence. The laughter of my childhood lies buried in its soil, and the prayers of my ancestors still breathe in its air. Whenever I close my eyes, those same unpaved lanes, that earthy fragrance, and those simple, innocent faces come alive before me—the ones who shaped me into a human being, who taught me how to live, and who grounded me in humility.

That is why, whenever the scent of my village calls out to me, I find myself returning—if not in body, then in memory and emotion—and a couplet rises unbidden from the depths of my heart: Where will you go, far from your homeland? Whenever longing rises, you will return here.

From Bihar to Saharanpur: Building a Life Through Calligraphy

I remember my student days—books in my hands and a restless fire in my heart. It was as though I was determined to become something, driven by a passion to carve my destiny with my own hands. During those years, I was studying at a large madrasa in a town in Saharanpur, Uttar Pradesh. Alongside my studies, I would practice calligraphy whenever time allowed—earning a few rupees with the labor of my own hands. Sometimes my fingers would be stained with ink, sometimes my eyes would grow weary, but a quiet light within me kept burning—the realization that I was learning to live with dignity through my own effort.

From those modest earnings, I would spend a little on myself and save the rest quietly. What seemed insignificant to the world was, for me, the first brick of my dreams. One day, I placed those savings in my father’s hands, so that the walls of our home could rise—so that my dreams could take a tangible form.

Under my grandfather’s supervision, I began building our house. Those bricks were not merely forming walls—they were giving shape to my dreams, breathing life into my hopes, laying the foundation of my future. At that time, concrete houses were rare in my village, and mine becoming one of them felt like a monumental achievement. When it was completed, it stood as a living testament to my labor, my youth, my resolve, and my dreams. Later, I saved more money and gave it to my father again, with the wish that a water tap could be installed at home, so my mother would no longer have to go door to door in search of water. This was not merely money; it was my love and my sense of responsibility.

The Aligarh Years: A Scholar’s Struggle for Academic Excellence

My father was always close to my heart, yet life kept us apart. A modest job in a distant place separated him from us. Meetings became rare, waiting grew longer, and conversations were confined to letters—letters that sometimes carried the firmness of advice, sometimes the gentleness of prayers, and sometimes a love so profound that words could scarcely contain it. I lived within those letters; in them, I sought the presence of my father.

As the eldest son—somewhat mischievous, somewhat stubborn—I still carried within me a glowing flame of responsibility. The dreams reflected in my parents’ eyes would not let me rest. Perhaps that is why I eventually reached Aligarh to pursue my Master’s degree—a city of knowledge where dreams gather the courage to become reality.

But life never offered an easy path. Sometimes my pockets were empty, sometimes my heart heavy, sometimes circumstances unforgiving. I would spend my days immersed in the silence of the library, and by evening, I would take my bicycle and set out—writing essays for others, doing calligraphy, or exchanging knowledge for a few coins. Even in those difficult days, despite my limited income, I made it a point to send some money every month for my brothers’ education, hoping to ease my father’s burden. That amount may have been small, but it carried my sincerity and my silent sacrifice.

Then came another phase of life—in the year 2000, I got married. Responsibilities grew, and a young son entered my world. When he was old enough to walk, I enrolled him in a school in Aligarh. It was a beautiful sight—the father a student, and the son a student too. He would go to school, and I to the university.

The PhD Milestone and the Call of Aliah University in Kolkata

Time passed, and in 2007, I finally earned my PhD. That moment felt as though years of struggle, sacrifice, tears, and perseverance had finally borne fruit. I was the first person from my village to achieve this distinction, and later I secured a respectable government position. This was not just my success—it was the honor of my village and the reward of my parents’ prayers.

Then Kolkata called me. Aliah University opened a new door—a new chapter of life. In 2011, I appeared for an interview and succeeded, but a change in government halted my appointment. It felt like a shattered dream. Later that year, the position was advertised again. I applied, appeared once more, and this time destiny stood by me. In May 2012, I joined as an Assistant Professor.

Over time, I continued teaching, served twice as Head of the Department, and today I hold the position of Associate Professor as well as Head of the Department. I have taught thousands of students—not just academic knowledge, but values of life, truth, and humanity. I made Kolkata my home and began to dream of a future here. In 2016, I became a registered voter here, then my wife, then my son. I believed I was no longer just living in this city; I had become a part of it.

After moving here, I was blessed with three more sons. My eldest son—whose name has now been erased from the voter list of Bengal—is an MBBS student, training to save lives. My other three sons are still in school, nurturing dreams in their young eyes. But perhaps fate had other plans.

The 2026 SIR Crisis: When Citizenship Becomes a Question Mark

2026 arrived as a catastrophe. A Bengal electoral roll under Special Intensive Revision (SIR) was published, and beside my name, there appeared a single word: “Deleted.”

Just one word… yet it was not merely a word—it was a verdict. Against my identity. Against my existence. Against my entire life. I kept staring at it, as if it were asking me: Who are you? Am I not the one born on this very soil? Am I not the one who dedicated his youth to building this nation? Am I not the one who now educates its children? Then why was my name erased? Am I not a citizen of India?

Not just mine—my son’s name too was removed, even though he had duly registered just a year ago. A young boy, whose world is still confined to books and medical aspirations, has been pushed into this darkness of uncertainty. And as if this pain were not enough, there is another silent suffering within my home. My wife has been battling a severe illness—ILD—since 2021, living on 24-hour oxygen support. This mental distress has not only shaken me but has also affected her fragile condition.

Most painful, and utterly inexplicable, is this: within the same household—myself, my wife, and my son—our names were all included. Yet in this opaque process, both father and son were deleted, while the mother’s name remained intact. What kind of criteria is this? What kind of scrutiny is this? The same foundation, the same documents—then why this contradiction? On what principles is the Election Commission functioning? Or have principles themselves ceased to exist—replaced only by unchecked authority?

Mass Disenfranchisement in Bengal: A Systematic Failure of Policy

When I looked deeper into this process, my heart sank further. What is happening in Bengal under the name of SIR does not reflect transparency or fairness. It resembles a systematic irregularity, a deep indifference. Lakhs of names have been erased as though those people never belonged to this nation. This is not a mere error; it is a silent brutality.

