Melania’s Missing Children, Bardem’s Free Palestine, and Chopra’s Uncomfortable Silence: A Study in Hypocrisy

The beginning of this year has not been great. As the days pass, concepts we often invoke—such as the ‘rule of law’, ‘human rights’, and ‘women’s rights’—feel increasingly hollow. Those who claimed to have created these norms are now the first to demolish them. The killing of over 70,000 innocent people in Gaza by the Israeli regime has never received genuine condemnation in Europe or the USA. It was not surprising to see the First Lady of the United States, Melania Trump, presiding over a UN Security Council meeting. Never has a global body looked so hopeless and pathetic.

We are told that Melania Trump is deeply concerned about children. After the Anchorage summit in Texas between President Donald Trump and President Putin, the First Lady wrote a letter to President Putin about missing Ukrainian children, to which he responded positively.

Western Hypocrisy Over Human Rights Stands Exposed

Yesterday, at the Oscar Award ceremony, Javier Bardem declared proudly and with conviction, “No to War” and “Free Palestine.” This was not a sudden outburst but the stance of a man who has persistently spoken about the rights of the Palestinian people. Standing alongside him was India’s Priyanka Chopra, who looked visibly uncomfortable. Subsequently, social media trolls began targeting her. As a UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador, she has spoken about children’s welfare, but perhaps this concern does not extend to the children of Dalits and Adivasis in India or those in Gaza. In her capacity as a goodwill ambassador, she could have raised these issues, but it seems she is not expected to.

Bollywood’s Timid Silence vs Hollywood’s Bold Stance

Hollywood itself often functions as a propaganda tool for the Western elite. However, as I have mentioned before, it is still far better than the Brahmanical Bombay cinema; at least in Hollywood, one can see some diversity. Can you imagine Dalits or Adivasis occupying the front rows at any Bollywood event or award ceremony? Can you picture any Indian star speaking out against a policy of the Indian government? No, they are not expected to. Even without speaking against the government, they could at least celebrate India’s immensely diverse cultural heritage. But they lack the courage.

The point, however, is not to draw a comparison between the two industries. The real problem is that Western human rights discourse is largely applied in a subjective manner to serve corporate interests. Melania Trump may speak about missing Ukrainian children, yet she remained shamelessly silent on the killing of 170 schoolgirls in Iran. The United States and Israel have consistently bombed civilian areas, schools, hospitals, Red Cross facilities, and residential complexes to ‘achieve’ their goals. Have you seen the response from any of these ‘civilised’ governments? Most of them ‘condemned’ Iran for its retaliation, blaming it for firing on civilian targets. Look at Rishi Sunak, who is asking the British government to go to war in the name of achieving peace.

Given this context, Priyanka Chopra cannot be like Angelina Jolie, who has the courage to speak truth to power. Americans are already saying that ‘Indians are good actors’. I need not elaborate further.

Now, does Donald Trump want to take over Cuba? The brave people of Cuba are facing immense hardship, struggling to survive as electricity and other essential services have collapsed. Life has become miserable, yet the people continue to resist and endure these hardships. Is Donald Trump following Israel’s Gaza model by imposing an economic blockade? The reality is that all internationally recognized rules and norms have now collapsed, precisely because these ‘democracies’, ‘liberal’ nations, and ‘civilised’ states have violated them the most to protect their own interests.

I have always maintained that the world was safer and more protected when it was bipolar, or when the Soviet Union was a major power. During that time, Western powers dared not invade Cuba again. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, they embarked on their favorite projects: dividing nations and redrawing boundaries. We must remember that they do not like ‘big’, powerful countries. Attempts have been made to encircle Russia, and when that proved impossible militarily, economic warfare began. Other countries that are not militarily powerful face the consequences. Cuba stands as a symbol of global resistance against imperialism. Why is Donald Trump, or the American administration, so afraid of a tiny island like Cuba?

India Must Reclaim Its Strategic Autonomy Now

India must understand this. The Indian elite believe that their interests lie with the West. Nobody denies that India should have a relationship with the West, but it cannot be at the expense of our farmers and common citizens. Our security concerns are paramount and must remain independent. India must have the courage of its convictions and stand tall on this principle. We were among the first to recognize Palestine and stood in solidarity with its people. We stood with the Global South. Today, however, we remain silent on the killing of innocent people. We stayed quiet when the President of Venezuela was kidnapped in violation of all international norms. We remain silent on Cuba, an old and steadfast friend. We failed to condemn the killing of a head of state in Iran. Remember, Iran is fighting a war that threatens its very existence.

