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The ‘Ghuspetiya’ Hoax and the Arithmetic of Exclusion: Is the ECI Editing the Electorate to Fit the Result?

Rahul
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The ‘Ghuspetiya’ Hoax and the Arithmetic of Exclusion: Is the ECI Editing the Electorate to Fit the Result?

There is a famous quote by Lyndon B Johnson: “The vote is the most powerful instrument ever devised by man for breaking down injustice.”

Strikingly, India’s freedom movement, from the very beginning, echoed the demand for equal voting rights. In 1895, Bal Gangadhar Tilak was among the first to demand universal adult franchise. He realised the power of voting rights back then, but after 131 years, it seems India is in reverse gear.

The Election Commission of India (ECI), whose core principle is that every single voter counts and that no eligible citizen should be excluded, has now initiated a seemingly contradictory exercise that has led to the deletion of 90 lakh voter names from the West Bengal electoral roll. More troubling is the simultaneous erosion of transparency—once the ECI’s guiding principle—and its slide into opacity, which itself speaks of institutional complicity.

Erasure by Design: The Disenfranchisement of 90 Lakh

Interestingly, in the 2021 West Bengal election, the All India Trinamool Congress led the Bharatiya Janata Party by approximately 60.6 lakh votes. In the 2024 general election, this margin came down to around 42.4 lakh. Then, suddenly, the Election Commission of India announced a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral roll. In West Bengal, the SIR process began in October 2025, and by February, when the list was released, 63 lakh names had already been deleted.

Now, just yesterday, after the Supreme Court of India refused to accept a plea to extend the time before the electoral lists were frozen at midnight, the ECI released its final supplementary list. After the first phase of SIR, about 63.66 lakh electors were removed from the electoral roll, while 60,06,675 were kept under adjudication. Following the final supplementary list released on April 7, 2026, around 27.16 lakh of those under adjudication were found ineligible and excluded.

Earlier, the total number of voters was 7.66 crore. Now it has been reduced to 6.77 crore—a fall of 11.62%. What was valid till 2024 has suddenly become invalid. By this logic, is the ECI itself suggesting that the 2024 general election was flawed?

Gender & Identity: The Target of a Not-So-Silent Purge

Before the revision, women constituted nearly half of West Bengal’s electorate, with about 968 female voters for every 1,000 men—around 49%. However, SIR data show that over 53% of the deletions were women. The SIR has effectively taken us back to the basic struggle for women’s voting rights. It has disproportionately impacted female voters and likely altered the gender balance of the rolls. This strengthens the argument that the SIR process is not gender-neutral in its impact.

A few days ago, Yogendra Yadav said that the story of the SIR in West Bengal is one of the Election Commission’s desperate attempts at mass deletion of voters inconvenient to the BJP. Similarly, three months ago, the international media outlet The Guardian reported under the headline: “India’s electoral roll revision threatens democracy and Muslims, say critics.”

Today, it was reported that a total of 2,826 names have been deleted from the electoral rolls in Nandigram in the supplementary lists. Of these, 2,700 are Muslims. The proportion of minority Muslims among the deleted is staggering—95.5%. A similar pattern has been observed in data analysis by Ankit Jain, which reveals that Muslims have been disproportionately marked as ‘under adjudication’ in the SIR.

Institutional Opacity: When the Referee Deletes the Players

A curious case was also reported on 07/04/26, where the Appellate Tribunal noted that the Election Commission, “for technical reasons,” could not furnish the reasons for the deletion of INC candidate Motab Sheikh from the electoral roll. The Appellate Tribunal, headed by former High Court Chief Justice TS Sivagnanam, ordered the inclusion of Motab Sheikh in the voter roll after noting that he possessed an Aadhaar card, passport, and driving licence bearing his name, and that there was no discrepancy in his father’s name.

But the question remains: when there was no discrepancy, why was his name deleted? Should we now believe that the Guardian article was accurate?

However, from the Supreme Court to India’s political discourse, no one seems in the mood to take serious note of this travesty of democracy. Even if 10% of the names are wrongly deleted, the number rises to 9 lakh. And the future will repeatedly record that they were denied the time to prove their legitimate right to vote.

It seems that the mission of erasure has been accomplished. The ECI’s past slogans like “Every Vote Counts” and “No Voter to be Left Behind” now lie in the dustbin of history.

Thanks to the Supreme Court.
Thanks to the ECI.
Thanks to the entire system that built and propagated the hoax of “Ghuspetiya.”

The future will remember each one of your roles.

The Aliah Ascent: Celebrating Nearly Two Decades of Research and Resilience

Staff Reporter
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The Aliah Ascent: Celebrating Nearly Two Decades of Research and Resilience

Kolkata: Reaffirming its commitment to inclusive education and minority empowerment, Aliah University celebrated its 19th Foundation Day at its New Town campus on Sunday, highlighting its journey from a modest beginning to a growing centre of academic excellence with national and international collaborations.

The event was marked by a strong emphasis on the university’s role in uplifting educationally lagging communities, particularly Muslims in West Bengal, while also showcasing its academic progress, research output, and institutional development over nearly two decades.

Vice-Chancellor Prof Rafikul Islam underlined the university’s transformation since its inception in 2008, noting significant achievements in research, publications, and student placements. He credited the institution’s growth to the collective efforts of its academic and administrative community over the years, describing the progress as a result of “sustained dedication across generations of leadership and staff.”

From Historic Roots to Modern Academic Excellence

Speakers at the event repeatedly invoked the legacy of the historic Calcutta Madrasah, established in 1780, positioning Aliah University as a modern extension of that tradition. They stressed the university’s responsibility as a state minority institution to expand access to quality higher education while promoting inclusivity and diversity.

The celebration also highlighted the university’s recent academic milestone—securing a B+ grade from the National Assessment and Accreditation Council in November 2024—seen as a step toward strengthening its institutional credibility.

A Vibrant Showcase of Talent and Achievement

Beyond speeches, the Foundation Day reflected the campus’s academic and cultural vibrancy. Departments, along with units such as the Training and Placement Office, NSS, and NCC, showcased their achievements through stalls. An art gallery featuring student works and sale items drew significant attention, while a documentary tracing the university’s journey was screened.

The cultural segment brought together performances ranging from drama and mime to music, reflecting student creativity. The event also included a prize distribution ceremony honouring winners of competitions such as quiz, extempore, and tarana held during the Foundation Day week.

The annual report for the 2024–25 academic session and the Spring 2025 newsletter were released on the occasion, documenting the university’s academic and institutional progress.

The programme concluded with a renewed institutional resolve to deepen academic excellence, expand inclusivity, and strengthen its societal role.