And most distressing of all, the Supreme Court, our last hope for justice, has yet to take a decisive step that reassures the common citizen that their fundamental rights are secure. Has justice itself lost its meaning in delay? Will a citizen’s identity now remain entangled in files and dates? I ask the Supreme Court, every responsible institution, and every awakened conscience—not as a plea, but as a challenge: Has the Constitution become a shield only for the powerful? Does justice collapse before reaching the weak?

I am not alone. There are lakhs like me—broken, scattered, yet still standing—fighting to reclaim their identity. If today a teacher, a worker, or a medical student can be rendered doubtful in their own homeland, then who is safe? Who can be certain they will not be next?

Reclaiming the Narrative: Hope as a Form of Resistance

I am a teacher. I have always taught my students the values of truth, justice, and hope. But today, I myself have become a question. Can a single word erase an entire identity? Can a list invalidate a whole lifetime? I am not broken—but I am wounded. I have not stopped—but the path has grown uncertain.

Yet somewhere within me, a ray of hope still remains—the same hope that has always sustained me: Do not complain of fate—keep testing your destiny; Do not fear the distance—keep moving forward. But now, this hope is no longer just personal strength—it has become a question, a protest, a call.

The time has come to break this silence and to remind the system of its constitutional duty—otherwise, the day is not far when history will write, beside all our names, with ruthless finality:

“Deleted.”

Between a Paralysed Elder and a 19-Year-Old: The 1956 Deed That No Longer Guarantees a Vote

Nousheen Baba Khan
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Between a Paralysed Elder and a 19-Year-Old: The 1956 Deed That No Longer Guarantees a Vote

Kolkata: For decades, the Wilayat Ali Garwan family has been a fixture of the Metiabruz landscape, with electoral records dating back to 1956. Yet, in a shocking turn of administrative events, 15 members of this multi-generational clan—including eight women—have been summarily deleted from the voter list in Munshipara.

The removals span the vulnerable extremes of the family: the oldest affected is a paralyzed woman under 60, while the youngest is 19-year-old Meghna Khatoon. Their disappearance from the rolls is not an isolated incident; it is the tip of a massive iceberg involving the alleged deletion of nearly 37,000 names across the Metiabruz area.

This systemic exclusion has triggered a crisis of identity and a hunger strike by veteran activist Jiten Nandi, as residents demand to know how their fundamental right to vote could vanish without warning or explanation.

A Family Erased: The Case of the Wilayat Ali Garwan Clan

The Garwan family’s history is rooted in the same holding, U59, for generations. Ownership is clearly documented in a 1956 deed, proving a continuous presence that stretches far beyond living memory. Despite these deep roots, the current revision has decimated their electoral presence:

Targeting the Women: In the branch of Mohammad Islam Mullah, the deletions have targeted the household’s female members with surgical precision. Meghna Khatun, along with the wives of her four uncles—Muslima, Jahanara, Roshenara, and the widow of Monirul—have all been struck off.

Total Household Deletions: In the branch of Sohrab Ali, the impact is even more severe. The entire household of the late Abdul Mabood Mullah, including his paralyzed wife, is missing. In the families of Abdul Shukur and Abdul Ghafoor, the names of five sons have been removed, effectively silencing the next generation of voters.

“We have lived here for 70 years,” one family member stated. “To be told we no longer exist on paper is to be told we do not belong to this country.”

37,000 Deletions: A Community Facing Systematic Crisis

The plight of the Garwans is mirrored across Metiabruz, where local activists report that approximately 37,000 individuals have been purged from the electoral rolls. The sheer scale of the deletions has sparked allegations of “voter suppression” and “administrative targeting.”

The removals appear to follow a chaotic logic: in many cases, certain family members remain on the list while others, living under the same roof, are removed. This inconsistency has fueled a sense of dread, with residents fearing that these deletions are a precursor to broader efforts to strip them of their citizenship rights.

The Satyagraha of Jiten Nandi: Fighting for Democratic Rights

Faced with administrative silence, prominent local activist Jiten Nandi, popularly known as Jiten Da, undertook a one-day hunger strike on Poila Boisakh. Choosing the Bengali New Year for his Satyagraha, Nandi sought to highlight the “darkness” falling over the democratic rights of the people.

“These are not outsiders—these are people whose families have lived here for hundreds of years,” Nandi declared during his protest. “If citizens are silently removed like this, it raises serious questions about whether this is the first step towards making them non-citizens. A single spelling mistake cannot be the reason to take away someone’s right to vote.”

Nandi’s fast has become a rallying point for thousands of residents who find themselves “digitally locked out” of the democratic process.

Barriers to Justice: The Digital Divide and Structural Hurdles

The path to restoring these names is fraught with structural hurdles. Most of the affected residents belong to marginalized socio-economic backgrounds where digital literacy is low and access to high-speed internet is a luxury.

The Digital Trap: Many find it impossible to file online appeals because their identification cards are not linked to current mobile numbers, preventing the receipt of essential OTPs.

Financial Exploitation: Desperate families are flocking to local cyber cafés, where they are being charged exorbitant, unregulated fees to navigate complex government portals.

Documentation Errors: Minor spelling mismatches between documents—often a result of past clerical errors by the state—are now being used as grounds to deny the restoration of names.

A Urgent Call for Transparency and Accountability

As the outcry grows, the demand for accountability is peaking. Activists are calling for an immediate, transparent review mechanism and an end to the “arbitrary” deletions. For the Wilayat Ali Garwan family and 37,000 others in Metiabruz, the issue is no longer just about a ballot paper; it is a battle for their dignity, their history, and their right to exist as recognized citizens of India.

Climb with Welfare, Fall with BJP: Inside TMC’s Snakes and Ladders Poll Campaign

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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Climb with Welfare, Fall with BJP: Inside TMC’s Snakes and Ladders Poll Campaign

Kolkata: While voters across Bengal—and beyond—have long been inundated with high-decibel advertisements from the Bharatiya Janata Party across television screens, mobile phones, and newspapers, the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) is quietly charting a different course—one that enters homes, not just headlines.

TMC Flips Campaign Playbook With Interactive Gaming Leaflets

In a striking departure from conventional campaign tools, the party has rolled out a ‘Snakes and Ladders’ themed leaflet, transforming a familiar household game into a potent political message. Designed for door-to-door outreach, the leaflet is not merely symbolic—it is fully playable, complete with a cut-out dice that can be assembled from the paper itself.