All talk of nuclear disarmament is bogus and hypocritical as long as major powers maintain massive stockpiles of nuclear arms, while those without them can be punished at the whims of any madman who happens to be ‘democratically elected’. Democracies will have to redefine themselves. Majoritarian, hate-mongering postures will lead us nowhere. In this respect, our constitutional forefathers were visionary; they understood where our national interest lies. The policy of non-alignment was a well-thought-out strategy to preserve our strategic autonomy and strengthen our ties with the Global South.

The global order is changing, and multipolarity is inevitable. But before that, the world will witness numerous upheavals. It is time for true internationalism. Civil societies, social movements, people’s movements, and public intellectuals must all join hands and stand up against war—war that threatens to punish everyone beyond the physical boundaries of the nation-states involved. Secondly, why should schools, hospitals, residential complexes, and civilian infrastructure be targeted? This is the greatest challenge since the Second World War, and all countries must come together to address it. The days of global imperial hegemony are over. Attempts to preserve it will only backfire and destroy the very order they created.

Democracy Under Adjudication: When Citizens Must Prove Their Right to Vote

There was a time when elections in India carried a sense of celebration. Not because they were perfect, but because they embodied a rare democratic promise: equality. On election day, the ink on a rickshaw-puller’s finger carried the same weight as the ink on the Prime Minister’s. A domestic worker, a farmer, a corporate executive, and the head of government stood in the same queue, each with one vote. That moment—however brief—was the purest expression of democracy. Voting rights were the great equaliser. Today, that equality is under strain.

The Election Commission’s recent announcement of elections comes at a moment when millions of voters have either been removed from electoral rolls or placed “under adjudication.” This is not a routine technical correction. When such a large number of citizens suddenly find their voting status uncertain, the announcement of elections raises a troubling question: What does democracy mean when the very people who constitute it are still being asked to prove their place within it?

When Electoral Revision Turns Into Adjudication

The process has crossed the boundaries of what electoral revision was meant to be. Under the banner of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), what should have remained a routine administrative exercise has taken on the character of something far more intrusive. When millions of voters are placed “under adjudication,” and when quasi-judicial mechanisms are introduced to decide their status, the exercise begins to resemble the logic of the NRC, where citizens are compelled to prove their legitimacy before the state.

Electoral roll revision was never intended to function in this manner. Administrative procedures exist to facilitate participation, not to transform citizens into petitioners before a tribunal. Judicial processes determine guilt, innocence, or eligibility, operating through hearings, evidence, and adjudication. When electoral revision begins to mimic those mechanisms, the basic premise of democratic participation is inverted.

Critics and activists across the country have argued that the present form of SIR departs sharply from the purpose of electoral revision itself. They point out that such revisions historically relied on field verification, local administrative checks, and continuous updating—not mass adjudication of voter status. The introduction of tribunal-like scrutiny and large-scale “under adjudication” categories effectively shifts the burden of proof onto ordinary citizens, many of whom lack formal documentation due to historical gaps in record-keeping.

For many, this transformation raises serious constitutional concerns. The right to vote may be statutory, but its exercise is central to democratic equality. When millions must appear before quasi-judicial mechanisms simply to remain on an electoral roll, the process begins to look less like an administrative correction and more like a filtering mechanism. That is why those sitting on the Park Circus Dharna Manch since March 4, 2026, have described the current SIR exercise as an unconstitutional distortion of electoral revision, arguing that it undermines the principle that participation in democracy should be presumed rather than continually proven.

This was not how electoral revision was meant to function. It was supposed to be routine, transparent, and inclusive. Instead, it now risks becoming a process that places citizens under suspicion rather than enabling their participation.

A Sequence That Raises Questions

The timing of recent political events has added another layer of unease to this situation. In the days preceding the election announcement, Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar visited Bengal. His visit itself triggered protests in Kolkata, reflecting the deep anxieties surrounding the ongoing electoral revision process.

Soon afterwards, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the state as a political campaigner. Within days of these high-profile visits, elections were formally announced.