Visionary Voices: Leaders Who Joined the Milestone Celebration

Among those present were Sk Abu Taher Kamruddin, President of the West Bengal Board of Madrasah Education and former Vice-Chancellor of Aliah University; Ahmed Hassan Imran, Chairman of the West Bengal Minorities’ Commission; Prof Ashutosh Ghosh, Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calcutta; Abu Taleb Khan, Vice-Chancellor of Biswa Bangla Biswabidyalay and former Vice-Chancellor of Aliah University; Syed Nurus Salam, Registrar of Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University and former Registrar of Aliah University; Pabitra Sarkar, former Vice-Chancellor of Rabindra Bharati University; Prof Md Sirajul Islam, former Dean at Visva-Bharati University; Sk Nurul Haque, former Principal Secretary of the MA & ME Department, Government of West Bengal and former Chairman of the West Bengal Public Service Commission; Nahid Ali, JC Bose Fellow and INSA Emeritus Scientist at the Indian Institute of Chemical Biology; Sibaji Pratim Basu, former Vice-Chancellor of Vidyasagar University; and Prof Saifulla, Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Languages and Chairman of the Foundation Day Organising Committee

No Hearing, No Notice, Just Deletion: How Bengal’s SIR Erased a Decorated IAF Officer

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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No Hearing, No Notice, Just Deletion: How Bengal’s SIR Erased a Decorated IAF Officer

Kolkata: Once a holder of a diplomatic passport, Wing Commander Md Shamim Akhtar (Retd), a decorated Indian Air Force (IAF) veteran, found that his name had been abruptly deleted from the electoral rolls in West Bengal—without any prior hearing.

High-Flying Service: The Decorated Career of Wing Cdr Akhtar

Wing Commander Akhtar, commissioned into the Indian Air Force on 15 December 2006, served the nation with distinction for 17 years. His career included key roles across the country—from training nearly 2,000 airmen at Air Force Station Tambaram to administrative leadership postings in Chandigarh and Allahabad. He also represented India internationally in a Young Officers’ Exchange Program with the Royal Thai Air Force.

He played a crucial role during the devastating 2018 Kerala floods, coordinating rescue and relief operations while serving at the Southern Air Command. After taking voluntary retirement (VRS) in July 2022 due to family commitments, Akhtar has been actively mentoring youth aspiring to join the armed forces and working with underprivileged students.

From Combat to Courtroom: A Veteran’s Fight for the Vote

According to Akhtar, his name was placed “under adjudication” during the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR). However, before he could even be called for a hearing, his name was deleted in the second supplementary list released on March 28, 2026.

The Wing Commander (Retd) claims he followed all instructions issued by the Election Commission and remained in constant touch with the BLO at every step. “My name was there in the final list, so I had nothing to act on. But in the first supplementary list on March 23, it was marked ‘under adjudication’. I contacted my BLO, Mondal, but he did not tell me any procedure to follow and assured me that it would be restored automatically. Then on March 28, when my name was deleted in the second list, the BLO told me to hire a lawyer and approach the tribunal,” rued Akhtar.

What makes the case more puzzling is that:

Longevity: His name had been part of the electoral rolls since 2002.

Family Status: His family members’ names continue to remain on the list.

Lack of Due Process: No formal hearing or opportunity for clarification was provided.

The incident has sparked outrage among sections of civil society, with some questioning whether the deletion could be linked to the officer’s identity as a Muslim. “When a decorated officer with an impeccable service record is denied even a hearing, it naturally raises questions,” said Athar Firdausi, a rights activist.

Recently, Alt News, in its report “Bengal SIR: The Wall ECI Built Around Electoral Data and How We Broke Through It,” highlighted large-scale discrepancies, claiming that voters from communities less likely to support the BJP were disproportionately targeted for deletion or placed under doubt.

However, the Wing Commander is not the only alleged victim of the controversial SIR process. The list is long. eNewsroom has also reported that AGWB gazetted officer Reshma Shirin Iqbal’s name was deleted in a similar manner. Former Calcutta High Court judge Sahidullah Munshi’s name was also removed, and he publicly stated that the experience was not only humiliating but left him unsure of where to seek redress. It has also been reported that the names of the grandson and granddaughter-in-law of Indian Constitution illustrator Nandalal Bose were dropped.

The Murshidabad Files: Why Thousands of Valid Voters Are Now ‘Deleted’

Kibria Ansary
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The Murshidabad Files: Why Thousands of Valid Voters Are Now ‘Deleted’

Murshidabad: The publication of supplementary voter lists under the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) has triggered widespread alarm across Murshidabad district, as thousands of voters find their names struck off the rolls just weeks before the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections. In the Raninagar Assembly constituency, early data from recently released supplementary lists have revealed a staggering rate of exclusions, leaving both common citizens and local elected representatives in a state of deep consternation.

Massive Voter Deletions Trigger Alarm in Raninagar Constituency

According to the final SIR list published on February 28, Raninagar had 92,796 voters classified under the “under adjudication” category. As the Election Commission (EC) began releasing supplementary lists in phases throughout March, the sheer volume of deletions has become the focal point of local seething indignation. According to the recently published supplementary lists, the Raninagar Assembly constituency in Murshidabad district has witnessed a significant number of deletions. In just two booths, the number of excluded voters is estimated to be around 800. This suggests that nearly 72 percent of voters previously marked as “under adjudication” in these booths have had their names removed from the rolls.

For instance, Booth No. 69, located at Raghunathpur-Daulatpur Primary School in the Tekraypur area, recorded a high number of exclusions. As per the final SIR list issued on February 28, a total of 614 voters from this booth were placed under the “under adjudication” category. Following several weeks of document verification, the supplementary list for this booth was released recently. It shows that 442 of these voters have been removed from the rolls, while 172 have been retained. In percentage terms, approximately 71.9 percent of the voters initially under adjudication at this booth have been excluded. Officials and residents alike have reported challenges arising from the process, affecting stakeholders from Booth Level Officers (BLOs) to the general public.

Data Analysis: 72 Percent Exclusion Rate in Murshidabad Booths

A similar trend has been observed at the adjacent polling station, Booth No. 70, located at Haribhanga Daulatpur Madrasa Education Centre. This booth had 497 voters under review. According to the latest supplementary list, 359 names have been deleted, including 156 women, while 138 voters have been retained. This translates to approximately 72.2 per cent of the voters under adjudication being excluded from the list. Voters have expressed concern over the outcome of the verification process. Samiul Islam, a local resident, alleged, “All necessary documents were submitted in compliance with the rules, yet our names have been excluded. The Commission is not functioning in accordance with the regulations and appears to be acting in a biased manner.”

Locals affected by the revisions have raised concerns over what they describe as inconsistencies in the verification process. Asabul Sheikh, a local resident, said that despite submitting all necessary documents, his wife’s name was excluded from the list. “I submitted all of my wife’s identity documents, along with those of her parents. My name appears on the list, as do the names of my in-laws, but my wife’s name has been marked as ‘deleted.’ We have been in a state of anxiety since then,” he said. Booth Level Officers (BLOs) from the affected polling stations have also expressed uncertainty over the large-scale deletions. Iqbal Sarkar, BLO for Booth No. 69, and Masuma Bibi, BLO for Booth No. 70, said that a significant number of names had been removed without a clear explanation. “Names have been deleted on a massive scale, and even we do not know the exact reasons. Most individuals submitted the required documents, yet their names were still excluded. In some cases, even members of our own families have been affected. This has led to growing resentment among the public, and in many instances, people believe the errors are on our part. But we have limited control over the process,” they said.