BJP Leaders Cast as ‘Snakes’ in Trinamool’s Welfare Game

The visual metaphor is both simple and sharp. The “snakes” on the board are depicted with faces of prominent BJP leaders, including Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, signaling downfall and setbacks. Regional figures such as Suvendu Adhikari, Dilip Ghosh, and Samik Bhattacharya also feature as part of the descending traps. At the highest rungs of the board—where players risk the steepest fall—the imagery becomes more pointed, with Modi and Shah symbolising the sharpest political decline.

In contrast, the “ladders” represent welfare schemes of the Mamata Banerjee government. These include initiatives targeting women, youth, students, and housing beneficiaries. The most significant upward leap is tied to the popular Lakshmi Bhandar scheme, reinforcing its centrality in TMC’s political messaging.

tmc snakes and ladders campaign targets bjp in bengal homes
The front side of the leaflet

How Gamified Politics Ensures TMC’s Message Stays in Homes

Unlike traditional election pamphlets—often limited to text-heavy appeals or leader-centric messaging—this innovative format blends engagement with recall value. The front side of the leaflet prominently features Mamata Banerjee’s image, while the reverse carries detailed information about government schemes.

“This is not a leaflet people will throw away,” said Mohammed Reyaz, a professor of mass communication. “Across Bengal, both the elderly and children play games like Ludo and Snakes and Ladders. It is an integral part in most of the middle and upper middle class homes in Bengal. Such formats create recall value and ensure the message stays within households.”

Beyond ‘Khela Hobe’: TMC’s New Grassroots Strategy for 2026

The use of play as political metaphor is not new for the TMC. During the 2021 Assembly elections, the party’s electrifying slogan ‘Khela Hobe’—accompanied by football imagery linked to Mamata Banerjee—had captured public imagination and political discourse alike. And it was such a success that party now celebrate Khela Hobe Diwas on August 16 every year.

Even earlier, before unseating the Left Front’s decades-long rule, TMC leaders relied heavily on direct household outreach, including festival greetings delivered door-to-door—a strategy that helped build intimate voter connections.

What the ‘Snakes and Ladders’ campaign reflects is a continuity of grassroots politics with a creative twist. At a time when political communication is increasingly dominated by expensive media campaigns, TMC appears to be doubling down on physical, interactive, and community-driven engagement. By turning a simple game into a political narrative—where progress is tied to welfare and decline to opposition—the party is not just delivering a message; it is embedding it into everyday life.

‘Excluded’ in My Own Land: An IIM Professor Demands Answers on Voter Purge

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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‘Excluded’ in My Own Land: An IIM Professor Demands Answers on Voter Purge

Kolkata: The 135th birth anniversary of B. R. Ambedkar was observed in the heart of Kolkata on Monday, marked by protests against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in West Bengal.

The SIR exercise, termed unconstitutional by sections of civil society, prompted organizers including Votadhikar Rakhya Mancha to deliberately choose the day to highlight the plight of genuine voters whose names were deleted from the rolls, effectively barring them from voting in the upcoming Assembly elections.

‘Excluded’ Without Explanation: New SIR Tag Deepens Uncertainty for Voters

Among those present was Dr Nandita Roy, a professor at the Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Calcutta, who joined hundreds of others—many of whom said their names had been removed from the voters’ list following the SIR.

“I had to think before coming here, but I did—not just for myself, but for every genuine voter who has been deleted. I have been anxiously checking the list, and yesterday I saw that my name has now been marked as ‘Excluded’,” Dr Roy said at the gathering in the Kolkata Municipal Corporation area.

The SIR exercise in Bengal, announced on November 4 last year, has seen several new categories introduced over time—from “Logical Discrepancies” to “Under Adjudication”, “Tribunal Hearing”, and now “Excluded”. However, it remains unclear whether this new terminology has been introduced on the instructions of the Supreme Court or by the Election Commission itself. It is also unclear whether the term “Excluded” applies to all deleted voters or only to those whose forms are currently under review.

Researcher Sabir Ahamed, one of the speakers, highlighted that Muslims account for a disproportionately high number of deletions across the state, particularly in the Malda–Murshidabad region.

‘This Is About Citizenship, Not Just Voting’: Faridul Islam’s Desperate Appeal

Activist Sheikh Faridul Islam, whose name was reportedly deleted due to an incorrect translation of the prefix “Sheikh” from Bengali to English, said he had written to the President of India and the Chief Justice of India expressing a wish to die, breaking down while narrating his ordeal.

The 40-year-old said, “There are at least six people who have written to the President and the CJI expressing a wish to die. This is not just about voting rights, but about citizenship. I know what happens to people who are labelled illegal citizens. I am doing this for everyone, and for my son, who will face hardship if this is not corrected.”

On the occasion, ordinary women, along with their families, also took the stage, expressing deep fears about their very existence after their names were deleted from the voter list.

A signature campaign against the SIR was also conducted at the venue.

The event featured several revolutionary songs and concluded with Hum Honge Kamyab Ek Din (We Shall Overcome).

Transgender persons and members of the eunuch community also participated.

মসজিদের তহবিল থেকে ‘১০০০ কোটির চুক্তি’: হুমায়ুন কবিরকে ঘিরে মুর্শিদাবাদে ক্ষোভের বিস্ফোরণ

Kibria Ansary
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মসজিদের তহবিল থেকে ‘১০০০ কোটির চুক্তি’: হুমায়ুন কবিরকে ঘিরে মুর্শিদাবাদে ক্ষোভের বিস্ফোরণ