Each of these developments may individually fit within the normal rhythms of political life. Yet taken together, they create a sequence that many citizens find difficult to ignore. When elections are declared while millions remain under scrutiny and protests are already underway, the message received by the public is not one of reassurance but of acceleration.

It feels as though the process must move forward regardless of unresolved questions.

The silence—or cautious language—of many political actors only deepens this discomfort. One might expect that a situation affecting millions of potential voters would provoke a fierce national debate. Yet the response from large sections of the opposition has been restrained.

Why?

Why has the defence of voting rights not become the central political question of this moment?

Democracy Beyond the Ritual of Elections

Democracy, after all, is not merely the act of holding elections. Elections are only one component of a much larger democratic structure that includes rights, accountability, participation, and institutional trust.

When democracy is reduced to elections alone, it becomes dangerously hollow.

A strange form of political consolation has also begun to circulate in public discussions. Some people say, almost with relief, that at least the situation is not worse—that at least President’s Rule has not been imposed in Bengal.

But this argument reveals how dramatically our expectations have shifted.

When the standard of democratic comfort becomes the absence of a greater catastrophe, something fundamental has already changed. It is like living in a house with cracked walls and leaking ceilings, and reassuring oneself that the building has not yet collapsed.

India’s democracy is not dead. Elections still take place, courts still function, and citizens continue to protest and speak.

But democracy is not measured only by its survival. It is measured by the confidence citizens feel in their rights.

When millions must struggle simply to remain on a voter list, that confidence begins to erode.

The right to vote was once the simplest and most powerful promise of the republic: that every citizen counts equally. That promise did not require citizens to prove their belonging every few years.

If that promise begins to feel conditional, the ink on the finger—the proud symbol of democratic equality—begins to change its meaning.

It no longer represents a straightforward act of participation. Instead, it becomes a reminder that the right to vote, once taken for granted as the foundation of the republic, is slowly turning into something citizens must fight to keep.

When Memories Speak: A Kolkata Wall Challenges the Idea of Citizenship

0

Kolkata: At the Park Circus Dharna Manch—now the pulsing epicenter of Bengal’s resistance against the Social Identity Register (SIR)—a ‘Memory Wall’ has been erected with a simple yet defiant purpose. It is a space where the past is invited to speak to the present, not through the clinical lens of legacy codes or land deeds, but through the visceral fragments of lived experience that no state document can fully capture. Here, on this wall, citizenship is not a matter of paperwork; it is a tapestry of whispered stories, faded photographs, and the unshakeable truth of belonging.

The Secular Cup: A Lesson in Equality

Nisha Biswas recalls a small but powerful moment from her childhood that shaped the way she sees society today.

In her father’s office in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, there used to be a separate cup kept aside for Shakir Miyan. It was different from the cups used by everyone else.
One day her mother quietly broke that cup.

From that day onward, tea was served to Shakir in the same cups as everyone else, even though her grandmother strongly disapproved. It seemed like a small act, almost invisible in the ordinary rhythm of daily life. Yet that quiet gesture stayed with her.
Something changed in the way she began to see society.

From then on, she started looking at the world with different eyes—eyes that noticed how discrimination hides in the smallest details of everyday life.

Years later, when she watched the processes of the NRC in Assam and the SIR in Bihar, she could not see them merely as administrative exercises. She looked at them through the memory of that broken cup and the quiet courage behind it.

On the Memory Wall today there is a simple image—a cup and a pair of spectacles. They represent that moment.

They are the glasses through which she eventually found herself joining the anti-SIR movement, seeing questions of citizenship, equality, and dignity not just as political issues, but as matters of everyday justice.

Gurucharan Murmu: Remembering a Pioneer from the Santal Community

The first voice on this wall comes from Maruna Murmu, who is currently out of town but wanted to participate in the Memory Wall we began—a place where past circles meet and connect with the present. She chose to remember her father, Gurucharan Murmu (1944–2012). Born in a small village in West Midnapore, he became the first Santal to enter the Indian Police Service in 1972. For him, this land was never merely a territory on paper; it was the soil of his childhood, the forests and villages where his people lived and struggled.

As a police officer, he believed deeply in justice and integrity, standing against corruption even when it came at a personal cost. After retirement, he returned to his village with a dream—to build a school, a hostel, and a place of care for the elderly. His life reminds us that belonging cannot be reduced to papers; it lives in memory, struggle, and the stories carried forward by those who remember him.

