Miss World 2025 Joins Pink Power Run 3.0: Turning Fitness Into a Health Mission

Hyderabad: More than 20,000 runners are expected to hit Hyderabad’s Necklace Road on September 27 for the third edition of the Pink Power Run, which this year will feature an AIMS-certified 21.097-km half marathon, a ₹75 lakh prize pool and a unique initiative that will convert runners’ collective distance into free breast-cancer screenings and mammograms for underprivileged patients.

Organised by the Sudha Reddy Foundation and MEIL Foundation, the international half-marathon and community fitness initiative will be held at People’s Plaza, Necklace Road. More than 100 winners across the event’s categories will receive prizes.

The event was announced at a press conference attended by Sudha Reddy, Founder of the Sudha Reddy Foundation and Director, MEIL; Opal Suchata Chuangsri, Miss World 2025; and Dr Pragnya Chigurupati, a breast oncosurgeon with 10 years of experience.

From running to real-world health impact

For its third edition, the Pink Power Run is positioning itself as more than a conventional marathon. The organisers said the initiative aims to connect fitness with preventive healthcare and breast-cancer awareness, while encouraging people to make regular health checks and active living part of their everyday lives.

Sudha Reddy said the initiative was built around the idea that “Health is Wealth”, arguing that healthier communities are essential to building a stronger and more vibrant economy.

She said the initiative’s central purpose was to promote overall health while driving greater awareness about breast cancer. With the event expanding in its third edition, the organisers hope to bring together a wider cross-section of society and turn health awareness into action.

The biggest sporting upgrade this year is the introduction of an official 21.097-km half marathon certified by the Association of International Marathons and Distance Races (AIMS). Participants can also compete in 10-km, 5-km and 3-km races.

The organisers expect the upgraded race format and ₹75 lakh prize purse to draw professional distance runners, leading athletes and international participants.

‘Miles for Mammograms’: When kilometres become screenings

One of the event’s most distinctive social-impact initiatives is ‘Miles for Mammograms’, launched by the Sudha Reddy Foundation in partnership with AIG Hospitals.

Under the programme, participants’ collective running distance will be converted into medical support for people who cannot afford diagnostic care.

For every 100 km collectively completed by participants, the Sudha Reddy Foundation will sponsor one free breast-cancer screening and one free mammogram test.

The initiative effectively gives every kilometre run a second purpose—beyond personal fitness, it contributes towards breast-cancer detection for underprivileged patients.

Dr Pragnya Chigurupati underlined the importance of the campaign, pointing to the need for stronger breast-cancer awareness and early detection, particularly in rural and semi-urban areas where access to screening facilities can be limited.

She also stressed the importance of proactive prevention and regular health check-ups in addressing the wider health factors associated with breast cancer.

Miss World 2025 joins the campaign

Opal Suchata Chuangsri, Miss World 2025, also backed the initiative, describing breast-cancer awareness as an important cause that requires strong public-facing campaigns such as the Pink Power Run.

She said participation in the marathon could help create a lasting culture of health awareness not only among runners but also among the wider community.

The organisers expect corporates, schools, families, running clubs, fitness enthusiasts and professional athletes to participate, turning the event into a common platform for fitness and health awareness.

Support extended beyond the marathon

The Foundation also announced financial assistance for Ramabai Ranveer, a mother working to secure her daughters’ future. The support will cover her daughters’ education and provide additional financial assistance to the family.

The organisers said this was intended to extend the initiative’s social impact beyond the race itself.

Meanwhile, the official Pink Power Run 3.0 jersey and medal were unveiled. The jersey has been designed as contemporary activewear, while the medal is intended as a keepsake marking collective participation in the event.

For people who cannot travel to Hyderabad, the organisers have also introduced a global Virtual Run, allowing participants from anywhere in the world to take part remotely without a registration fee.

The event is supported by corporate partners including HPCL, BPCL, IOCL, AIG and Decathlon, among others.

Registrations are open through iFinish and District.

With four race categories, an AIMS-certified half marathon, a ₹75 lakh prize purse, a global virtual option and the ‘Miles for Mammograms’ programme, the organisers expect Pink Power Run 3.0 to be the largest edition of the event so far.

वक्त बदला, शहर बदले, रिश्ता नहीं

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वक्त रात के 12 बजे का था। साल 2015। यह भारत की टाइमिंग नहीं थी, यह चीन की टाइमिंग थी।

उस वक्त मैं गहरी नींद में था। नींद में ही फोन उठाया।

दूसरी तरफ से सईद अख्तर की आवाज आई—“भैया, आपसे बात करना चाह रहे हैं।”

उधर से सुदिव्य सोनू की आवाज आई—“कैसे हैं?”

मैंने जवाब दिया—“अच्छा हूं।”

फिर जब उन्हें पता चला कि वुशी—चीन का वह शहर, जहां मैं उस वक्त China Daily में काम कर रहा था—में रात के 12 बज चुके हैं और मुझे सुबह 8.30 में ऑफिस पहुंच जाना है, तो वह सॉरी बोलने लगे। भारत में उस वक्त रात के 9.30 बज रहे थे।

हजारों किलोमीटर की दूरी और दो अलग टाइम जोन के बावजूद बातचीत में वही अपनापन था, जो गिरिडीह में बैठकर हुआ करता था।

2010 से जब मैं गिरिडीह से बाहर रहने लगा था, सुदिव्य से इसी तरह फोन पर बात और कभी-कभार मुलाकात होती थी। 2012 में जयपुर में भी उनसे मुलाकात हुई थी, जब वह गिरिडीह के कई लोगों के साथ वहां आए थे।

हम लोगों ने तीन मौकों पर साथ सफर भी किया—2014 के लोकसभा चुनाव के दौरान, 2019 में जगरनाथ महतो के नामांकन के लिए बोकारो जाते हुए और फिर डॉक्टर दीपक बगैड़िया के बेटे अभिषेक की शादी में बारात के साथ कोलकाता आते हुए।

लेकिन हमारी कहानी सिर्फ इन मुलाकातों और यात्राओं की नहीं थी।

शिबू सोरेन कोर्ट केस से शुरू हुई पहचान

गुरुजी का गिरिडीह कोर्ट में लगातार आना होता था और वहीं हमारी मुलाकात होती रही।

2002 में जब मैं पत्रकारिता में आया और द टेलीग्राफ के लिए काम करना शुरू किया, तो मेरी पोस्टिंग मेरे गृह-नगर गिरिडीह में हुई। तभी से सुदिव्य से मेरी जान-पहचान थी। अगले दो वर्षों में यह पहचान और बढ़ी। 2004 तक हम एक-दूसरे को काफी करीब से जानने लगे थे और कई चीजों को साथ-साथ देखा था।