মুর্শিদাবাদ: মুর্শিদাবাদের ছাইদার শেখ বলছিলেন “আমি বিশ্বাস করে ৬০০০ টাকা দান করেছি, রাজনীতির জন্য নয়,”। তার কণ্ঠে অবিশ্বাস এবং যন্ত্রণা উভয়ই ছিল। ডোমকলের একজন ধর্মপ্রাণ বাসিন্দা, ছাইদার স্মরণ করছিলেন যে কীভাবে তিনি এই এলাকায় একটি বাবরি মসজিদ নির্মাণের প্রস্তাব শুনে গভীর আনন্দ অনুভব করেছিলেন। তিনি জায়গাটি পরিদর্শন করেছিলেন, জুম্মার নামাজ পড়ে এবং এটিকে একটি পবিত্র প্রচেষ্টা বলে বিশ্বাস করে আর্থিকভাবে তাঁর অবদান রেখেছিলেন। কিন্তু সাম্প্রতিক বিতর্ক তাকে নড়েচড়ে বসতে বাধ্য করেছে। “যদিও রাজনৈতিক উদ্দেশ্যের জন্য ধর্মকে অস্ত্র করার অনুশীলন একটি দীর্ঘস্থায়ী ঘটনা, হুমায়ুন কবিরের বিরুদ্ধে অভিযোগগুলি বিশ্বাসঘাতকতার চেয়ে কম কিছু নয়। এটি সাধারণ মানুষের সরল বিশ্বাস এবং আধ্যাত্মিক বিশুদ্ধতার প্রতি সম্পূর্ণ অবজ্ঞা প্রতিফলিত করে,” তিনি বলছিলেন।

আপনার মসজিদের তহবিল কীভাবে রাজনৈতিক ক্ষমতা কিনেছে

ধর্মীয় প্রতিষ্ঠানের পবিত্রতার ওপর গুরুত্বারোপ করে ছাইদার আরো বলেন, “ইসলামী নীতি অনুযায়ী মসজিদ হল ‘আল্লাহর ঘর’—বিশুদ্ধতা ও ঐক্যের পবিত্র প্রতীক। নির্বাচনী লাভের জন্য এ ধরনের গভীর ধর্মীয় অনুভূতিকে কাজে লাগানো শুধু অনৈতিকই নয়, বিশ্বাসের মূল মূল্যবোধের সরাসরি বিরোধীও”। তিনি আরও হুঁশিয়ারি দেন, “যখন ক্ষমতার তাড়নায় কোনো উপাসনালয়কে ‘তুরুপের তাস’-এ পরিণত করা হয়, তখন এ ধরনের রাজনীতির নৈতিক ভিত্তি পুরোপুরি ভেঙে পড়ে।” আরেক স্থানীয় বাসিন্দা সাহাবুল শেখ বিশ্বাসঘাতকতার অনুরূপ অনুভূতির প্রতিধ্বনি করেছেন। তিনিও তার স্ত্রীর সাথে প্রস্তাবিত মসজিদের স্থান পরিদর্শন করেছিলেন, নামাজ পড়েছিলেন এবং এর নির্মাণে আর্থিক অবদান রেখেছিলেন। “ধর্ম আমাদের সততা এবং সততার মূল্যবোধ শেখায়। যারা, ধর্মের নামে, অন্যায়ের পথে হাঁটে এবং মানুষের বিশ্বাসের সাথে খেলে, নেতৃত্বে তাদের কোন স্থান নেই,” তিনি বলছিলেন। তিনি দৃঢ়ভাবে যোগ করেছেন, “আমি এই ঘটনার তীব্র প্রতিবাদ জানাই এবং দোষীদের উপযুক্ত শাস্তি দাবি করছি।”

আল্লাহর ঘরকে রাজনৈতিক গুটি মনে করা বন্ধ করুন

ধর্মীয় নেতারাও তীব্র প্রতিক্রিয়া জানিয়েছেন। এই বিষয়ে কথা বলতে গিয়ে একজন ইমাম মন্তব্য করেন, “মসজিদ হল উপাসনার অভয়ারণ্য, কোনো রাজনৈতিক দলের নির্বাচনী কার্যালয় নয়। সময় এসেছে যারা সাধারণ মুসলমানদের আবেগকে কাজে লাগিয়ে নিজেদের স্বার্থ হাসিল করতে চায়, তাদের মুখোশ খুলে দেওয়ার। পুরো মুসলিম সম্প্রদায়ের উচিত এমন কাউকে সামাজিকভাবে বয়কট করা উচিত, যে আমাকে একটি দাবার বোড়ের মতো ব্যবহার করার সাহস দেখায়।” তিনি দ্ব্যর্থহীনভাবে দৃঢ়তার সাথে বলেছিলেন, “কেউ আল্লাহর ঘরে কৌশল এবং কারসাজি করতে পারে না এবং এটি থেকে পার পেয়ে যাওয়ার আশা করতে পারে না।”

আম জনতা উন্নয়ন পার্টির চেয়ারম্যান হুমায়ুন কবিরের একটি স্টিং অপারেশন ভিডিও সোশ্যাল মিডিয়া প্ল্যাটফর্মে ভাইরাল হওয়ার পরে মুর্শিদাবাদ জুড়ে ক্ষোভ আরও তীব্র হয়েছে। ক্লিপটিতে, কবিরকে পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মুসলিম ভোটারদের প্রভাবিত করার বিনিময়ে ভারতীয় জনতা পার্টির (বিজেপি) কাছ থেকে ১০০০ কোটি টাকা দাবি করতে দেখা গেছে। ঐ ভিডিওতে হুমায়ুন কবিরকে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়কে “যেকোন মূল্যে” ক্ষমতাচ্যুত করার কৌশলের রূপরেখা দিতে দেখা যাচ্ছে, বিজেপির সিনিয়র নেতাদের সাথে সম্পর্ক এবং এমনকি প্রধানমন্ত্রীর কার্যালয়ের সাথে যোগাযোগের কথা শোনা যাচ্ছে।

ভিডিওটিতে বিরোধী দলের নেতা শুভেন্দু অধিকারী, উড়িষ্যার মুখ্যমন্ত্রী মোহন মাঝি এবং হিমন্ত বিশ্ব শর্মার সাথে তার কথিত কথোপকথনের উল্লেখ রয়েছে। এটি আরও একটি বিতর্কিত নির্বাচনী কৌশলের রূপরেখা দেয়, যেখানে কবির কথিতভাবে দাবি করেছেন যে মুসলিম ভোটগুলিকে সরিয়ে বিজেপির বিজয় নিশ্চিত করতে পারে, যখন তিনি জোর দিয়েছিলেন যে তিনি ৭০-৮০টি মুসলিম-সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ আসন প্রভাবিত করতে পারেন এবং বিনিময়ে উপ-মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর পদ সুরক্ষিত করতে পারেন।