Maulana Mohammad Hossain: A Voice for Education and Justice

Another contribution comes from Saidur Rahman, who remembers his father, Maulana Mohammad Hossain (1930–2005). Born in the village of Bishanpur under Chanchal Police Station in Malda district, Maulana Mohammad Hossain rose from humble beginnings to become a respected religious scholar, social reformer, and advocate for education and justice. Throughout his life, he worked tirelessly to promote education and social awareness across Malda and neighbouring districts such as Murshidabad, Birbhum, North and South Dinajpur. His influence extended even beyond West Bengal into Bihar’s districts of Katihar, Purnia, Araria, and Supaul. Those who knew him remember that he never remained silent in the face of injustice or oppression. His voice was fearless, his conscience unwavering, and his commitment to truth unshakeable. For Saidur Rahman, whenever he finds the courage to raise his voice today, he knows that it is not merely his strength—it is the legacy he inherited from his father.

A Grandmother, Peanuts and the Warmth of Everyday Love

The wall also carries a small but deeply personal recollection by Himadri Mukherjee, born in 1963 in Kolkata. In his note, he remembers an ordinary afternoon from his youth in North Kolkata when he was living with his 72-year-old grandmother. One day before leaving for college, she asked him to bring cheena badaam (peanuts) from a shop on the way home so she could fry them for an afternoon snack. Concerned for her health, he protested because the doctor had advised her not to eat oily food. Yet she insisted gently.

When he returned home later, she had already prepared tea, bread, bananas, and boiled eggs for both of them. After they finished eating, she fried the peanuts and placed a single piece in his hand before eating the rest herself. Smiling, she told him that if he wanted more, he would have to go and buy them again.

The memory is simple, yet it captures the quiet warmth of everyday affection—moments that rarely appear in official histories but remain deeply alive in personal memory.

Growing Up with Stories of “Opar Bangla”

Another note on the wall reflects on the experience of growing up in a Partition-affected family. The writer describes how their family originally came from Madaripur in Faridpur, now in Bangladesh, and how childhood was filled with stories of “ওপার বাংলা”—the other side of Bengal. These stories carried nostalgia and displacement at the same time, creating a lingering sense of rootlessness while growing up in Kolkata.

Yet the writer remembers a turning point between December 2019 and March 2020, when protest sites across the country became spaces of collective expression. Standing among crowds carrying different flags and symbols—portraits of Ambedkar, banners of resistance, and voices of dissent—the writer felt, perhaps for the first time, a genuine sense of belonging.

A Family Legacy from Mangalkot Across Generations

Alongside these reflections are memories of family histories rooted in Mangalkot in Bardhaman. One section recalls the legacy of Dr Muhammad Abu Torab, remembered as a doctor who served people with dedication. The lineage continued through Qazi Abu Saleh and Qazi Nurul Islam, with younger generations trying to preserve both documents and memories of their past. Among them is Maria Khan, a fifteen-year-old student in Class Ten, who reflects on the dilemma of preserving family history. For her, documents may preserve names and dates, but memories preserve something deeper—the traditions, gatherings, and experiences that connect generations.

NRC Memories: Proving Belonging Through Old Voter Lists

The wall also carries a reflection from Komal Chakraborty of Silchar, Assam, who writes about the experience of the NRC process in 2015. At first, he did not understand what terms like family trees and legacy codes meant. His father had worked in the railway office, and the family possessed little property or documentation. Eventually, using an old voter list belonging to his late father, he managed to submit the necessary forms and prove his citizenship. Yet the experience left him with a troubling realisation: in the eyes of the state, simply living in a country is not enough. One must prove belonging through documents that trace back to one’s ancestors.

A Ninety-Two-Year-Old Teaching Chushi Pitha

Another quiet memory comes from a family story about Shaibyarani Nandi. Married at the age of thirteen, she moved from Dhaka-Narayanganj to her husband’s village in Kushtia. When she arrived at her in-laws’ home, she noticed an elderly aunt patiently cutting tiny strands of dough to make chushi pitha, a traditional sweet dish. Watching her day after day, she slowly learned the delicate craft.