फिर 2009 में उन्होंने पहली बार विधायक का चुनाव लड़ा। उस समय उनकी पहचान इतनी बड़ी नहीं हो पाई थी और वह 10,000 से भी कम वोट ला पाए थे।

2014 के चुनाव में भी वह चुनाव में थे। उस वक्त मैं गिरिडीह छोड़ चुका था और जयपुर में काम कर रहा था। इसलिए उस समय मेरे पास सिर्फ इतनी जानकारी थी कि वह करीब 10,000 वोटों से हार गए।

2019 में मैं गिरिडीह में था और मैंने उनकी कोशिशों को करीब से देखा। वह सुबह मॉर्निंग वॉक के लिए निकलते और इस दौरान बड़ी संख्या में लोगों से मिलते। मैंने यह भी देखा कि किस तरह उन्होंने अपनी पहचान सोरेन परिवार के बेहद करीब बनाई थी।

उस चुनाव के दौरान मैंने अपनी रिपोर्ट के जरिए यह दिखाने की कोशिश भी की कि वह सोरेन परिवार के कितने नजदीक पहुंच चुके थे।

फिर वह चुनाव जीत गए।

एक दिन उनका फोन आया। मैं उठा नहीं पाया। करीब 10-15 मिनट बाद जब मैंने कॉल बैक किया तो उन्होंने बताया—“टेलीग्राफ की पुरानी रिपोर्टर, जो अब कांग्रेस की विधायक हैं, वह मेरे साथ हैं। सोचा आपसे बात करा दूं।”

यह छोटी-सी बात भी बताती थी कि राजनीति में आगे बढ़ने के बावजूद उन्होंने पुराने रिश्तों को किस तरह अपने साथ बनाए रखा था।

एक किताब, जिसने हमारी बातचीत को और गहरा किया

विधायक बनने के बाद उन्होंने मुझसे कहा—“आप बाबा (शिबू सोरेन) के ऊपर किताब लिखिए। मैं आपको सारा मटेरियल उपलब्ध कराऊंगा।”

उन्होंने मुझे कई लोगों के कॉन्टैक्ट्स भी दिए। मैंने अपनी तरफ से काम शुरू किया, कई लोगों से संपर्क किया और किताब का synopsis भी तैयार कर लिया। लेकिन बाद में पार्टी ने रांची के एक पत्रकार को यह काम सौंप दिया।

किताब तो नहीं हो पाई, लेकिन उस सिलसिले में सुदिव्य के साथ मेरी कई लंबी बातचीत हुईं।

कई बार उनके घर पर बैठकर घंटों बातचीत हुई। उन्होंने अपने राजनीतिक करियर के बारे में, गुरुजी के बारे में, अपने दोस्तों के बारे में और कई दूसरी चीजों के बारे में मुझे विस्तार से बताया। उनमें से कई बातों का मैंने अपनी रिपोर्टों में भी जिक्र किया है।

शायद वह जानते थे कि किताब नहीं हो पाई, लेकिन यह भी जानते थे कि उस किताब के लिए मैंने अपनी तरफ से पूरी कोशिश की थी।

राजनीति से आगे की दोस्ती

2010 के बाद मैं ज्यादातर समय गिरिडीह से बाहर रहने लगा था। इसलिए पहले जैसी नियमित मुलाकातें संभव नहीं थीं। लेकिन फोन पर हमारा संपर्क बना रहा।

वह बेटी के इलाज के लिए कोलकाता आए, उस दौरान भी हमारी मुलाकात हुई।

स्थानीय या राजनीतिक कोई मामला होता तो वह फोन करते। 1932 के खतियान का मामला हो या UCC बिल का—कई मुद्दों पर वह मुझसे बात करते थे।

2022 में मेरी बहन की दुकान का उद्घाटन भी उन्होंने ही किया था।

2019 में जब कॉरपोरेशन के चुनाव में JMM अच्छा प्रदर्शन नहीं कर पाई तो वह थोड़ा परेशान हुए थे। उन्हें चिंता थी कि छह महीने बाद होने वाले विधानसभा चुनाव में जब वह खुद मैदान में उतरेंगे, तो क्या होगा। शायद उस दौरान अलग-अलग लोगों से लिया गया उनका फीडबैक काम आया और वह पहली बार विधायक बन गए।

2024 के चुनाव के दौरान भी उनसे कई चीजों पर बात हुई। उन्होंने मेरी कई बातों और सुझावों को फॉलो भी किया। मैं फिलहाल उस बारे में ज्यादा डिटेल में नहीं जाना चाहता।

मेरे और उनके बीच के रिश्ते को अगर ठीक से समझना हो तो मैं कहूंगा कि हमारे बीच सिर्फ एक तरह का रिश्ता नहीं था। वास्तव में, तीन तरह के रिश्ते थे।

एक, मैं उनका वोटर था। उनका घर मेरे घर से करीब 500 मीटर की दूरी पर था।

दूसरा, मैं एक पत्रकार था।

और तीसरा, एक दोस्त की तरह भी उनके साथ मेरा रिश्ता था।

हमने साथ में काफी वक्त बिताया। कई दफे उनके साथ सिगरेट शेयर की। घंटों साथ बैठते और देश-दुनिया पर चर्चा करते।

सिगरेट पीने की बात भी उन्होंने एक बार मुझे बड़े सहज तरीके से बताई थी। कहा था—“मैंने अपनी पत्नी को पहली रात ही बता दिया था कि मैं सिगरेट पीता हूं, ताकि बाद में यह मुद्दा न बने हमारे बीच।”

यह बातचीत किसी नेता और पत्रकार के बीच की बातचीत नहीं थी। यह दो दोस्तों के बीच की सहज बातचीत थी।

उनके ऑफिस के लोग हों या पार्टी के लोग—लगभग सभी जानते थे कि हम दोनों के बीच अच्छे रिश्ते थे।

बाद के दिनों में जब वह मंत्री बन गए तो हमारी बातचीत और मुलाकातें कुछ कम हो गईं। मैं भी 2010 के बाद से लगातार बाहर रहने लगा था। लेकिन फोन पर संपर्क बना रहा।