স্টিং অপারেশন ভিডিও ১০০০ কোটি টাকার রাজনৈতিক চুক্তি প্রকাশ করেছে

ক্লিপটি ব্যাপক আর্থিক পরিকল্পনার কথাও উল্লেখ করে, যেখানে কবির অভিযোগ করেছেন যে পরিকল্পনাটি কার্যকর করার জন্য তার নির্বাচনী এলাকা প্রতি ৩-৪ কোটির প্রয়োজন হবে- যার যোগফল করলে দাঁড়ায় প্রায় ১০০০ কোটি টাকা। তবে, এটা অবশ্যই উল্লেখ্য যে স্বাধীনভাবে ভিডিওটির সত্যতা যাচাই করা হয়নি।
ভিডিওটি ছড়িয়ে পড়ার সাথে সাথে রাস্তায় এবং সোশ্যাল মিডিয়ায় ক্ষোভ ছড়িয়ে পড়ে, অনেকে কবিরকে রাজনৈতিক লাভের জন্য ধর্মীয় অনুভূতিকে কাজে লাগানোর অভিযোগ তোলেন। কিছু ব্যবহারকারী তাকে উপহাস করে “মুর্শিদাবাদের দ্বিতীয় মীরজাফর” বলে উল্লেখ করেছেন, যা বিশ্বাসঘাতকতার সমার্থক একটি নাম হিসেবে বাংলায় প্রচলিত। অন্যরা তাকে “বিজেপির দালাল” বলে আখ্যা দিয়েছেন। আলমগীর হোসেন নামের একজন স্কুলশিক্ষক যাকে বিপজ্জনক ও অনৈতিক প্রবণতা বলে বর্ণনা করেছেন তাতে গভীর ক্ষোভ প্রকাশ করেছেন।

তিনি বলেন, “মসজিদ কোনো রাজনৈতিক অস্ত্র নয়; আমরা ধর্মের সাথে জড়িত এই নোংরা খেলার অবসান চাই।” তিনি বলেছেন যে যদি ভিডিওটি সত্যি প্রমাণিত হয় তবে এটি একটি গভীর উদ্বেগজনক মানসিকতা প্রকাশ করে। “হুমায়ুন কবীরের আসল রং এখন জনসাধারণের সামনে উন্মোচিত হয়েছে তা নিছক নিন্দনীয় নয়, একেবারেই অসম্মানজনক”। এটিকে সাধারণ মুসলমানদের সরল বিশ্বাসকে শোষণ করার একটি “ঘৃণ্য ষড়যন্ত্র” বলে অভিহিত করেছেন। আরো উদ্বেগ প্রকাশ করে, হোসেন সতর্ক করে দিয়েছিলেন, “যদি ভাইরাল ভিডিওটি খাঁটি প্রমাণিত হয় তবে তা থেকে পরিষ্কার হয়ে যায় যে, তার কাছে ধর্ম একটি ‘ভোট ব্যাংক’ ছাড়া আর কিছুই নয়”।

মুর্শিদাবাদ বিজেপি-কবির আঁতাত প্রত্যাখ্যান করছে

বেলডাঙ্গার রবিউল ইসলাম ক্ষুব্ধ ভাষায় ক্ষোভ প্রকাশ করেন: “আমরা কি মুসলিম সম্প্রদায়ের সদস্য হিসাবে, নিছক গবাদি পশু, নাকি আমরা বুদ্ধি নেই? এই ধরণের লোকেরা যখন এই ধরনের কাজে লিপ্ত হয় তখন কি আমরা তা মেনে নেব বলে আশা করা যায়? আমাদের ধর্মীয় অনুভূতি কি বিক্রয়ের জন্য নিছক একটি পণ্য? আমরা তাদের নিজস্ব যুক্তিসঙ্গত অধিকারী এবং আমাদের নিজস্ব যুক্তিসঙ্গততা আছে।”

জয়নাল আবেদীন একই রকম মন্তব্য করে বলেন, “এদেশের সাধারণ, ধর্মপ্রাণ মানুষ মসজিদের মতো প্রতিষ্ঠান গড়ে তুলতে চায়—তাদের উপার্জনের একটি অংশ দিয়ে হোক বা নৈতিক সমর্থন দিয়ে হোক। হুমায়ুন কবিরের মতো নেতারা যদি এই অনুভূতিকে কাজে লাগিয়ে গোপনে তাদের নিজস্ব ‘স্কিম’ তৈরি করেন, তাহলে তা হবে মুসলিম সম্প্রদায়ের গণতান্ত্রিক ধারা। তিনি আরও বলেন, “যদি কোনো ব্যক্তি বা নেতা ইসলামের মৌলিক স্তম্ভ বা এর পবিত্র স্থানগুলির সাথে আপস করে, তবে তাদের রাজনৈতিক ও সামাজিকভাবে বহিষ্কৃত হতে হবে।”
সোশ্যাল মিডিয়াতেও তীব্র ক্ষোভ ছড়িয়ে পড়েছে। একটি বিস্তারিত ফেসবুক পোস্টে মিরাজুল ইসলাম লিখেছেন, “এই লোকটিকে নিয়ে আমার প্রথম থেকেই সন্দেহ ছিল। তিনি বাবরি মসজিদ ইস্যুকে ঘিরে আবেগকে কাজে লাগিয়ে নিজেকে মুসলমানদের ‘মসিহা’ হিসেবে তুলে ধরার চেষ্টা করেছিলেন।” তিনি অভিযোগ করেছেন যে সমর্থন জোগাড় করার জন্য মানসিক আবেদন ব্যবহার করা হয়েছিল। “মানুষ এতটাই প্রভাবিত হয়েছিল যে কেউ কেউ বেলডাঙ্গার প্রস্তাবিত জায়গায় ইটও নিয়ে গিয়েছিল।”