Today, she is ninety-two years old, and the roles have gently reversed. Sitting beside her, her sixty-eight-year-old son carefully learns how to cut the thin strands of dough for chushi pitha. The lesson moves slowly from her experienced hands to his. In that quiet kitchen moment, memory travels from one generation to another—not through documents, but through gestures, patience, and taste.

Remembering Ammaji and Bahadur Mamu

As the wall grew, I too felt compelled to contribute. While writing, I came across an old photograph of Ammaji and Bahadur Mamu together. For a moment, I considered placing it on the wall. But the image felt too intimate, too personal to display in a public space. Instead, I kept the photograph in my mind and began writing about it.

As I wrote, emotions welled up unexpectedly.

My memory returns to the days of the 2019 anti-CAA protests, when I spent long nights at protest sites and spoke out against injustice despite threats, trolling, and attempts to silence me. During that time, my uncle would proudly tell people, “Dekho dekho, yeh meri bhaanji hai.” But my grandmother held my hand one day and said softly, “Tumko meri kasam hai… naara lagana band karo. Mujhe dar lagta hai.” She was afraid for my safety.
Today, both of them are gone—Bahadur Mamu passed away on 17 February 2019, and Ammaji on 28 April 2020 during the lockdown, when I could not even see her one last time.

Together, these stories—of a pioneering Santal officer, a fearless scholar, a grandmother sharing peanuts with her grandson, a ninety-two-year-old mother teaching her sixty-eight-year-old son how to make chushi pitha, young people searching for their roots, and citizens struggling to prove belonging through documents—form something larger than individual recollections.

They reveal a quiet truth:

Documents record facts.

But memories record life.

And that leaves us with a question that echoes softly across the entire wall:

Where do memories go?

Perhaps they do not disappear.

They move—from grandparents to grandchildren, from kitchens to public squares, from photographs kept in drawers to words written on a wall.

Perhaps memories travel like rivers across generations.

And when we pause long enough to listen, we realise that remembering is not only about the past.

It is about refusing to let life be reduced to documents alone.

LPG Queues and Petrol Panic: Why the PM’s Latest Speech is Triggering COVID-Era Trauma

0

When Prime Minister Narendra Modi yesterday compared India’s current energy crisis to its battle against COVID-19, the intent was to project a image of national resilience. However, for millions of Indians, the comparison has acted more like a trigger than a balm. As 25-day waiting periods for LPG refills become the new ‘lockdown,’ and queues at petrol pumps mirror the desperate lines of the second wave, the nation is forced to ask: Are we witnessing a triumph of spirit, or a repeat of the planning failures that left the most vulnerable to fend for themselves?

The Sudden Lockdown That Brought India to a Halt

The first shock came with the nationwide lockdown in March 2020.

The announcement came with only a few hours’ notice. Overnight, the country stopped. Trains stopped. Buses stopped. Markets closed. Factories shut down.

For many businesses and salaried employees, it meant disruption.
For daily wage earners, it meant the sudden loss of income.
For migrant workers, it meant the loss of both work and shelter.
For families with patients, it meant panic.

India has tens of millions of migrant workers who travel from villages to cities in search of work. When the lockdown began, many suddenly had no job, no wages, and no transport to go home.

What followed will remain one of the most painful chapters of that period.

Men, women and children began walking along highways to reach their villages. Some walked hundreds of kilometres. Some pushed elderly parents in handcarts. Some carried small children on their shoulders or on wheeled luggage.

Many collapsed from exhaustion.

Some died in accidents on the roads.

One tragedy shook the entire country. Near Aurangabad in Maharashtra, a group of exhausted migrant workers slept on a railway track, thinking trains were not running. A train passed over them early in the morning.

They were simply trying to go home.

Those images still haunt the memory of the country. They forced people to ask a very simple question. Could a lockdown not have been planned with a little more care for the poorest citizens?

Migrant Workers’ Long Walks Become a National Trauma

Another disturbing memory of that time was the manner in which lockdown rules were enforced in many places.

Videos circulated across the country showing people being beaten with sticks by police for stepping outside. Some were punished. Some were humiliated publicly.

In a time when people needed reassurance and compassion, many encountered fear instead.

At the policy level, too, some responses appeared strangely symbolic. Citizens were asked to beat utensils and light lamps as a show of solidarity. While the intention may have been to boost morale, families struggling for food, transport and medicines found little comfort in such gestures.