मंत्री बनने के बाद भी अगर वह मेरा फोन उस वक्त नहीं उठा पाते थे तो बाद में जरूर फोन कर लेते थे। मैसेज का जवाब देने की उनकी आदत बहुत ज्यादा नहीं थी, लेकिन फोन पर वह खूब बात करते थे। वह सुनते थे। कई बार खुद फोन करते थे।

हमारे रिश्ते में यह भरोसा हमेशा बना रहा।

उन्होंने एक बार यह वादा भी किया था कि वह eNewsroom को इम्पैनल करवाएंगे।

एक ही शहर, दो अलग रास्ते—और एक साझा राजनीतिक दुनिया

गिरिडीह के दूसरे नेताओं के साथ भी मेरे रिश्ते अच्छे रहे हैं। लेकिन सुदिव्य के साथ मेरा रिश्ता थोड़ा अलग था, क्योंकि मैं उनका वोटर भी था।

और शायद सबसे बड़ा इत्तेफाक यह है कि जब वह राजनीति में सबसे ज्यादा सक्रिय हो रहे थे और जिला अध्यक्ष बने, लगभग उसी दौर में मैं पत्रकारिता में आया। मैं उनके इलाके के पास का रहने वाला भी था।

इसलिए मुझे उनके राजनीतिक और सामाजिक जीवन को बहुत करीब से देखने का मौका मिला।

वह CPI(ML) नेता महेंद्र सिंह के भी बहुत कायल थे। जब वह विधायक नहीं बने थे, तब कहते थे कि उन्हें महेंद्र सिंह की राजनीति पसंद आती है और उन्होंने उनसे बहुत कुछ सीखा है। विनोद सिंह के बारे में भी शुरुआती दिनों में उनके बहुत अच्छे विचार थे।

राजनीति पर हमारी बातचीत हमेशा सिर्फ उनकी पार्टी या उनके चुनाव तक सीमित नहीं रहती थी। हम अलग-अलग नेताओं, विचारों और गिरिडीह की राजनीति पर बात करते थे।

मैं कभी-कभी खुद को उन दोनों के बीच एक तरह का आदमी भी मानता था।

ऐसी बहुत सारी बातें थीं, जो हमारे बीच हुईं और जो शायद बाहर कभी नहीं आईं।

और फिर आया वह आखिरी भाषण

और फिर 5 सितंबर का वह दिन आया।

वह भाषण मेरे सामने हुआ था।

जिस कार्यक्रम में वह शामिल हुए, उस स्कूल—इस्लामिया उर्दू मध्य विद्यालय—के साथ मेरा अपना भी एक रिश्ता था। उस स्कूल में मैंने तीन साल पढ़ाई की है। स्कूल के 100 साल पूरे होने के कार्यक्रम में हम दोनों साथ थे।

वहां उन्होंने अपने छोटे से भाषण में कहा—

“व्यक्ति नश्वर है, संस्थाएं और विचार अमर हैं।”

यह बात उन्होंने मेरे ही सामने कही थी।

उसके बाद अगले दिन, रविवार को मिलने का वादा था।

जो हमेशा के लिए वादा ही रह गया।

और उनसे जुड़े कई सारे वादे, भरोसे और बातचीत की यादें भी उनके साथ ही चली गईं।

आखिर में, मैं उनके बारे में इतना जानता हूं कि उन पर एक पूरी किताब लिखी जा सकती है।

शायद यह विडंबना ही है कि जिस किताब को लिखने का सुझाव उन्होंने मुझे खुद दिया था, वह तो नहीं लिख पाया। लेकिन उनकी और मेरी रिश्ते की यह कहानी लिखने से खुद को रोक भी नहीं पाया।

फिलहाल, उनकी और मेरी दोस्ती की इस लंबी कहानी को एक पोस्ट में समेटने की कोशिश की है।

Low Honorariums, High Responsibilities: The Struggle of Bengal’s Unaided Madrasa Teachers

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Raiganj: For some, teaching is a profession; for others, it is the means through which they support their families. Among those teaching in unaided madrasas in West Bengal are women educators and teachers with physical disabilities, who continue in the profession while managing the challenges of everyday life.

These concerns came to the fore at an organisational discussion meeting organised by the Madrasah Teachers’ Association at Rahatpur High Madrasa in Domohana, under Karandighi block of Uttar Dinajpur district.

The meeting was attended by the organisation’s state vice-president Ijabul Anwar, Raiganj-based teacher Liva Parvin, Kaliaganj’s Rashid Alam, teacher Hasim Uddin, Azad Ali and others.

Speaking at the meeting, Ijabul Anwar said that, according to information provided by the organisation, there are 235 unaided madrasas across West Bengal. He said Uttar Dinajpur has 44 such institutions—16 Senior, one High and 27 Junior High madrasas.

When Teaching Barely Pays the Bills

The discussion also focused on the financial difficulties faced by teachers and other staff members associated with these institutions.

Anwar referred to previous government records concerning honorariums for teachers and staff of unaided madrasas. According to the figures discussed at the meeting, teachers were listed as receiving monthly honorariums of Rs 4,000, Rs 6,000 and Rs 12,000, depending on the category, while clerical staff were listed as receiving Rs 3,500 and Rs 5,000.

The association said it now wants to place the issues and demands of unaided madrasa teachers before the present state government. Members expressed hope that the government would consider their concerns positively and extend support to teachers working in these institutions.

Ijabul Anwar said they were hopeful that the present state government would stand by the teachers and take their concerns into consideration. The organisation, he said, wants the issues facing unaided madrasa teachers to be brought before the government constructively.

Hasim Uddin said teachers in the madrasas continued to discharge their responsibilities despite various difficulties. He stressed the need to raise their concerns in an organised manner and expressed hope for positive action from the government.

Rashid Alam also spoke about strengthening the organisation and taking up teachers’ concerns with the appropriate authorities. He said they were hopeful that the present government would look into the matter and support the teachers.

The meeting also drew attention to the personal struggles of teachers—including women educators and a teacher with a physical disability—who continue to teach while managing their family responsibilities.

For the teachers present at the meeting, the issue is therefore not limited to figures or honorariums. It is also about their livelihoods, their families and the future of the institutions where they teach.

The association has expressed hope that the present West Bengal government will consider their demands sympathetically and take steps to address the concerns raised by the teachers and staff.

Show Your Aadhaar. Prove You’re Indian: A Bengali Hawker’s Ordeal in Odisha

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Kolkata: A hawker from West Bengal was harassed in Odisha after being called a “Bangladeshi” by a self-described Hindutva activist. The victim, identified as Mustakim Sheikh, was stopped while travelling on his motorcycle and threatened with being sent to Bangladesh if he did not leave the area.