Samserganj SIR Crisis: Up to 98 Percent of Voters Struck Off

When contacted, Saikat Biswas, Block Development Officer (BDO) of Raninagar-I Block, declined to comment in detail. “We have nothing to say on this matter at present. The issue is currently under the purview of the judicial authorities,” he stated. Meanwhile, a similar pattern of large-scale deletions has been reported from the 56 Samserganj Assembly constituency in Murshidabad district. Supplementary lists from several polling stations indicate a strikingly high proportion of voters who have been removed from the rolls.

At Polling Station No. 97, Housennagar Shishu Shiksha Kendra, the total number of voters under the “under adjudication” category stood at 439. Of these, only 27 names have been retained, while 412 have been deleted, amounting to approximately 93.8 percent. At Polling Station No. 98, Housennagar Junior High School, 694 out of 750 voters under adjudication have been excluded. Similarly, at Polling Station No. 99, Chaksapur Bipin Mandal Smriti Primary School, 397 out of 402 pending voters have been removed, representing about 98.8 percent. The trend continues across other polling stations in the constituency. At Polling Station No. 100, 379 out of 386 voters have been deleted. At Polling Station No. 101, 539 out of 551 voters have been excluded, while at Polling Station No. 102, 600 out of 608 names have been struck off. Further, at Polling Station No. 103, 669 out of 687 pending voters have been removed, and at Polling Station No. 104, 488 out of 495 voters have been excluded.

Human Rights Concerns Over Systematic Exclusion in Bengal

The figures point to an unusually high rate of deletions across multiple booths, raising concerns among residents and observers over the scale and consistency of the ongoing revision process. Abdul Goni Khan, Secretary of the Domkal branch of the human rights organisation APDR, expressed concern over the scale of voter deletions in Murshidabad. Speaking to eNewsroom India, he alleged that thousands of names have been removed from the voter list during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) process, leaving many residents uncertain about their electoral status.

He also criticised what he described as a lack of adequate public response to the issue. “In Murshidabad, the names of thousands of people have been struck off the voter list amid the SIR process, raising serious concerns about their rights. However, the response from the general public has been largely muted,” he said. Goni further claimed that Murshidabad appears to be among the worst-affected districts in the state in terms of voter deletions. “Despite the scale of the issue, there seems to be a sense of apathy among sections of the population. Many people do not appear to fully grasp the potential implications of their names being excluded from the electoral rolls,” he added. He urged greater awareness and engagement from the public, emphasising the need for people to address the issue through appropriate legal and democratic means.

Political Betrayal: Leaders Vanish Amid Mass Voter Disenfranchisement

Alamgir Hossain, a local teacher, attributed the ongoing crisis to what he described as the role of political parties in the process. Speaking to eNewsroom India, he alleged that competing political interests have contributed significantly to the current situation. “The political parties, through their actions, bear a large share of responsibility for this crisis. In their attempts to strengthen their electoral position, ordinary citizens have been drawn into the process without fully understanding its implications,” he said.

Hossain further claimed that, ahead of the elections, many party workers actively distributed SIR-related forms among residents, presenting them as measures intended for public benefit. “People were led to believe that these steps were meant to safeguard their interests. However, many now feel that they were encouraged to participate in a process whose consequences they did not anticipate,” he added. He also criticised what he described as the absence of political leadership at a time when concerns over voter exclusions have intensified. “Today, when many are facing uncertainty regarding their names on the electoral rolls, those leaders who had earlier engaged closely with the public are no longer visible,” he said.

Muted Public Response and Growing Fear in Murshidabad District

According to Hossain, the situation has also affected the scope for collective public response. “There appears to be a sense of confusion and fear among the people. The expected mobilisation or unified response has not materialised, leaving many residents uncertain about how to address their grievances,” he added. The scale of the exclusion remains unprecedented, and the silence from the corridors of power has only deepened the anxiety on the ground. As the countdown to the 2026 assembly polls begins, the residents of Murshidabad are left navigating a bureaucratic maze that threatens to strip them of their most fundamental democratic right—the right to vote.

Milord, Bengal’s Real Polarisation Is People vs Commission

Suman Sengupta
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Milord, Bengal’s Real Polarisation Is People vs Commission

The Chief Justice of India has expressed deep anger. He has gone so far as to say that he has never seen a state as polarised as West Bengal. He finds it hard to believe that judges and judicial officers—who are engaged in the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls under the supervision of the country’s highest court—could be attacked in such a manner. He has directed the Election Commission to take immediate action. If necessary, the Commission may even call in central investigative agencies like the CBI or NIA in connection with the incident at Mothabari in Malda.

Many people disagree with the Chief Justice’s remarks. However, I agree with his statement that Bengal is indeed polarised—but this polarisation is not along communal lines. It is a polarisation between the people and the Election Commission. The people of Bengal are raising their voices against every decision of the Commission, and they are doing so out of political awareness. That, in itself, is the real polarisation. On one side stand the people of Bengal, and on the other stands the Election Commission.

The same Election Commission had initially stated that if a voter’s name—or that of their parents or ancestors—appeared in the 2002 electoral roll, there was nothing to worry about. Why, then, are people protesting in the streets today against the Commission? That is the question that must be answered.

Bengal Polarisation: People vs the Election Commission

To understand this, it is important to trace the chronology of the entire process. After the draft electoral roll was published, it appeared that the Election Commission had kept its word. People felt somewhat relieved. However, even at that stage, nearly 5.8 million names had been deleted, including those of deceased voters, relocated voters, and those who could not be traced. Even within this list, there were numerous discrepancies. The Commission then stated that those whose names had been unintentionally removed could reapply using Form 6 (application for new voter registration). Up to this point, things seemed acceptable, and people were not overly concerned.

But then the Commission announced that it could not establish any link between nearly 12 million voters in the draft roll and the 2002 electoral roll. These individuals were asked to appear at hearings with specific documents. This marked the beginning of widespread harassment. Elderly and sick individuals were repeatedly summoned to attend hearings—not once, but multiple times.

Harassment and AI Errors in Voter List Verification

Suddenly, micro-observers from other states appeared on the scene and were placed above the Electoral Registration Officers (EROs) and Assistant EROs. It also came to light that the Election Commission had introduced a peculiar technology to identify so-called “fake voters,” known as “logical discrepancy.”

When the initial draft was published, areas like Malda, Murshidabad, and Muslim-majority localities in Kolkata had a higher number of “mapped” voters—those whose details could be linked to their parents. Only a small number were “unmapped.” Strangely, when artificial intelligence was applied to detect “logical discrepancies,” the statistics reversed dramatically.

Many Muslims use variations in spelling or different forms of their names. Some families have more than six children—none of which should concern the Election Commission. Yet, using artificial intelligence, these were flagged as “logical inconsistencies.” As a result, after such evaluations, several lakh Muslim voters were removed from the final electoral roll.