Hospitals Under Strain as Pandemic Exposes Weak Systems

The healthcare system was also under severe strain.

Doctors and nurses repeatedly spoke about shortages of protective equipment in the early months. Many hospitals did not have enough masks, gloves or protective suits. Testing kits were limited. Healthcare workers continued their duty despite serious risks, and many of them themselves became infected.

Then came the devastating second wave in 2021.

Hospitals ran out of beds. Families went from hospital to hospital searching for admission. Oxygen cylinders became a matter of life and death. Desperate appeals flooded social media. People begged strangers for help to find oxygen, medicines or a hospital bed.

Outside crematoriums, long lines of vehicles waited.

The country has rarely seen such grief in recent times.

During these difficult months, society itself stepped forward. Volunteers arranged oxygen cylinders. Community groups organised food distribution. Individuals used social media networks to help complete strangers.

It was the compassion of ordinary people that carried many families through those dark days.

Tablighi Jamaat and the ‘Corona Jihad’ Myth: A Narrative of Exclusion

But another wound was inflicted during that period. Instead of treating the pandemic purely as a public health crisis, political narratives and sections of the media began blaming Muslims, particularly the Tablighi Jamaat, after a congregation at the Nizamuddin Markaz in Delhi was linked to early infections.

Soon, the entire community began to be portrayed as responsible for spreading the virus.

Hashtags like “Corona Jihad” began circulating. Rumours spread rapidly. In several places, Muslims faced harassment, boycott of businesses, and open hostility.

At a time when the country needed unity, suspicion was allowed to grow.

Courts later observed that many of the criminal cases filed against Tablighi Jamaat attendees had little basis and that, during a calamity, authorities sometimes look for a scapegoat. But the damage to social trust had already been done.

The pandemic years also unfolded against the background of the 2020 Delhi riots, which had already left dozens dead and many families displaced. For people who had already lost homes and livelihoods in that violence, the lockdown only deepened their hardship.

Even the Supreme Court of India had to step in at different moments to question aspects of pandemic management, particularly the treatment of migrant workers and the oxygen shortages during the second wave.

All this is part of the same history.

To remember the COVID years only as a success story is to forget the long walks on the highways, the silent hospitals without oxygen, the families waiting outside crematoriums, and the fear that entered millions of homes.

Energy Crisis Raises Questions About Crisis Preparedness

And now the country is being told that it will overcome the present energy crisis in the same way.

But the early signs are already worrying.

Reports have already emerged that nearly 20 percent of hotels and restaurants in some cities have shut their kitchens because commercial LPG cylinders are not available, and industry groups warn that far more may follow if supplies do not stabilise. The government has invoked provisions of the Essential Commodities Act and extended the waiting period for LPG refills to about three weeks in order to manage the limited supply.

People have begun rushing to book cylinders.

Queues are appearing at petrol pumps.

There are reports of LPG cylinders being sold on the black market.

These are early signals of anxiety spreading through the system.

If the COVID years taught the country anything, it is this: a nation’s resilience should not mean that citizens are left to struggle through a crisis on their own while symbolic gestures and reassuring speeches continue.

Indians have always shown patience when they see sincerity and competence.

This time, too, the country will endure, Insha Allah.

But one sincerely hopes that the present crisis will be handled with better planning, deeper empathy, and far greater honesty than what many people remember from the COVID years.

পার্ক সার্কাসের বন্ধ গেটের ভেতর: বাংলায় ‘বিপুল ভোটার বাদ’ নিয়ে সপ্তাহজুড়ে বাড়ছে প্রতিবাদ

কলকাতা: কলকাতার ঐতিহাসিক পার্ক সার্কাস ময়দান ২০২০ সালের নাগরিকত্ব সংশোধনী আইনের বিরুদ্ধে আন্দোলনের কেন্দ্র হয়ে উঠেছিল। সেখানে এখন আবার প্রতিরোধের ধ্বনি শোনা যাচ্ছে। তবে এবারের ক্রমবর্ধমান অবস্থান বিক্ষোভে যাঁরা অংশ নিচ্ছেন তাঁরা এক আশ্চর্য জনগোষ্ঠী— অবসরপ্রাপ্ত সরকারি কর্মচারী, অধ্যাপক এবং বিভিন্ন পেশার মানুষ যাঁদের নাম ভারতীয় গণতন্ত্রের খাতা থেকে মুছে দেওয়া হয়েছে।