হুমায়ুন কবিরের ঘটনা দেখিয়ে দেয় কারণ পুরানো ঘটনাগুলি বাস্তবতা প্রমাণ করে

মিরাজুল আরও দাবি করেছেন, “তিনি মসজিদের নামে কোটি কোটি টাকা সংগ্রহ করেছেন, শুধুমাত্র হেলিকপ্টার ভ্রমণ সহ প্রচারাভিযানে ব্যয় করার জন্য,” বিজেপির সাথে “গোপন সম্পর্ক” অভিযোগ করে। অন্য একজন ব্যবহারকারী, মনজুর আলম, একটি বিস্তৃত প্রতিফলন প্রস্তাব করেছেন: “ভাইরাল ভিডিওটি সামান্যতম কৃত্রিম বুদ্ধিমত্তা উত্পাদিত বলে মনে হয় না, উল্টে হুমায়ুনের নিজস্ব লোভ প্রকাশ করে দেয়”
তিনি আরো বলেছেন, “অনেক মুসলিম রাজনৈতিক নেতা সম্প্রদায়ের প্রকৃত শুভাকাঙ্খী নন। তারা প্রায়শই সম্প্রদায়কে ক্ষমতা অর্জনের জন্য একটি সোপান হিসাবে ব্যবহার করেন,” পাশাপাশি জমিয়ত উলামায়ে-হিন্দের উদ্ধৃতি দিয়ে বাস্তববাদী রাজনৈতিক সম্পৃক্ততা এবং শক্তিশালী অরাজনৈতিক সম্মিলিত পদক্ষেপের প্রয়োজনীয়তার উপর জোর দেন। লালবাগের বাসিন্দা ফজলুল হক একটি তীব্র শব্দযুক্ত প্রতিক্রিয়ার প্রস্তাব দিয়েছেন: “মুর্শিদাবাদে মীরজাফরের ভূত দেখা যাচ্ছে—সে বিজেপির কাছ থেকে ১০০০ কোটি টাকা গ্রহণ করে নিজের পকেট ভরতে চায়… দুর্ভাগ্যবশত মুসলিম সম্প্রদায় এমন নরপশুদের শিকার হয় যারা তাদের হৃদয় জয় করে কেবল মধুর কথায় ভোলানোর চেষ্টা করে”।

বিতর্কের জবাবে, হুমায়ুন কবির ভাইরাল ভিডিওটির সত্যতা অস্বীকার করেছেন, অভিযোগ করেছেন যে এটি শাসক দলের দ্বারা কৃত্রিম বুদ্ধিমত্তা (এআই) ব্যবহার করে বানানো হয়েছে। “যদি তারা অন্যথায় প্রমাণ করতে ব্যর্থ হয়, আমি ২০০০ কোটি টাকা ক্ষতিপূরণ চেয়ে মানহানির মামলা করব,” তিনি বলেছিলেন। যাইহোক, কবিরের একটি পুরানো ভিডিও, কথিত স্টিং ক্লিপের মতো একই সেটিং এবং ব্যাকগ্রাউন্ড দেখাচ্ছে, সোশ্যাল মিডিয়াতেও ছড়িয়ে পড়েছে।

 

এটি একটি ইংরেজি প্রতিবেদন থেকে অনূদিত।

IIM Academic, Aliah Professors, Journalist—All ‘Deleted’: Bengal’s Voter List Deletion Sparks Outrage

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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IIM Academic, Aliah Professors, Journalist—All ‘Deleted’: Bengal’s Voter List Deletion Sparks Outrage

Kolkata: Nandita Roy, Mohd Shamim Akhtar, and Melisha Khatun—all professors—boast PhD degrees, but thanks to the Election Commission of India, after SIR in Bengal, they have now been given another common title, ‘Deleted Voters’.

Roy, Akhtar, and Khatun were among several deleted voters who gathered today at the Park Circus Maidan protest site, where a protest against SIR has been ongoing for the last 40 days.

From IIM Classrooms to ‘Deleted Voter’: Nandita Roy Questions ECI’s Process

The 38-year-old daughter of a war veteran and granddaughter of an army veteran, Roy is a distinguished academician who has not only taught in three Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs)—Kashipur, Lucknow, and Kolkata—but whose research work has also been published in renowned journals like Journal of Business Ethics and Management Learning.

She has been invited to international conferences as a speaker. “While I have all the documents, I followed every step. The only additional thing I had done was to fill out Form 8 for the change of address. Still, my name was there in the February 28 final draft. But later it was put under adjudication, and on March 31’s supplementary list, I found myself deleted,” Roy told eNewsroom.

“My grandfather and father were in the Indian Air Force, and my father was also a war veteran; he had participated in the 1971 (Indo-Pak) war,” informed the professor, whose ancestors are from Bengal. Roy has done her schooling at Assembly of God Church School and GD Birla, and completed her graduation, master’s, and PhD from Jadavpur University.

“There are two issues I want to point out. I have been told to fill Form 6. But why will I fill it? I have been a voter since 2009. Why should I become a new voter? And when privileged people like me, who have all the support systems to raise our voice and take necessary action, face this, I am thinking about the huge number of female voters whose names got deleted. I am shocked and term this situation of India as ‘Democracy has gone into Silence’,” added the furious professor.

Professor and MBBS Son Both Deleted: ‘Not a Jhola Chap,’ Says Akhtar

The case of 50-year-old Akhtar, the Head of the Department at Aliah University and a PhD scholar from Aligarh Muslim University, is more frightening, as not only his but also his son’s name—who is a first-year MBBS student—was deleted by the ECI.

“I have all the documents, including my passport. And there is no mismatch of names in my documents also. My other family members in Bihar were cleared in SIR, but they deleted not only me but my medical student son, whose name was added to the 2023 voter list. All the information is also available online. I am not a jhola chap; my work is needed in the international fraternity,” Akhtar added.

Gold Medalist, HoD, Yet ‘No Longer a Voter’: Khatun’s Disbelief

Khatun, the Head of the Department of Economics at Aliah University, is still in disbelief that she is no longer a voter in the world’s largest democracy.

The 39-year-old professor had earned her PhD from Burdwan University and was a Gold Medalist in MSc (Economics) from the same university. Khatun has published extensively in reputed indexed, UGC CARE-listed national and international journals and has presented her work at various prestigious academic conferences.

‘Add 27 Lakh Names or Let Me Die’: Activist’s Appeal to President, CJI

Along with the professors, activist Faridul Islam, whose name has been deleted, wrote to the President as well as the Chief Justice of India, seeking a wish for death if 27 lakh voters, along with him, were not added to the voter list.

Sandeep Ahamed, another social activist, also had his name deleted, as the software used to process the voter list put his name under adjudication due to a difference in spelling between “Sandip” and “Sandeep.”

The 54-year-old Ahamed, whose name was in the 2002 voter list, said, “The BLO, as well as a special observer, said to me that it is a software mistake and it will get corrected, but instead it got deleted.”