Another troubling development during the publication of the final list was that nearly 6 million names were marked as “under consideration.” This marked the beginning of the second phase of complications—something the Election Commission appeared to have done quite consciously.

Court as a Shield: The SIR Constitutional Struggle

The state government had already approached the Supreme Court, questioning the constitutional validity of the SIR and the urgency with which it was being conducted ahead of elections. The Commission continued to discuss the SIR and its issues in court, and instead of deciding on its constitutional validity, the court issued directions on how the process could be completed in Bengal without resistance.

At times, the court said that names would not be removed due to spelling errors. At other times, it claimed to be ensuring that not a single voter’s name would be excluded from the final list. Judicial officers and judges were appointed to oversee hearings for those marked as “under consideration.” Yet, at no point did the court ask the Election Commission why it failed to complete the process on time. It did not question why documents were now required despite earlier assurances regarding the 2002 roll. Nor did it ask why such a large number of voters were suddenly deemed “unmapped.”

In effect, the court appeared to act as a shield for the Election Commission. Instead, it questioned why similar problems did not arise in other states where SIR was conducted, and why only West Bengal faced such issues.

The Human Cost: Fear of Statelessness in Bengal

Amid this process, people began searching for their names in the 2002 electoral rolls on their own. During this time, the story of Khairul Sheikh emerged. He was over sixty years old, not highly educated, but physically strong. He earned his livelihood through manual labor—driving a van, working as a daily wage laborer.

One day, it was reported that he had consumed pesticide in a suicide attempt. After several days in the hospital, he recovered and returned home. At the time, he feared that a discrepancy in the spelling of his name between the 2002 roll and the 2025 list might lead to its deletion. If his name were removed, would he be forced to go to Bangladesh? He was born in this country. He had worked and toiled here all his life. Why should he be driven out because of someone else’s error?

It was this fear that drove him to attempt suicide. Today, the very fear that made him a headline has become reality—his status still remains “under consideration.”

If Khairul Sheikh of Dinhata, Cooch Behar, attempts suicide again today, can the Election Commission escape responsibility? And not just him—countless others are living in fear. Some have even died out of anxiety over being declared outsiders in their own country. Who bears responsibility for these deaths, if not the Election Commission?

Yes, Bengal is indeed a politically aware state. Yes, Bengal is indeed polarised. But this polarisation is not between Hindus and Muslims. It is between the people and the Election Commission. It is a divide between countless marginalized, working-class individuals and a seemingly monstrous institution whose rules now threaten to render many stateless.

When the country’s highest court says that not a single person’s voting rights will be taken away, people place their trust in the judiciary. But when the same court later says that missing one election is not a significant loss, is it unnatural for people to feel angry?

In such a situation, it is only natural that people will point fingers at the Election Commission. The people of Bengal understand polarisation—but not as a Hindu-Muslim divide. They understand it as a divide between the people and the Commission.

“First the Voter, Then the Vote”: Malda Protests Intensify, AIMIM Leader Arrested

Kibria Ansary
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“First the Voter, Then the Vote”: Malda Protests Intensify, AIMIM Leader Arrested

Murshidabad/Malda: Mofakkerul Islam, a leader of the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and an advocate at the Calcutta High Court, has been arrested in connection with the Mothabari incident in Malda district. According to police sources, Mofakkerul was apprehended on Friday morning at Bagdogra Airport while attempting to board a flight to Bengaluru. Another individual was also arrested alongside him.

Mofakkerul faces serious allegations, including delivering provocative remarks and issuing threats against the administration. Police claim that on Wednesday, he addressed a gathering in Mothabari while standing atop a passenger vehicle and using a handheld microphone, during which he allegedly made inflammatory statements.

Officials further stated that action was taken following directives linked to the Supreme Court of India, after which the Election Commission of India issued an arrest warrant against him on Thursday. Mofakkerul Islam, 40, hails from Porsa Hatkhola in Itahar, located in North Dinajpur district. He has practised law at the Raiganj Court and has also appeared before the Calcutta High Court. He maintains a residence in Kolkata. He joined AIMIM in 2021 and contested the West Bengal Assembly elections the same year as the party’s candidate from the Itahar constituency. Over the years, he has been associated with several mass movements in the region.

AIMIM Leader Mofakkerul Islam Held at Bagdogra Airport

Following the Mothabari incident, police have launched a large-scale crackdown across Malda district. Authorities confirmed that 19 cases have been registered so far, and at least 35 individuals have been arrested in connection with the unrest. Addressing a press conference, North Bengal Additional Director General of Police K. Jayaraman said, “Nineteen cases have been registered regarding this incident, and 35 people have been arrested. We received intelligence that the accused, Mofakkerul, was at Bagdogra Airport; he was arrested immediately thereafter.” Tensions continue to prevail in parts of Malda, with security tightened to prevent further escalation.

A wave of anger and unrest has swept across the district as protests intensify over allegations of large-scale exclusions from the voter list under the Supplementary Inclusion Roll (SIR). From prolonged highway blockades to clashes with police, the situation has escalated into one of the most serious episodes of electoral discontent in recent times. The epicentre of the agitation has been a crucial arterial route connecting north and south Bengal. Beginning early Wednesday morning, thousands of agitated residents blocked the highway, bringing traffic to a complete standstill for over 15 hours. The blockade, which started around 9:00 AM, continued uninterrupted until approximately 12:40 AM the following night, leaving thousands of vehicles stranded on both sides.

The protests stem from allegations that the names of numerous legitimate voters have been arbitrarily deleted from the electoral rolls during the SIR process. Protesters claim that despite submitting all required documentation during verification hearings, their names appeared in lists of cancelled entries. Residents like Azmul Sheikh and Abdul Haque expressed their frustration, stating that they had no choice but to take to the streets. “We followed every instruction of the Commission and submitted all documents. Yet our names have been struck off. What else could we do?” they said during the blockade.

Malda Voter Deletions Trigger Massive Highway Blockades

The protest sites took on a semi-organised character, with demonstrators sitting on the highway for hours. Women, many accompanied by children, participated in large numbers. Food was arranged for protesters and stranded commuters alike—khichuri was served on leaf plates, while bread was distributed to bus passengers, truck drivers, and helpers. Ambulances, however, were allowed to pass, reflecting a conscious effort to maintain humanitarian considerations.

Despite the deployment of a massive contingent of police and central forces, authorities struggled to bring the situation under control. Senior officials from the district administration, along with top police officers, held multiple rounds of discussions with the protesters, but these talks failed to yield any breakthrough. The scale and intensity of the blockade rendered alternative traffic arrangements ineffective. Reports indicate that similar protests erupted simultaneously in multiple parts of the district, preventing authorities from diverting vehicles through alternate routes.

In a dramatic turn of events, seven Judicial Magistrates engaged in SIR-related duties found themselves stranded due to the unrest. The group, which included three women judges, was attempting to reach the district headquarters via the Mothabari bypass route when they were caught in the protests. They were eventually rescued shortly after midnight under heavy police and central force security. Authorities escorted them safely to their destination, though the operation was reportedly fraught with tension. Allegations have surfaced that protesters attempted to block roads using bamboo poles to prevent movement. Prior to the rescue, police reportedly resorted to a baton charge to disperse crowds gathered near the Kaliachak-II Block Office, where the officials had been stranded.