A video showing the incident has since circulated widely on social media. However, eNewsroom has not independently verified the authenticity of the video.

In the video, the saffron clad man stopped hawker’s motorcycle and demanded that he produce his Aadhaar card. After Mustakim showed the document, the man questioned its authenticity and accused him of possessing a fake Aadhaar card. He further threatened Mustakim, saying that he would be sent to Bangladesh and warning him not to return to the area.

Bengali-Speaking Hawker Says He Was Threatened in Odisha

Mustakim is a resident of Fatepur village under Mayagram panchayat in the Lalgola police station area of Murshidabad district, West Bengal. According to his family, Mustakim has been travelling to Odisha for several years to sell garments and other retail goods to support his family. A few months ago, five people from the area reportedly travelled to Odisha with a local moneylender to engage in retail trade. Mustakim was among them.

Following the incident, Mustakim and two other workers approached the local police station on Thursday, September 3, expressing concern for their safety and reporting the alleged harassment and threats.

Speaking to eNewsroom, Mustakim said he had travelled to Odisha only to earn a livelihood.

“We have to travel to different places to earn a living. The middle-aged man, under the influence of alcohol, stopped me on the road and harassed me, alleging me a Bangladeshi. We became frightened and went to the police station,” he said.

A member of Mustakim’s family said he had been travelling to Odisha for around 15 years for work. Although he sometimes stays home because of health problems, the family depends on his earnings from work outside the state.

“On Thursday, I received a phone call informing me that a local man had harassed Mustakim by accusing him a Bangladeshi. Considering his safety, we approached the local police station and reported the matter. For the time being, Mustakim is continuing to work there,” the family member said.

Migrant Workers Raise Concern Over ‘Bangladeshi’ Labelling

The incident has also raised concerns among organisations working with migrant workers from West Bengal, particularly amid reports of Bengali-speaking workers facing suspicion and harassment in other states.

Asif Faruk, general secretary of the Parijayee Shramik Aikya Mancha, condemned the alleged incident and said that workers from West Bengal have the right to live and work in any part of the country.

“Lakhs of workers from West Bengal travel to different states in search of employment. It is extremely concerning when people are labelled as Bangladeshi merely because they speak Bengali. Harassing, intimidating or assaulting workers based on their religion, language or regional identity is not only a violation of their dignity but also raises serious questions about their constitutional rights,” Faruk told eNewsroom.

He also urged the government to take steps to ensure the safety and security of Bengali-speaking migrant workers working in other parts of the country.

Rahul Chakraborty, a member of the central committee of the human rights organisation Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR), also criticised the incident.

Chakraborty told eNewsroom, “The Constitution of India guarantees citizens the fundamental right to move freely, reside and pursue a lawful occupation in any part of the country. Questioning a worker’s identity based on his language, publicly humiliating him and threatening him to leave an area, if established, would raise serious legal and constitutional concerns.”

He added that citizenship-related questions, if they arise, should be dealt with only through established legal and administrative procedures.

“No individual or self-appointed group has the authority to act as a parallel judicial or administrative body. If there is any genuine doubt regarding a person’s citizenship, it is for the competent authorities to verify the matter according to law,” he added.

The incident has once again brought attention to the difficulties faced by migrant workers from West Bengal who travel to other states in search of employment. For workers like Mustakim, travelling across state borders is primarily a means of earning a livelihood and supporting their families.

Meanwhile, Mustakim’s family said their immediate priority is his safety and urged the authorities to ensure that he can continue working without intimidation or harassment.

न कोई राजनीतिक विरासत, न आसान जीत: ऐसे JMM के ‘चाणक्य’ बने सुदिव्य सोनू

गिरिडीह: सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू का रविवार तड़के 56 वर्ष की उम्र में निधन हो गया। CCL में ठेकेदारी से शुरुआत करने वाले सोनू आगे चलकर झारखंड के पर्यटन, नगर विकास और उच्च शिक्षा मंत्री बने।

PHED इंजीनियर शंभूनाथ के सबसे छोटे बेटे सोनू ने गिरिडीह में सेंट्रल कोलफील्ड्स लिमिटेड (CCL) में ठेकेदारी से अपना सफर शुरू किया। बाद में उन्होंने दामोदर घाटी निगम (DVC) और कुछ अन्य संस्थानों में भी काम किया।

1989 में उन्होंने झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा (JMM) का दामन थामा। उस दौर में जब कई नेता बार-बार पार्टियां बदलते थे, सोनू जीवन के आखिरी दिन तक JMM के साथ बने रहे।

2009 के विधानसभा चुनाव के लिए नामांकन दाखिल करने के कुछ ही समय बाद उन्हें जेल भी जाना पड़ा। अपने पहले विधानसभा चुनाव में सोनू को सिर्फ 8,272 वोट मिले। पांच साल बाद उनके वोट बढ़कर 47,517 हो गए, लेकिन दोनों ही चुनावों में वह जीत हासिल नहीं कर सके।

CCL की ठेकेदारी से JMM के ‘चाणक्य’ तक

2019 में उन्हें पहली बार जीत मिली। उन्हें 80,871 वोट मिले। पिछली विधानसभा चुनाव में उन्होंने अपनी जीत दोहराई और 94,042 वोट हासिल किए।

लेकिन सोनू की राजनीतिक यात्रा को सिर्फ उनके चुनावी प्रदर्शन के आंकड़ों से नहीं समझा जा सकता। उन्हें JMM के संस्थापक और पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री शिबू सोरेन, जिन्हें लोग प्यार से गुरुजी कहते हैं, का दत्तक पुत्र माना जाता था। वहीं, मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन उन्हें “सोनू भैया” कहकर बुलाते थे।

जिस व्यक्ति का कोई राजनीतिक परिवार या मजबूत राजनीतिक पृष्ठभूमि नहीं थी, वह गुरुजी के बेटे जैसा और हेमंत सोरेन के भाई जैसा भरोसेमंद व्यक्ति रातोंरात नहीं बना। उन्होंने लंबे समय तक JMM के संस्थापक शिबू सोरेन के साथ काम किया और बाद में मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन के लिए भी एक मजबूत ढाल बनकर खड़े रहे।