From 2002 Voters to Today’s ‘Deleted’: Elderly, Families Caught in the Fallout

Professor Akhtar, a voter from the Entally constituency, has also brought a 68-year-old citizen who has a similar name to him. Shamim Akhtar, a small-time businessman, is also a voter from Entally. The businessman, whose name was on the 2002 list, had undergone eye surgery and was wandering here and there with one eye. The only satisfaction for him is that his wife’s name is on the voter list.

Saheb Alam, a 60-year-old pensioner of National Jute Manufactures Corporation Limited (NJMC), has also been removed. Along with Alam, his 40-year-old nephew’s name was also deleted.

The 37-year-old Wasim Islam is also from Entally. He has been exercising his franchise since 2009, but in this SIR, not only his but also his two brothers’ and his 60-year-old mother’s names were deleted.

The Votadhikar Rakhya Manch also conducted a press conference on the April 14’s March from Park Circus to Esplanade, demanding that 27 lakh voters be added to the voter list.

On the occasion, several activists were present, including Sunita Biswas, Mahasweta Samajdar, and Gopa Mukherjee, along with the organizers Professor Saifullah, Zeeshan Zahid, and Sajidur Rahman.

Journalist Too ‘Deleted’: Anandabazar Desk Reporter Left Clueless

eNewsroom also came to know about a journalist, Chaitali Biswas, who works at the desk of the prominent Bangla newspaper Anandabazar Patrika, whose name was deleted.

“My father and mother both are voters. My name was not on the 2002 list, as I was not an eligible voter. Now I am clueless—why has it been deleted? The BLO did not cite any reason why it happened,” the journalist told eNewsroom.

“Our Faith is Not for Sale”: Murshidabad Denounces the ‘Babri’ Political Plot of Humayun Kabir

Kibria Ansary
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“Our Faith is Not for Sale”: Murshidabad Denounces the ‘Babri’ Political Plot of Humayun Kabir

Murshidabad: “I had contributed ₹6,000 with faith, not for politics,” said Chaider Sheikh, his voice carrying both disbelief and anguish. A devout resident of Domkal, Chaider recalled how he had felt a deep sense of joy upon hearing about the proposed construction of a Babri Masjid in the area. He had visited the site, offered Friday prayers, and contributed financially, believing it to be a sacred effort. But the recent controversy has left him shaken.

“While the practice of weaponising religion for political ends is a long-standing phenomenon, the allegations against Humayun Kabir amount to nothing less than an act of betrayal. It reflects utter contempt for the simple faith and spiritual purity of ordinary people,” he said.

Bricks of Betrayal: How Your Mosque Funds Bought Political Power

Emphasising the sanctity of religious institutions, Chaider added, “According to Islamic tenets, a mosque is the ‘House of Allah’—a sacred symbol of purity and unity. To exploit such profound religious sentiment for electoral gain is not only unethical but also stands in direct opposition to the core values of the faith.”

He further warned, “When a place of worship is turned into a ‘trump card’ in the pursuit of power, the moral foundation of such politics collapses entirely.” Sahabul Sheikh, another local resident, echoed similar sentiments of betrayal. He too had visited the proposed mosque site with his wife, offered prayers, and made a financial contribution toward its construction.

“Religion teaches us the values of honesty and integrity. Those who, in the name of religion, tread the path of unrighteousness and toy with people’s faith—regardless of their other credentials—have no place in leadership,” he said. He added firmly, “I strongly protest against this incident and demand appropriate punishment for those found guilty.”

Sacrilege: Stop Treating the House of Allah as a Political Pawn

Religious leaders have also reacted sharply. An Imam, speaking on the issue, remarked, “A mosque is a sanctuary for worship, not an election office for any political party. The time has come to unmask those who seek to further their own self-interests by exploiting the emotions of ordinary Muslims. The entire Muslim community ought to socially boycott anyone who has the audacity to treat a holy site as a mere pawn on a chessboard.” He asserted unequivocally, “One cannot scheme and manipulate the House of Allah and expect to get away with it.”

The anger across Murshidabad intensified after a purported sting operation video featuring Humayun Kabir, Chairman of the Aam Janata Unnayan Party, went viral on social media platforms. In the clip, Kabir is allegedly seen demanding ₹1,000 crore from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in exchange for influencing Muslim voters in West Bengal. He is purportedly heard outlining a strategy to unseat Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee “at any cost,” claiming links with senior BJP leaders and even contact with the Prime Minister’s Office.

The video also contains references to his alleged interactions with Leader of the Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, as well as chief ministers Mohan Yadav and Himanta Biswa Sarma. It further outlines a controversial electoral strategy, where Kabir allegedly claims that diverting Muslim votes could ensure BJP’s victory, while asserting he could influence 70–80 Muslim-majority seats and secure the post of Deputy Chief Minister in return.

Sold Out: Sting Operation Video Exposes ₹1000 Crore Political Deal

The clip also refers to extensive financial planning, with Kabir allegedly stating that he would require ₹3–4 crore per constituency—amounting to nearly ₹1,000 crore—to execute the plan. However, it must be noted that eNewsroom has not independently verified the authenticity of the video.

As the video spread, anger spilled onto the streets and social media, with many accusing Kabir of exploiting religious sentiments for political gain. Some users mockingly referred to him as “Murshidabad’s second Mir Jafar,” invoking a name synonymous with betrayal. Others labelled him a “BJP stooge.” Alamgir Hossain, a schoolteacher, expressed deep anguish over what he described as a dangerous and unethical trend.

“A mosque is not a political pawn; we demand an end to this dirty game involving religion,” he said. He added that if the video proves authentic, it reveals a deeply troubling mindset. “The true colours of Humayun Kabir—now exposed to the public—are not merely reprehensible but utterly disgraceful,” he remarked, calling it a “despicable conspiracy” to exploit the simple faith of ordinary Muslims. Raising broader concerns, Hossain warned, “If the viral video proves authentic, it becomes abundantly clear that, to him, religion is nothing more than a ‘vote bank.’”

Selling Out the Community: Murshidabad Rejects BJP-Kabir Nexus

Rabiul Islam of Beldanga voiced anger in blunt terms: “Are we, as members of the Muslim community, mere cattle, or are we devoid of intellect? Are we expected to simply accept it when people of this kind engage in such acts? Is our religious sentiment merely a commodity to be put up for sale? We possess our own faculty of reason, and we will certainly hold them accountable.”