Judicial Officers Rescued Mid-Unrest by Security Forces

The situation remains volatile, with allegations and counter-allegations adding to the tension. Locals have claimed that police fired shots while attempting to control the crowd, though the administration has firmly denied these accusations. The Superintendent of Police has been present on the ground, overseeing operations as authorities attempt to restore normalcy. However, distrust between protesters and the administration continues to widen.

Sources within the Election Commission have indicated that the matter has been brought to the attention of the High Court. A report has also been sought from the Director General of State Police. Officials at Nabanna have refrained from making any public statements on the issue. Even as the situation in Sujapur remained tense, fresh protests erupted on Thursday morning in Narayanpur. Residents blocked roads, raising the same demands regarding voter list corrections.

Protester Sheikh Bapi accused the Election Commission of bias, alleging that it was acting under political influence. He further claimed that the use of artificial intelligence in processing voter data was flawed. “This AI does not understand Bengali—it only distinguishes between ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’,” he alleged, reflecting a deep mistrust in the system. Another protester, Mainul Sheikh, alleged that voter deletions were disproportionately affecting minority-dominated areas. He pointed out inconsistencies in the Commission’s assurances, stating that even individuals whose parents were listed in earlier voter rolls, such as those from 2002, were now being excluded on grounds of “logical discrepancies.”

Protesters Slam AI Flaws and Bias in Voter List Changes

The unrest took a violent turn in English Bazar, particularly in the Jadupur area. Beginning around 10:00 AM, a large crowd assembled and blocked roads while holding national flags. While the protest initially remained peaceful, tensions escalated with the arrival of police forces. An agitated mob attacked a police vehicle in the Jadupur Bypass area, vandalising it and injuring the driver, who suffered a head wound after being struck by a brick. The incident marked a significant escalation in the protests.

Residents, including Mohammad Rabiul Sheikh, Dukhuni Bibi, and Mohammad Azharuddin, claimed that over 300 voters had been removed from the rolls in Booth Nos. 26 and 27 alone. They further alleged that around 250 additional voters were uncertain about their status, creating widespread anxiety. The protests were not confined to isolated pockets. Demonstrations and road blockades were reported from several areas across Malda and neighbouring districts. In Chandipur, within the Kazigram Gram Panchayat area, residents staged similar protests.

In the Mothabari Assembly constituency, agitation intensified significantly, with residents taking to the streets in large numbers. Beyond Malda, protests also spread to areas such as Dautalpur in Harishchandrapur-II Block and Purba Kashimpur in Hemtabad Block of North Dinajpur, indicating a broader regional impact. The issue has also taken a political turn, with leaders raising serious concerns over the voter list revisions. State minister and Trinamool Congress leader Sabina Yasmin launched a sit-in protest at the administrative office of Kaliachak-I block, raising the slogan, “First the voter, then the vote.”
Minister Sabina Yasmin Joins Sit-In Against Voter Removal

Sabina, who currently represents Mothabari and is contesting from Sujapur, highlighted the scale of the issue. She alleged that the constituency has the highest number of pending voter cases in the state and questioned whether the exclusions were linked to the area’s demographic composition. “We are going to seek votes, but people are asking us how they can vote if their names are not on the list. We have no answers,” she said.

She further claimed that in several polling booths, between 250 and 400 names had been removed arbitrarily, raising serious concerns about the fairness and transparency of the electoral process. The ongoing unrest in Malda underscores deeper concerns about electoral integrity and administrative accountability. The use of technology, including AI-based systems, in voter list management has come under scrutiny, with critics questioning its reliability and potential biases.

At the same time, the protests highlight the vulnerability of ordinary citizens who find themselves excluded from the democratic process. For many, the right to vote is not merely a legal entitlement but a fundamental expression of citizenship. As tensions continue to simmer, the coming days will be crucial. The administration faces the dual challenge of restoring law and order while addressing the grievances of thousands of affected voters. With a four-day deadline issued by protesters, pressure is mounting on authorities to act swiftly and decisively. For now, Malda remains on edge—its highways intermittently blocked, its administration under strain, and its people demanding answers to a question that lies at the heart of democracy: who gets to vote, and who decides?

এসআইআর-এর কোপে কি তবে বৈধ ভোটাররা? সরকারি কর্মী থেকে সফটওয়্যার ইঞ্জিনিয়ার, বাদ পড়ছেন সবাই

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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এসআইআর-এর কোপে কি তবে বৈধ ভোটাররা? সরকারি কর্মী থেকে সফটওয়্যার ইঞ্জিনিয়ার, বাদ পড়ছেন সবাই

কলকাতা: রেশমা শিরীন ইকবাল তিন দশক কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারি কর্মচারী ছিলেন। অ্যাকাউন্ট্যান্ট জেনারেল অফ ওয়েস্ট বেঙ্গলের এই গেজেটেড অফিসার সেই ৩০ বছরে একাধিকবার নির্বাচনে মাইক্রো অবজার্ভার বা প্রিসাইডিং অফিসারের দায়িত্ব পালন করেছেন, মহিলা বুথ দেখাশোনা করার মত দায়িত্ব থেকেও নির্বাচন পরিচালনার কাজ করেছেন। তাঁর বৈধ পাসপোর্ট রয়েছে এবং বহুবার বিদেশে গেছেন। এতকিছু সত্ত্বেও গত ২৮ মার্চ (শনিবার) যখন নির্বাচন কমিশন পশ্চিমবঙ্গের ভোটার তালিকার বিশেষ নিবিড় সংশোধনের পর দ্বিতীয় সাপ্লিমেন্টারি তালিকা প্রকাশ করল, রেশমা আবিষ্কার করলেন যে তাঁর নাম ভোটার তালিকা থেকে বাদ দেওয়া হয়েছে।

রেশমার ব্যাপারটা ভারি আশ্চর্য। ২৮ ফেব্রুয়ারি যখন নির্বাচন কমিশন পশ্চিমবঙ্গের চূড়ান্ত ভোটার তালিকা প্রকাশ করে, তখন কিন্তু তাঁর নাম ছিল। ২৩ মার্চ প্রথম সাপ্লিমেন্টারি তালিকায় তাঁর নাম চলে যায় বিচারাধীন তালিকায়। তারপর দ্বিতীয় তালিকায় একেবারে বাইরে। অথচ ২০০২ সাল থেকে তাঁর নাম ভোটার তালিকায় ছিল।

রেশমা জানালেন ‘আমার নাম যখন বিচারাধীন তালিকায় এল, আমাকে বলা হয়েছিল তার কারণ আমার বাবার নাম মিলছে না। কিন্তু এটা সত্যি নয়। আমার বাবার নাম জলিল আহমেদ, তিনি ছিলেন একজন ডব্লিউবিসিএস অফিসার। তাঁর নাম সমস্ত কাগজপত্রে একই আছে। তাছাড়া আমি একটা ফ্ল্যাটের মালিক, আমার কাছে একটা রেজিস্টার্ড জমির দলিলও আছে।’ তিনি আরও জানালেন যে ২০০১ সাল থেকে তাঁর পাসপোর্ট রয়েছে এবং সব প্রয়োজনীয় নথিপত্র আছে।