2004 में जब शिबू सोरेन के खिलाफ पिरटांड़ दोहरे हत्याकांड का मामला दोबारा खोला गया, उस समय सोनू JMM के जिला अध्यक्ष थे। उस समय शिबू सोरेन केंद्रीय मंत्री थे और मामले के कारण उन्हें मंत्री पद से इस्तीफा देना पड़ा था। सोनू ने यह सुनिश्चित करने के लिए काम किया कि गुरुजी को सम्मानजनक तरीके से इस मामले से बरी कराया जा सके।

तब तक सोनू विधायक नहीं बने थे, लेकिन वह शिबू सोरेन के बेहद करीबी और भरोसेमंद सहयोगी बन चुके थे।

विधायक बनने के बाद भी वह हेमंत सोरेन के साथ मजबूती से खड़े रहे। हेमंत सोरेन की गिरफ्तारी के दौरान सोनू ने पार्टी को गांडेय की सुरक्षित सीट से कल्पना सोरेन को चुनाव लड़ाने का सुझाव दिया।

जब सोनू बने हेमंत की सबसे मजबूत ढाल

2024 के विधानसभा चुनाव में चुनावी रणनीतिकार के रूप में सोनू की भूमिका बेहद महत्वपूर्ण रही। उन्हें JMM का ‘चाणक्य’ भी कहा गया। उनकी रणनीति ने INDIA गठबंधन को ऐतिहासिक रूप से लगातार दूसरी बार सत्ता में लौटने में मदद की।

हेमंत सोरेन का सोनू पर कितना भरोसा था, इसका अंदाजा 2024 में उन्हें दिए गए चार महत्वपूर्ण विभागों से लगाया जा सकता है। हाल ही में JPSC और CGL परीक्षा रद्द करने की मांग को लेकर हुए आंदोलन के दौरान सोनू गठबंधन सरकार का प्रमुख चेहरा बने और उन्होंने आंदोलन के बीच सरकार का पक्ष मजबूती से रखा।

गिरिडीह के विधायक के रूप में अपने सात साल के कार्यकाल के दौरान उन्होंने इस पिछड़े जिले में कई महत्वपूर्ण परियोजनाएं लाने में भूमिका निभाई। इनमें एक विश्वविद्यालय, इंजीनियरिंग कॉलेज, चिड़ियाघर और जैव विविधता पार्क तथा पेयजल आपूर्ति परियोजना शामिल हैं।

गिरिडीह के विधायक सोनू अपने पीछे पत्नी, दो बेटियां और एक बेटे को छोड़ गए हैं।

उनके निधन की खबर सामने आते ही झारखंड के राज्यपाल संतोष कुमार गंगवार, मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन, उनकी पत्नी और गांडेय की विधायक कल्पना सोरेन तथा झारखंड कैबिनेट के कई मंत्री उनके अंतिम दर्शन और श्रद्धांजलि देने पहुंचे। इनमें इरफान अंसारी, हफीजुल हसन और दीपिका पांडेय भी शामिल थे।

विधायक अरूप चटर्जी और चंद्रदेव महतो, पूर्व विधायक विनोद सिंह, केंद्रीय मंत्री और कोडरमा की सांसद अन्नपूर्णा देवी, गिरिडीह की मेयर प्रमिला मेहरा समेत अलग-अलग राजनीतिक दलों के कई नेताओं, राज्य के आला अधिकारियों ने भी उन्हें श्रद्धांजलि दी।

सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू की कहानी सिर्फ एक चुनाव जीतने वाले नेता की कहानी नहीं थी। यह एक ऐसे राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ता की कहानी थी, जिसने वर्षों की निष्ठा, संगठन में अपनी पकड़ और राजनीतिक रणनीति के दम पर JMM में अपनी अलग जगह बनाई। 8,272 वोट से शुरू हुई उनकी चुनावी यात्रा 94,042 वोट तक पहुंची और इसी सफर में वह गिरिडीह के विधायक से झारखंड सरकार के मंत्री और JMM के सबसे भरोसेमंद रणनीतिकारों में शामिल हो गए।

From Guruji’s ‘Son’ to Hemant’s ‘Bhaiya’: The Political Journey of Sudivya Sonu

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Giridih: Sudivya Kumar Sonu, who breathed his last early Sunday morning at the age of 56, rose from being a small-time contractor at Central Coalfields Limited (CCL) to become Jharkhand’s Tourism, Urban Development and Higher Education Minister.

The youngest son of PHED engineer Shambhu Nath, Sonu started out as a contractor with CCL in Giridih and later worked with the Damodar Valley Corporation (DVC) and a few other organisations.

In 1989, he joined the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM). At a time when some politicians switched parties like clothes, he remained with the JMM until his death.

He was also jailed soon after filing his nomination for the 2009 Assembly polls. In his first Vidhan Sabha election, Sonu secured just 8,272 votes. Five years later, his vote tally jumped to 47,517, but on both occasions, he failed to win the seat.

In 2019, he tasted victory, securing 80,871 votes. In the last Assembly election, Sonu repeated the feat with 94,042 votes.

But Sonu’s political journey cannot be mapped merely by going through his election performance. Sonu was regarded as an adopted son of Shibu Soren, popularly known as Guruji, while Chief Minister Hemant Soren used to address him as “Sonu Bhaiya”. And the man who had no political backing did not become like a son to Guruji and a brother to Hemant Soren overnight. He served the JMM founder and became a shield for the chief minister.

When the Pirtand double-murder case against Shibu Soren was reopened in 2004, Sonu was the JMM district president. Though Soren, then a Union minister, had to resign because of the case, Sonu worked to ensure that Guruji got an honourable acquittal.

From Contractor to JMM’s Chanakya: Sonu’s Political Rise

By then, Sonu had become Soren’s shadow, even though he was not yet a legislator.

But when he became an MLA, he stood firmly by Hemant Soren. During Soren’s imprisonment, Sonu gave the party the idea of fielding Kalpana Soren from the safe seat of Gandey.

In the 2024 Assembly election, Sonu’s role as an election strategist—the Chanakya of the JMM—helped the INDIA bloc (Gathbandhan) secure a historic second term.

The trust Hemant Soren had in Sonu can be gauged from the four important portfolios Sonu received in 2024. During the recent JPSC and CGL examination cancellation protest, Sonu became the face of the Gathbandhan government and led from the front.

During his seven years as the MLA from Giridih, he brought several projects to the backward district, including a university, an engineering college, a zoo and biodiversity park, and a drinking-water supply project.

The Giridih MLA leaves behind his wife, two daughters and a son.