Jainal Abedin struck a similar note, saying, “Ordinary, devout people in this country aspire to establish institutions like mosques—whether by contributing a portion of their earnings or by offering moral support. If leaders like Humayun Kabir exploit this sentiment to secretly devise their own ‘schemes,’ it would constitute a monumental betrayal of the broader Muslim community.” He added, “If any individual or leader compromises the fundamental pillars of Islam or its sacred sites, they ought to be politically and socially ostracised.”

The outrage has also played out sharply on social media. Mirajul Islam, in a detailed Facebook post, wrote, “I had my doubts about this man right from the start. He tried to project himself as a ‘Messiah’ of Muslims by exploiting sentiments surrounding the Babri Masjid issue.” He alleged that emotional appeals were used to mobilise support. “People were influenced to such an extent that some even carried bricks to the proposed site in Beldanga.”

The Fake Messiah: Kabir Threatens Suit as Older Clips Prove Reality

Mirajul further claimed, “He has raised crores of rupees in the name of the mosque, only to spend it on campaign activities, including helicopter travel,” alleging a “secret nexus” with the BJP. Another user, Manzur Alam, offered a broader reflection: “The viral video did not appear to be AI-generated in the slightest. This reflects what I believe to be the unvarnished reality of Humayun.”

He added, “Many Muslim political leaders are not genuine well-wishers of the community. They often use the community as a stepping stone to attain power,” while also stressing the need for realistic political engagement and stronger non-political collective action, citing Jamiat Ulama-e-Hind. Fazlul Hoque, a resident of Lalbagh, offered a sharply worded reaction: “Behold the specter of Mir Jafar in Murshidabad—he seeks to line his own pockets by accepting ₹1,000 crore from the BJP… The unfortunate Muslim community falls prey to charlatans who win hearts with honeyed words, only to lead them toward ruin.”

Responding to the controversy, Humayun Kabir has denied the authenticity of the viral video, alleging it was fabricated using artificial intelligence (AI) by the ruling party. “If they fail to prove otherwise, I will file a defamation suit seeking ₹2,000 crore in damages,” he said.

However, an older video of Kabir, showing a similar setting and background as seen in the alleged sting clip, is also circulating on social media.

 

Young, Defiant, and Unafraid: Afreen Begum’s High-Stakes Fight in Ballygunge

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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Young, Defiant, and Unafraid: Afreen Begum’s High-Stakes Fight in Ballygunge

Kolkata: A researcher-turned-politician, Afreen Begum, who is a CPI(M) candidate from the Ballygunge constituency, has made some sharp remarks on Mamata Banerjee, particularly regarding her role in the SIR and what she termed the “deceiving” politics of the Trinamool Congress supremo.

After releasing CPI(M)’s manifesto for Ballygunge, the 29-year-old PhD scholar from Jadavpur University spoke to eNewsroom India at length. In the interview, the young politician discussed the SIR and how, even while contesting her first election, she—the “Ballygunge Ki Beti,” as she calls herself—can defeat heavyweights in the Bengal elections.

Ballygunge, a high-profile constituency in Bengal, has interesting candidates from four major political parties. Neither the ruling TMC’s Sobhandeb Chattopadhyay, nor Congress’s Rohan Mitra, nor BJP’s Shatorupa, nor CPI(M)’s Afreen Begum had contested the last Assembly election from this seat. Only the BJP candidate had contested previously, that too 15 years ago, in 2011. The TMC has held the Ballygunge seat since 2006.

Here are excerpts from her interview with eNewsroom:

eNewsroom: You are a student contesting your first election. How challenging is your candidature against heavyweight candidates from the ruling TMC and the BJP?

Afreen Begum: I have spent my life in the bylanes of Ballygunge, so I am aware not only of the localities but also of the issues faced by people in my constituency. There are problems like substandard drinking water supply, unhygienic surroundings, illegal constructions, and youth unemployment. In 2022 byelection, the CPI(M)’s Saira Shah Halim was the runner-up in the Ballygunge by-election. TMC’s winning margin was only 10,000 votes, so the BJP is not really in contention here.

eNewsroom: What are your key issues? Are you contesting the election on the Hindu-Muslim binary, the SIR, or local issues in Ballygunge?

Afreen Begum: Our party has never engaged in the politics of religion, and I am also fighting against the BJP’s hate politics. Yes, the SIR is an issue, but it affects all of Bengal. At the same time, I am highlighting the lack of development by the ruling TMC in Ballygunge. I promise to improve the standard of living here. I also aim to reduce corruption and create job opportunities for the youth.

eNewsroom: There are claims that some CPI(M) leaders believe in a ‘Good SIR’ and ‘Bad SIR’. Do you agree that there is a ‘Good SIR’?

Afreen Begum: I was not aware of such claims. But I do know that in Kerala, there was no such mass deletion as seen in Bengal. This is because Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan ensured adequate deployment of Booth Level Officers (BLOs) and Electoral Registration Officers (EROs). In Bengal, however, sufficient BLOs and EROs were not deployed, which led to mass deletions.

eNewsroom: Since CPI(M) is also part of the opposition against the BJP at the Centre, how challenging is it for you to win amid the SIR exercise?

Afreen Begum: Around 23,000 votes have been deleted in the Ballygunge constituency, and nearly 18,000 of them belong to Muslims. However, we are hopeful of securing support from all sections, and the existing voters will ensure the BJP’s defeat.

eNewsroom: You are pursuing a PhD in education, and the New Education Policy (NEP) is one of your key research areas. Who stands to benefit from it?

Afreen Begum: No one. I am conducting research on the NEP and will present my findings, but so far, I believe it has not been designed for the benefit of students.

The CPI(M) leader also claimed that Mamata Banerjee receives votes from minority communities but does not strongly oppose the BJP’s anti-Muslim policies. She alleged that while some opposition parties assist the BJP in the Rajya Sabha by supporting key bills, Banerjee publicly assures resistance but later backs such measures—citing the NEP and the Waqf Bill as examples.

“Trinamool and BJP are two sides of the same coin,” she said.

The young candidate, with no political background added that she is committed to a long-term political career and will remain in public life regardless of the election outcome.

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