‘কিন্তু এখন জানি না কোথায় যাব বা কার কাছে আবেদন করতে হবে। আমাদের বিএলও-র সঙ্গে যোগাযোগ করেছিলাম, উনি বললেন ওঁদের কিছু করার নেই। ফর্ম ৬ পূরণ করার পরামর্শ দিলেন। কিন্তু আমি কেন সেটা করতে যাব? ওই ফর্মটা তো নতুন ভোটারদের জন্য। যদি কোনো কারণে ওটা গৃহীত না হয়, তাহলে তো আমার ভোটাধিকার চিরকালের মত চলে যাবে,’ তিনি যোগ করলেন।

রেশমার মত, শ্যামপুরের (বিধানসভা নং ১৭৯) ভোটার, শেখ রেজাউল হকের ৬১ বছর বয়সী স্ত্রী আজমিরা বেগমেরও পাসপোর্ট আছে। তাঁর নামও সম্প্রতি প্রকাশিত তালিকা থেকে বাদ দেওয়া হয়েছে। আজমিরার ছেলে শেখ আসাদ উল রহমান ভেলোর ইনস্টিটিউট অফ টেকনোলজির অ্যাসিস্ট্যান্ট প্রফেসর। তিনি বললেন ‘আমার মা বিভিন্ন নির্বাচনে ২০ বারের বেশি ভোট দিয়েছেন। আমার ছোট ভাই নেট-জেআরএফ ২০২৫-এ ৪৫ র‍্যাংক করেছে এবং এনসিএল, পুনেতে পিএইচডি করছে। আরেক ভাই বিটেক পাশ করে চাকরি করছে। মা জন্মেছিলেন বাংলাদেশের জন্মের আগে। বাংলাদেশি অভিযোগে মায়ের ভোটাধিকার কেড়ে নেওয়া হবে, এটা আমরা বরদাস্ত করব না। যদি দরকার হয়, আমরা মায়ের জন্যে এবং যেসব বৈধ ভোটারের ভোটাধিকার কেড়ে নেওয়া হয়েছে, তাদের জন্য রাস্তায় নামতে দুবার ভাবব না।’

অভিজিৎ মিত্র একজন নামকরা শিল্পী, যাঁর প্রদর্শনী সদ্য হয়ে গেল লন্ডনে। এই মুহূর্তে তিনিও একজন দুশ্চিন্তাগ্রস্ত পিতা। তাঁর দুই ছেলে অরণ্য ও রোদ্দুরের নাম ভোটার তালিকা থেকে কেটে দেওয়া হয়েছে।

অরণ্য কলকাতার সেন্ট জেমস স্কুলের ছাত্র ছিলেন, বিটেক পাশ করেছেন BITS থেকে এবং এমটেক পাশ করেছেন ব্রিটিশ যুক্তরাজ্য থেকে। এই ৩৪ বছর বয়সী সফটওয়্যার ইঞ্জিনিয়ার এই মুহূর্তে কৃত্রিম বুদ্ধিমত্তার এক প্রকল্পে কাজের সূত্রে ব্রিটেনেই আছেন। রোদ্দুরও সেন্ট জেমসের ছাত্র, স্নাতকোত্তর ডিগ্রি লাভ করেছেন আন্তর্জাতিক সম্পর্কে এবং বেঙ্গালুরুতে কাজ করেছেন।

অভিজিৎ বললেন ’২৮ ফেব্রুয়ারির চূড়ান্ত তালিকায় আমার দুই ছেলেই বিচারাধীন বলে চিহ্নিত হয়েছিল। আমাকে বলা হয়েছিল আমার বাবা আর আমার বয়সের তফাত মাত্র ১৫ বছরের। অথচ আমার কাগজপত্র অনুযায়ী তফাত ৪২ বছরের। আমি যখন শুনানির সময়ে সেটা তুলে ধরলাম, তখন আধিকারিকরা স্বীকার করলেন যে এটা এআই-এর ভুল। সাম্প্রতিকতম তালিকায় আমার নাম উঠেছে, কিন্তু আমার দুই ছেলের নামই বাদ দিয়ে দেওয়া হয়েছে।’

কলকাতা শহরের সঙ্গে তাঁর পরিবারের দীর্ঘ সংযোগের কথা বললেন অভিজিৎ ‘জানেন আমাদের এই জায়গাটার সঙ্গে কতদিনের সম্পর্ক? চারশো বছরের বেশি। আমার ছেলেরা এই শহরের পড়াশোনা করেছে শুধু নয়, দর্জিপাড়ায় নীল মিত্র স্ট্রিট বলে যে রাস্তাটা আছে সেটা আমার পূর্বপুরুষের নামে। আমরা ৩৫০ বছরের বেশি সময় ধরে এখানে দুর্গাপুজো করে চলেছি।’

তিনি অভিযোগ করলেন ‘আসলে ভারতে, বিশেষ করে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে, এসআইআর করা হচ্ছে মুসলমান ভোটারদের বাদ দেওয়ার জন্যে। হিন্দুরা হল কোল্যাটারাল ড্যামেজ, যেমনটা যুদ্ধের সময়ে হয়। ব্যানার্জি, চ্যাটার্জি, মিত্ররা এর মাঝে পড়ে বাদ হয়ে যাচ্ছে। নির্বাচন কমিশনের মতে আমার দুই ছেলে বাংলাদেশি আর রোহিঙ্গা।’

দ্বিতীয় সাপ্লিমেন্টারি তালিকার তথ্য গুরুতর সব প্রশ্ন তুলে দিয়েছে। মালতীপুর (বিধানসভা নং ৪৭), পার্ট নং ১২৯-এ ১,২৭৪ জন ভোটারের মধ্যে ৩৬৩ জনকে বাদ দেওয়া হয়েছে। এঁদের প্রত্যেকে মুসলমান বলে জানা যাচ্ছে। পলাশিপাড়া (বিধানসভা নং ৭৯), পার্ট নং ১৩৫-এ ২৫০ জন ভোটারকে বাদ দেওয়া হয়েছে। তাঁদের ৯৮.৮% মুসলমান। তাঁদের অনেকেরই পাসপোর্ট রয়েছে, তবু তাঁদের নাম ভোটার তালিকায় নেই।

বেশ কয়েকটা সাপ্লিমেন্টারি তালিকা বেরিয়ে গিয়ে থাকলেও কমিশন নির্দিষ্ট করে বলেনি ঠিক কতজনের নাম বাদ দেওয়া হয়েছে, যদিও সূত্রের খবর অনুসারে সংখ্যাটা বিচারাধীনদের প্রায় ৪০%। ফলে বহু প্রশ্নের উত্তর পাওয়া যাচ্ছে না। যেমন সেই ১৫ লাখ ভোটারের কী হল, যাঁদের নাম ভোটার তালিকাতেও আসেনি, আবার বিচারাধীন তালিকাতেও আসেনি? আর যে বৈধ ভোটারদের নাম কাটা গেছে, তাঁরাই বা নিজের ভোটাধিকার ফেরাতে কোথায় যাবেন?