After news of his death broke, Jharkhand Governor Santosh Kumar Gangwar, Chief Minister Hemant Soren, his wife and Gandey MLA Kalpana Soren, and ministers of the Jharkhand Cabinet, including Irfan Ansari, Hafizul Hassan and Deepika Pandey, rushed to pay tribute to the JMM leader.

MLAs Arup Chatterjee and Chandradeo Mahato, former MLA Vinod Singh, Union Minister and Koderma MP Annapurna Devi, as well as several leaders from different political parties, also paid their respects to the man who had emerged as the Chanakya of Jharkhand politics.

She Never Went to School. Her Son Just Scored 100 Percentile in UGC-NET

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Kolkata: His mother never had the opportunity to receive a formal education. Yet she nurtured a dream that her son would one day become a teacher. Nearly 15 years after her death from cancer, that dream is slowly taking shape.

Abdul Halim, a young man from Panigram in Mathabhanga, Cooch Behar, has emerged as a national-level achiever after securing a 100 percentile in Bengali in the UGC-NET (National Eligibility Test) June 2026 examination. His success came after years of balancing academic preparation with agricultural work and overcoming repeated setbacks in his pursuit of a Junior Research Fellowship (JRF).

According to his scorecard, Halim secured 208 marks out of 300 and achieved a percentile score of 100, while also qualifying for JRF and eligibility for Assistant Professor. He achieved this on his eighth attempt, after several earlier attempts in which he qualified for NET but narrowly missed the JRF cut-off.

For Halim, the result represents much more than an examination success. It is the culmination of years of perseverance, financial hardship, agricultural labour and the fulfilment of a dream once cherished by his late mother.

From the Fields to the Examination Hall

Halim comes from a middle-class agricultural family. His father, Azizar Rahman, who is now over 70, has depended on farming for much of his life. Although age has limited his ability to undertake strenuous agricultural work, he remains involved in farming. Halim, too, has remained connected to agriculture while pursuing his education. Alongside his studies and examination preparation, he has worked in the fields with his father. Growing up without the privileges of an affluent background, Halim says the hardships of agricultural life instead taught him the value of discipline and hard work.

His father told eNewsroom India that Halim’s mother, Rokeya Khatun, although deprived of formal education herself, deeply valued education.

“Although his mother did not get the opportunity of formal education, she had a very big dream for her son. When she saw teachers in the area, she would talk about them and say that her son would also become a teacher one day. It was as if she had unknowingly woven that dream into her son’s mind,” Azizar Rahman said.

Halim began his primary education at Panigram Sadhurdanga A.P. Primary School. He later completed his secondary education at Panigram High School and higher secondary education at Mathabhanga Vivekananda Vidyamandir. He passed his secondary examination in 2010 and higher secondary examination in 2012. He subsequently graduated from Mathabhanga College in 2016 and completed his postgraduate degree in Bengali from Cooch Behar Panchanan Barma University in 2018. He completed his B.Ed. in 2020. His academic journey eventually led him to UGC-NET preparation. From 2021, he began appearing for the examination regularly.

Seven Near-Misses, One More Attempt

Although he qualified for NET on several occasions, securing JRF remained a persistent challenge. On multiple attempts, he reportedly missed the JRF cut-off by extremely narrow margins—sometimes by just 0.30, 0.29 or 0.25 marks, and on some occasions by only one question. Despite repeatedly coming close to his goal, Halim continued his preparation.

The repeated near-misses took an emotional toll. After qualifying for NET seven times without securing JRF, Halim said that some friends advised him to stop trying. There were moments when he himself considered giving up.

Speaking to eNewsroom, Halim said, “This journey was not easy at all. I came very close to JRF several times but ultimately failed to get it. Sometimes I missed out on JRF by a very small margin of the cut-off, sometimes by just one question. When I didn’t get JRF even after qualifying NET seven times, I was naturally disappointed. Some of my friends said that maybe I should give up this time. I myself have thought many times that it won’t happen again. But I had faith that hard work never goes in vain.”

That persistence eventually paid off in his eighth attempt.

“In my eighth attempt, I not only secured JRF, but also topped the all-India level by scoring 100 percentile in Bengali,” Halim said.

A Mother’s Dream, Finally Taking Shape

For Halim, however, the most emotional part of the achievement is connected to his mother, Rokeya Khatun. She died of cancer around 15 years ago, long before she could see her son achieve the academic success she had hoped for.

Halim recalled how his mother, despite not having received formal education herself, used to speak about teachers in the locality and encourage him to pursue education.

“My mother wanted me to become a teacher one day. I am slowly trying to fulfil that wish,” he said.

Reflecting on her absence, Halim added, “Today, my mother is no more. If my mother were alive today, she would have been happy to see my success.”

He believes his journey also demonstrates what can be achieved through sustained effort despite difficult circumstances.

“If someone can succeed even while working in the field, then others can too. Hard work is the last word, not an excuse,” Halim said.

Resident Mursedul Arefin said he had witnessed Halim’s struggle and preparation over several years.

“I have seen his hard work closely for about six years. At one point, he continued his preparation from a mess at the Mathabhanga Mosque complex. Halim used to study regularly and work hard. His success is the result of years of perseverance,” Arefin said.

Following the announcement of his result, MLA Savitri Barman and the local Panchayat Samiti congratulated Halim and felicitated him for his achievement.

His success has also generated a sense of pride among residents of Panigram and the wider Mathabhanga area.

For a young man who divided his time between agricultural fields and books, the achievement marks a remarkable turning point. His journey from repeated near-failures to a national-level 100 percentile score has transformed what was once his mother’s dream into a tangible possibility.

However, locals have also expressed disappointment that, according to them, the West Bengal government has not publicly congratulated Halim despite his achievement in an all-India examination.

A 4.5 Kg School Bag, A 10% Rule: Why Is India Still Overloading Children?

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Kolkata: Imagine six-year-old children, barely out of kindergarten, bent forward under a bag weighing nearly a quarter of their own body weight. This isn’t a hypothetical scenario. It is a crisis in plain sight, a reality for millions of Indian schoolchildren — and a health concern that Kolkata-based social and cultural activist Sundeep Bhutoria has now thrust into the national spotlight.

This is not the first time Bhutoria has pursued a matter of everyday hardship with a Union Ministry. In 2017, he first wrote to the then Minister of External Affairs, the late Sushma Swaraj, drawing attention to the health risks of requiring newborns and infants to appear in person at Passport Seva Kendras for biometric registration. He had pursued the matter relentlessly and after sustained follow-up the ministry finally changed the rules to exempt children below the age of five from appearing at the Kendras.

In a formal written appeal to the Union Minister of State for Education, Jayant Chaudhary, Bhutoria has called for a robust national push to implement the School Bag Policy, 2020. The policy, aligned with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, provides a clear and scientifically backed guideline: a child’s school bag should not exceed 10% of their body weight. Yet, despite this framework, stories of children struggling with back-breaking loads continue to dominate headlines.

“The goal is not to dilute academic standards but to ensure that better learning does not require a heavier physical burden. A lighter school bag would become a ‘visible expression’ of the Government’s larger vision for education — one focused on joyful, experiential learning and the holistic wellbeing of the child,” Mr Bhutoria said.

The appeal has quickly resonated with prominent voices. Bhutoria, who is also the Managing Trustee of the NGO Prabha Khaitan Foundation, shared a copy of his letter to the Minister on his official X handle. It was subsequently re-shared and endorsed by renowned brand strategist Suhel Seth, while Grammy Award winner Ricky Kej also commented on it. Celebrated author and politician Shashi Tharoor reacted, saying, “Agree totally on this. Seeing little children groaning under the weight of their bags is deeply disturbing.”

“The framework is already in place,” Bhutoria writes in his letter. “The challenge and the opportunity before us all is to ensure that it becomes a simple, uniform and measurable practice across schools in the country.”

India’s School Bag Policy: A Rule Yet to Be Fully Implemented

The policy also rests on firm judicial ground. It was the Madras High Court, in M. Purushothaman v. Union of India (2018), that directed the Union Government to frame a national school bag policy — calling for its adoption by all States and Union Territories, the constitution of flying squads for inspection, and curbs on unnecessary books and homework. Two years later, in Johny Cyriac v. MHRD (2020), the Kerala High Court pressed for implementation “in letter and spirit” with periodic inspections, recognising excessive school burden as a child-rights concern under Articles 21 and 39(e) and (f) of the Constitution.

Heavy School Bags Are Putting Children’s Health at Risk

The problem is pervasive. A national survey conducted while framing the policy found that a staggering 77.7% of parents consider heavy school bags a “serious problem” for their children. This is not merely a matter of inconvenience; it carries significant health implications.

  • Medical experts warn that chronic strain from heavy bags can lead to permanent posture disorders, back pain, muscle strain, and spinal issues such as scoliosis.
  • A recent study in Bangalore revealed that students carried backpacks averaging 53% of their body weight, with a significant link found to postural issues and increased pain prevalence.
  • In Mangalore, another study found that an alarming 6% of children were carrying overloaded school bags.
  • The problem is especially acute for younger children. A viral image of a Class 1 student carrying a 5 kg bag — over 20% of his body weight — forced parents to confront this everyday reality.

How Maharashtra, Bengal, Bihar and Assam Are Tackling Bag Weight

Bhutoria’s appeal highlights that solutions are already working in several States, proving that large-scale implementation is administratively possible. Maharashtra offers the earliest precedent: in a drive in 2016, officials inspected over 17,000 schools and checked nearly four lakh school bags, achieving an 87.45% compliance rate. West Bengal has more recently moved to operationalise the 10% limit, issuing charts that prescribe bag weights according to class and body weight, while the Bihar Education Department has directed all private and government-aided schools to adhere to NCERT guidelines, mandating regular weighing and warning of action for violations. In Assam, districts such as Kamrup Metro have enforced strict class-wise caps — 1.5 kg for Classes I and II, rising to 5 kg for Class X — to reduce the burden on students.

Drawing on these successful models, Bhutoria has suggested a simple, non-bureaucratic pathway for a national rollout. He proposes that the Ministry implement an integrated compliance indicator within existing school-reporting systems, promote “book-conscious” timetables, and make the 10% benchmark visible in every school through prominent display and periodic random weighing.

By placing the Indian benchmark in an international context — noting that Hong Kong also recommends a 10% limit and the American Academy of Pediatrics sets a 15% upper threshold — Bhutoria makes it clear that India’s policy is already world-class. The only missing link is its consistent implementation.

With children across the country returning to school, the time for a national push is now. The policy exists; the working models exist; and the will of the parents is clear. The endorsement from influential figures like Suhel Seth, Ricky Kej and Shashi Tharoor only underscores the urgency of the matter. What remains is for the Government to take the final step — so that India’s children can walk into their classrooms upright, healthy and ready to learn.

Trains Cancelled, Fares Soar: New Farakka Disruption Throws Bengal Journeys Into Chaos

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Farakka: For teacher Alpana Saha, the journey from Malda to Siliguri was supposed to be routine. She had booked a ticket on the Amrit Bharat Express and was waiting at Malda Town station. But nearly two hours passed, and there was still no sign of the train.

What troubled her more was the lack of clear information. She did not know where the train was or when it would reach the station.

“I have heard that many trains have already been cancelled. I understand that this train is being operated through an alternative route, but there is still no certainty about when it will arrive. I have to reach Siliguri because I work there. Even bus fares have doubled. I do not know what will happen,” Saha said.

Her uncertainty is being shared by hundreds of passengers caught in the disruption following subsidence beneath a section of railway track near New Farakka station, which has severely affected rail connectivity between North Bengal and South Bengal.

New Farakka Disruption Leaves Key Bengal Trains Cancelled

The railway authorities have cancelled, diverted or regulated several important long-distance trains as a safety measure following the incident.

Among the affected services are the Howrah–Guwahati Saraighat Express, Sealdah–Bamanhat Uttar Banga Express, Sealdah–Alipurduar Kanchankanya Express, Hate Bazare Express, Sealdah–Malda Town Gour Express, Sealdah–New Alipurduar Darjeeling Mail, Sealdah–Balurghat Express, Sealdah–New Alipurduar Padatik Express, Sealdah–Jalpaiguri Road Humsafar Express, Kolkata–Radhikapur Express, Jogbani Express and Howrah–Katihar Express, among others.

Some trains are being operated through alternative routes, including via Azimganj, while restoration work continues near the affected section.

Passengers Face Soaring Bus Fares as Rail Services Remain Uncertain

For passengers, the disruption has quickly turned into a struggle to find another way to reach their destinations.

Rail passenger Sudipta Dey was waiting at Malda Town to travel to Kolkata on the Haldibari Intercity Express when he learnt that the train was running late. With several services cancelled or affected, he began considering travelling by bus.