 

এই প্রতিবেদনটি ইংরেজি রিপোর্টের একটি অনুবাদ।

A Lost Generation? The Complex Realities Pushing 3 Million Adolescent Girls Out of School

Mohammad Asif Iqbal
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A Lost Generation? The Complex Realities Pushing 3 Million Adolescent Girls Out of School

School admissions for the academic session 2026–27, from Nursery to KG and Classes 1 to 9, have been announced by different schools since January 2026. The new academic session and classes in most schools will begin in the first week of April 2026. However, the most critical and unresolved issue of school dropouts in India remains unaddressed, particularly in rural and marginalised areas and among socio-economically backward communities.

6.5 Million Students Out of School: A Deepening National Crisis

In India, socio-economically backward communities are broadly classified into five categories: (i) Other Backward Classes (OBC), identified by the government as “socially and educationally backward” and entitled to 27% reservation in public employment and higher education; (ii) Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBC), often used interchangeably with OBC, and the formal constitutional term under Articles 15 and 16; (iii) Economically Backward Classes (EBC), a relatively newer category based solely on economic deprivation, irrespective of caste or social background; (iv) Scheduled Castes (SC); and (v) Scheduled Tribes (ST). While distinct from OBCs, SCs and STs are also considered socially disadvantaged due to historical untouchability and geographical or cultural isolation. The dropout problem is widespread across all these groups.

Over the last five years, more than 6.5 million (65 lakh) children in India have dropped out of school, as revealed in Parliament by Minister of State for Women and Child Development, Savitri Thakur. Among them, nearly 3 million (30 lakh) are adolescent girls. These numbers point to a large-scale rupture in India’s promise of universal education and highlight structural gaps in how schooling is planned, supported, and delivered, especially for children from marginalised families.

The data shows that 65.7 lakh children left school between 2019 and 2024. Of these, 2.98 million were adolescent girls, as reported by India Today.

A state-wise breakdown reveals that Gujarat recorded the highest number of out-of-school children in the 2025–26 academic year. The state identified 240,000 (2.4 lakh) such children, including 110,000 (1.1 lakh) girls. In comparison, Gujarat had reported only 54,541 out-of-school children in 2024—marking a jump of over 340 percent in a single year.

Gender Barriers: Why 3 Million Adolescent Girls Left the Classroom

Other states with high dropout numbers include Assam, which reported 150,906 out-of-school children, of whom 57,409 were girls. Uttar Pradesh recorded 99,218 dropouts, including 56,462 girls.

The Ministry cited several factors contributing to school dropouts among girls, including migration, poverty, household responsibilities, child labour, and social pressures.

For girls, the dropout journey is even more complex. They are often expected to care for younger siblings, fetch water, cook meals, and sometimes even earn income. In many families—especially in rural and tribal areas—there is pressure for early marriage or concerns about girls’ safety if they have to travel long distances to school. Each of these factors pushes them out of classrooms.

A recent state-level policy in Uttar Pradesh may have worsened the situation. The government decided to merge schools with fewer than 50 students into nearby institutions. While this may seem administratively efficient, it often means longer travel distances for children, particularly girls. For families already hesitant to send girls to school, this can become the final push towards dropping out.

“The difficulties in the documentation process for admission, coupled with challenges in accessing pre-matric and post-matric scholarships for OBC, SC, and ST students, prevent many from continuing their education,” Beena Pallical of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights was quoted as saying.

Failing Infrastructure: The Gap Between Policy and Reality

Enrolment trends also reflect the crisis. Girl student enrolment dropped by around 1.6 million, while boy student enrolment declined by about 2.1 million between 2022–23 and 2023–24. SC student enrolment fell by 1.2 million, and ST by 200,000. The number of OBC students dropped by over 2.5 million, while minority communities saw a combined decrease of 300,000.

The government and NGOs have initiated several schemes to address school dropouts, such as: (a) Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan, an integrated scheme from preschool to Class 12 that provides free uniforms, textbooks, and transport allowances; (b) the Mid-Day Meal (MDM) Scheme, which remains one of the most effective incentives for retaining children from low-income families by providing daily nutrition; and (c) “Bringing Children Back to School,” a targeted campaign to re-enrol dropouts through local panchayats and School Management Committees. However, the issue remains unresolved.

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 aims to achieve a 100% Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) from preschool to secondary level by 2030. The UDISE+ 2024–25 report, released in September 2025, provides a comprehensive picture of schools, enrolment, teachers, and infrastructure across the country. India has 1,471,473 schools, with an average of 168 students and 7 teachers per school. However, 7,993 schools have zero enrolment, and 104,125 (7.1%) are single-teacher schools serving 3,376,769 students—highlighting serious resource inefficiencies. States such as Telangana (2,245 zero-enrolment schools) and Uttar Pradesh (9,508 single-teacher schools) contribute significantly to these figures.

Around 5.1% of schools have fewer than 10 students, and 8.0% have between 11 and 20, indicating underutilisation, particularly in rural areas. While 93.6% of schools have electricity and 93.2% have girls’ toilets, access to digital libraries remains limited at just 6.9%. Several north-eastern states, including Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, and Tripura, report electricity coverage below 90%.

Given this situation, both Central and State governments, along with NGOs, must prioritise addressing the dropout crisis. Without tackling this issue, the NEP 2020’s goal of 100% enrolment will remain unattainable.

Moreover, even if 100% enrolment is achieved, it will hold little meaning if children continue to drop out before completing their education. Enrolment alone does not ensure progression to higher education or professional opportunities. If students cannot transition from school to college, it raises fundamental questions about the effectiveness of the education system.

This leads to a larger and uncomfortable question: why is the issue of school dropouts not being addressed with the urgency it deserves? Do government institutions, consciously or otherwise, allow socially and economically weaker communities to remain trapped in cycles of deprivation? If so, this reflects not just a policy failure, but a deeply troubling reality.

The Case of Shahjada Sultan: How a 78-Year-Old’s Deletion Reveals a 60-Lakh Person Systemic Failure in Bengal

Nousheen Baba Khan
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The Case of Shahjada Sultan: How a 78-Year-Old’s Deletion Reveals a 60-Lakh Person Systemic Failure in Bengal

A recently published supplementary electoral roll from Metiabruz’s Part 127 offers a small but revealing snapshot of a much larger problem. According to the list, 275 names have been added to the voter roll—185 men and 90 women. At the same time, 98 names have been deleted—54 men and 44 women.

These numbers, on their own, might appear routine. Electoral rolls are regularly updated; additions and deletions are part of administrative maintenance. But the question is not whether names are added or removed. The question is: who gets removed, and what happens to them next?