But the cost of that alternative came as another shock.

“The Kolkata journey is extremely important for me. When I tried to book a private bus, I was told that a ticket costing around ₹1,600–₹1,700 was now being offered for ₹2,500 to ₹3,000. This should not happen,” Dey said.

Similar complaints have come from passengers trying to travel towards Siliguri and other parts of North Bengal.

With trains disrupted, demand for buses has risen sharply. Both government and private bus services are under pressure as stranded passengers look for alternatives.

The state government and transport authorities have taken steps to increase bus services on key routes. Special and additional buses are being operated from Kolkata towards North Bengal, while free bus services have also been arranged for stranded rail passengers.

Authorities have also made arrangements to provide food and drinking water to passengers affected by the disruption.

When Will Train Services Between North and South Bengal Resume?

A railway employee on duty at Malda Town station confirmed that train services had been affected and said some trains were being diverted through Azimganj.

“At the moment, it is difficult to say exactly when the situation will return to normal. Work is underway. Every effort is being made to restore the line as quickly as possible,” the railway employee said.

He added that the incident appeared to be linked to a natural disruption and that restoration work was being carried out on a priority basis.

For thousands of passengers, however, the immediate question remains unanswered: when will normal train services between North and South Bengal resume?

Railway authorities are working to restore the affected section, but normal operations can resume only after the track is made safe and the necessary safety inspections are completed.

Until then, passengers remain caught between cancelled trains, uncertain schedules and increasingly expensive alternatives.

For Alpana Saha, the uncertainty is particularly difficult. She needs to reach Siliguri for work, but even after waiting at Malda Town station for hours, she still has no clear idea when her train will arrive.

The New Farakka disruption has therefore become more than a railway problem. It is affecting daily commuters, workers, students, tourists and families whose journeys between North and South Bengal have suddenly been thrown into uncertainty.

His Name Survived SIR. Then Police Took Him Away: The Unexplained Detention of 66-Year-Old Jalil Akhtar

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Raiganj: For most people, seeing their name on the final electoral roll after the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) is a moment of relief. For 66-year-old Jalil Akhtar, however, the story has taken a far more disturbing turn.

His name is on the voter list. His family says he has voted in India. He has a voter ID, Aadhaar card, ration card and a land deed in his name.

Yet, according to his family, Akhtar was taken away from his home in Karan Dighi, Uttar Dinajpur, late on the night of June 29, allegedly on suspicion of being a Bangladeshi national.

Nearly two-and-a-half months later, he is still not home.

When Akhtar did not return that night, his family initially thought he might have gone to the mosque to offer prayers. It was only later that they learnt that police personnel from a local camp had allegedly visited his house and taken him away.

For his wife, Tofa Bibi, the question has remained painfully simple.

“If he is an Indian citizen, why was he taken away like this? It has been two months, yet he has still not returned home,” Bibi told eNewsroom (Watch the video).

His Name Is on the Voter List. So Why Is Jalil Akhtar in Custody?

Akhtar’s family says he has lived in India for generations.

They point to the documents they have — his voter ID, Aadhaar card, ration card and a land deed in his name. They also say the names of his ancestors appear in old electoral rolls.

The family further claims that Akhtar exercised his right to vote this year.

For them, that makes his detention difficult to understand.

They say they have never known Akhtar to have travelled to Bangladesh. They are also unsure why his nationality came under suspicion in the first place.

The events of June 29 remain particularly difficult for them to forget.

According to relatives and residents, police arrived at Akhtar’s home late at night and took him away.

At first, nobody knew where he was.

Some villagers thought he had gone to the mosque. When he did not return, residents began looking for him. It was then, according to the family, that they learnt that police personnel from the local camp had visited his home.

The family later came to know that Akhtar had allegedly been kept at different holding centres.

They also claim that during court proceedings, he was described as a resident of Thakurgaon district in Bangladesh.

That is something the family disputes.

They say Akhtar has spent his life in India and has never travelled to Bangladesh.

‘If He Is an Indian Citizen, Why Was He Taken Away?’

For Bibi, the long separation has brought a different kind of worry.

Her husband is 66. The family says he is diabetic.

“He has been away from home for so long. We don’t know what will happen to him,” Bibi said.

Akhtar has two sons. Both work as migrant labourers in other states. He also has two daughters, both of whom are married.

With the sons away for work and the daughters living with their own families, Bibi has been left to deal with the uncertainty at home.

She does not know when her husband will return.

She also does not know what will happen to him if the authorities ultimately decide that he is not an Indian citizen.

The family fears that Akhtar could be sent to Bangladesh. They insist that he has never been there.

Residents have also reportedly raised their voices demanding his release.

But the question of Akhtar’s nationality is now before the court.

Rakesh Singh, Superintendent of Police, Islampur district, told The Telegraph that Akhtar is in judicial custody and that the court will take a decision. The matter, he said, is entirely sub judice.

Akhtar’s lawyer, Mukhtar Ahmed, says the family has already submitted the necessary documents before the court to establish his citizenship.

According to Ahmed, successive hearing dates have been fixed, while Akhtar has remained in jail for the past two-and-a-half months.

The lawyer said Akhtar has been languishing in custody despite the documents submitted in his case.

Dulal Rajbanshi, convenor of the Vote Rights Protection Coordination Committee, whose statement was published in The Telegraph, alleged that there were preparations to send the 66-year-old back to Bangladesh.

Rajbanshi described such a move as a violation of human and constitutional rights.

He also said police have so far failed to establish before the court that Akhtar is an illegal Bangladeshi national.

Those claims are disputed matters before the court and have not been finally established.

What Evidence Does the Administration Have?

The case leaves a number of questions unanswered.

What evidence does the administration have to establish that Akhtar is a Bangladeshi national?

How were the Indian documents held by him examined and verified?

If his name appears on the electoral roll and his family says he voted this year, what led the authorities to question his nationality?

And under what legal process has a 66-year-old man remained in custody for more than two months?

These are questions for the administration and the court to answer.

For Akhtar’s family, however, the matter is not about a legal argument alone.

It is about a man who was at home one night and did not come back.

His sons continue to work in other states. His daughters have their own families. His wife is still waiting.

The SIR process may have left Jalil Akhtar’s name on the electoral roll.

But for his family, that has not brought the relief they expected.

Instead, they are waiting for the return of a husband, father and grandfather whose nationality is now being contested.

And every day that passes leaves Bibi with the same question:

When will Jalil Akhtar come home?