Among the 98 deleted names is that of Shahjada Sultan, a 78-year-old long-time resident. His case raises immediate concerns. His family members—his son, daughter-in-law, daughter, son-in-law, and grandchildren—continue to remain on the voter list. Only his name has been excluded from the list.

The Human Cost of Administrative Anomalies

This is not merely an administrative anomaly. It is an example of a deeper structural issue: a system that can remove a citizen, but does not clearly explain the removal or ensure an accessible path to correction. This article does not seek to establish intent or draw definitive conclusions; it examines publicly reported figures and procedural developments to ask whether the current system, at this scale, can function with clarity and consistency.

What makes the case of Shahjada Sultan significant is that it does not stand alone. Across West Bengal, a large-scale electoral roll revision is underway. Recent reports indicate that around 60 lakh voter records were placed under adjudication during this process, with tens of lakhs already examined. But what is emerging from the process is not clarity—it is a contradiction.

The supplementary voter lists, which are meant to provide transparency after claims and objections are resolved, have themselves become a source of confusion. Reports indicate that the first such lists were released late at night, without clear disclosure of how many names had been added or removed. More significantly, there are serious discrepancies between decisions and outcomes.

Technical Glitches and the Gap of 15 Lakh Voters

According to reports by The Times of India and The Economic Times, approximately 37 lakh cases have been adjudicated, but only around 22 lakh names have appeared in the published lists—leaving nearly 15 lakh cases unaccounted for. This is not a marginal discrepancy. It is a gap of 15 lakh individuals between adjudication and visibility.

The explanation offered—technical issues such as missing electronic signatures—raises further concerns. If a case has been decided, how does a technical layer prevent that decision from appearing in the electoral roll? At what point does administrative failure begin to affect substantive rights? Reports have also pointed to server glitches and access issues, making it difficult for voters to verify their status in the lists. In such a situation, the burden shifts entirely onto the citizen.

Formally, there is a remedy. Individuals whose names have been deleted can file claims or appeals. But how workable is that remedy? Typically, such appeals must be filed within a narrow window—often around 15 days. Within this period, an individual must determine that their name has been deleted, understand the reason for deletion, gather relevant documentation, and navigate the procedural steps required for appeal. When the system itself is unclear, this becomes less a remedy and more an obstacle.

Operational Capacity and the Math of Exclusion

To understand the scale of this challenge, it is useful to consider the experience of the National Register of Citizens Assam. In Assam, around 19 lakh people were excluded, approximately 200 Foreigners Tribunals were set up, and individuals were given 120 days to appeal. Even with this infrastructure, the system faced significant strain.

A simple numerical breakdown illustrates the issue. If each tribunal hears 20 cases per day:

200 tribunals × 20 cases = 4,000 cases per day
19 lakh cases ÷ 4,000 ≈ 475 days (~1.3 years)
This assumes ideal conditions—no delays, no adjournments, and full capacity utilization. In reality, the system faced significant strain.
Now consider West Bengal.
~60 lakh records under adjudication
37 lakh cases already decided
15 lakh not reflected in lists
Appeal window: ~15 days
Tribunal capacity: not clearly scaled or disclosed

Even if Bengal were to match Assam’s capacity, the numbers remain daunting. At 4,000 cases per day, 60 lakh cases would require 1,500 days (~4+ years). But unlike Assam, the timeline is far shorter, the process shows documented inconsistencies, and the scale is significantly larger.

This leads to a fundamental question: Is the system operationally capable of delivering justice at this scale? Because a right that exists only in principle, but cannot be exercised in practice, is not a meaningful right. The issue, therefore, is not simply political. It is structural.

Why are 15 lakh adjudicated cases not reflected in the lists? Why were supplementary lists released without clear data? Why are technical issues determining electoral visibility? How is a 15-day appeal window sufficient for millions? What is the actual capacity of the appellate system?

These are not rhetorical questions. They are operational ones. Returning to Metiabruz’s Part 127, the situation of the 98 deleted voters remains unresolved. What should they do? Approach tribunals within a narrow window, navigating a process that is itself unclear? Wait for corrections in a system that has already shown inconsistencies? Or accept exclusion from a process that is meant to be universal?

At what point does procedure itself become exclusion? A democracy is not defined only by the existence of elections. It is defined by the clarity, accessibility, and reliability of the processes that determine who gets to participate in them. When those processes become opaque, inconsistent, and difficult to navigate, the issue is no longer about individual cases. It is about the system itself.

Congress’ ‘Ekla Chalo’ Gamble: 63 Muslim Candidates Lead the Charge in Solo Bengal Fight

Staff Reporter
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Congress’ ‘Ekla Chalo’ Gamble: 63 Muslim Candidates Lead the Charge in Solo Bengal Fight

Kolkata: The Congress has fielded candidates in 284 out of 294 seats in West Bengal, nominating most of its senior leaders for the upcoming Assembly elections. Notably, after nearly two decades, the Grand Old Party is contesting almost all seats in the Bengal Assembly. The party has also fielded the highest number of Muslim candidates—63 in total—for the polls.

Senior leader and former state president Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury has been nominated from his traditional seat of Baharampur. In Malda, Mausam Noor has been fielded from Malatipur to strengthen the party’s base in the region. Ranajit Mukherjee, an AICC member, will contest from the Bidhannagar Assembly constituency.

The party has also fielded a candidate against Mamata Banerjee in Bhabanipur.

Key candidates and their constituencies include Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury (Baharampur), Mausam Noor (Malatipur), Mohit Sengupta (Raiganj), Abdul Rezzak Molla (Jalangi), Ali Imran Ramz (Victor) (Chakulia), Rohan Mitra (Ballygunge), Pradeep Prasad (Bhabanipur—Mamata Banerjee’s constituency), Subrata Mukherjee (Uttarpara), Nepal Chandra Mahato (Baghmundi), Milton Rashid (Hansan), Mostak Alam (Harishchandrapur), Asif Mehboob (Chanchal), Saiyam Chowdhury (Mothabari), Murlidhar Ghosh (Amdanga), Ashok Bhattacharya (Raja) (Noapara), Amitabha Sarkar (Matigara–Naxalbari, SC), Masood Alam (English Bazar), Joydeb Ghosh (Khardaha), Amitabh Bhattacharya (Purbasthali Uttar), and Sapan Moitra (Dum Dum Uttar).

While a final gender-wise breakdown of the 284 candidates has not yet been officially released, initial reports highlight several prominent women candidates. Mausam Noor, a former MP, has been fielded from Malatipur. Susmita Biswas will contest from Dum Dum, while Illa Rani Roy has been nominated from Mekliganj (SC). Savitri Barman will contest from Sitalkuchi (SC), and Nabanita Tirkey has been fielded from the Phansidewa (ST) seat. Kalyani Chakraborty has been named as the candidate from Baranagar.

As no major political alliances have been formed in West Bengal, all key parties—from the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to Congress and CPI(M)—are contesting largely on their own, making the electoral battle highly competitive and closely watched. While CPI(M) is allied with other Left parties such as CPI(ML) and Forward Bloc, and AIMIM has tied up with the newly formed JUP, these alliances are not considered major electoral forces in the state.

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