ভারতের নির্বাচন কমিশনের বিশেষ নিবিড় সংশোধনীর বিরুদ্ধে অনির্দিষ্টকালের জন্য ডাকা এই ধর্না দ্বিতীয় সপ্তাহে পা দিয়েছে। এখানকার বাতাস বিশ্বাসঘাতকতার যন্ত্রণা আর আমলাতান্ত্রিক দুঃস্বপ্নের স্মৃতিতে ভারি হয়ে আছে। এই ময়দানের প্রতিবাদীদের দাবি, ভোটার তালিকার ঝাড়াই বাছাই বলে বাজারে আনা এসআইআর আসলে আসন্ন পশ্চিমবঙ্গ বিধানসভা নির্বাচনের জন্য বৈধ ভোটারদের রীতিমত ছক করে বাদ দেওয়ার ব্যবস্থা।

সরকারি তথ্য অনুযায়ী, ২০২৫ সালের নভেম্বর মাস থেকে প্রায় ৬৩.৬৬ লক্ষ নাম পশ্চিমবঙ্গের ভোটার তালিকা থেকে বাদ গেছে। আরও ৬০ লক্ষ মানুষকে বিচারাধীন তকমা দিয়ে দেওয়া হয়েছে। এই মানুষগুলো এখন এক আইনি ধোঁয়াশার শিকার। তাঁদের নাম এখনো তালিকায় থাকলেও, আবার এক ক্লান্তিকর যাচাই প্রক্রিয়ায় পাশ করতে না পারা পর্যন্ত তাঁদের ভোটাধিকার নেই।

ময়দানে যাঁরা এখন বসে আছেন, তাঁদের মধ্যে একজন প্রাক্তন রাজ্য সরকারি কর্মচারী। তিনি বললেন ‘আমি রাজ্য সরকারের কর্মচারী ছিলাম, আমার বৈধ পাসপোর্ট আছে এবং নির্বাচন কমিশনের বলা অন্যান্য প্রয়োজনীয় কাগজপত্তরও আছে। সেগুলো আমি শুনানিতে জমাও দিয়েছিলাম। তাও আমার নাম বিচারাধীনের তালিকায় কেন বুঝতে পারছি না।’

প্রাক্তন কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারি কর্মচারী শেখ মুনিরুদ্দিন তাঁর পরিবারের সংকটের কথা বললেন।

“ভাবতে পারেন, আমার বউয়ের নাম বিচারাধীন তালিকায় ছিল। আমরা কেসটা কলকাতায় ট্রান্সফার করিয়ে এনে শুনানির সময়ে সমস্ত কাগজপত্র জমা দিলাম। ওর নাম বিচারাধীন তালিকা থেকে বের হয়ে গেল। কিন্তু আমাদের পুরনো ভোট দেওয়ার জায়গায় ওর নাম মৃতদের তালিকায় তুলে দিয়েছে!”

এমনকি যাঁদের নাম এখন পর্যন্ত ভোটার তালিকায় রয়েছে, তাঁরাও আশঙ্কিত। প্রতিবাদী সাজিদ-উর রহমান বললেন ‘এই মুহূর্তে আমার নাম বিচারাধীন তালিকায় নেই। তবে যেভাবে নির্বাচন কমিশন নিজেদের সুবিধামত নোটিশ পাঠাচ্ছেন, তাতে পরের তালিকায় কার নাম এসে যাবে তার ঠিক কী?’

আরো পড়ুন দিনদুপুরে ভোট ডাকাতি?

আলিয়া বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপক সইফুল্লার নাম তাঁর আরও অনেক অধ্যাপকের মতই বিচারাধীনের তালিকায় উঠেছে। তিনিও পার্ক সার্কাস ময়দানের অবস্থান মঞ্চে আছেন। এই বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপকদের নাম বিচারাধীন হওয়া বিদ্যায়তনিক ব্যক্তিদের দুশ্চিন্তা বাড়িয়েছে। তাঁরা মনে করছেন যে এই প্রক্রিয়ায় শিক্ষিত এবং সমস্ত কাগজপত্র থাকা ভোটারদেরও বেনাগরিক হয়ে যাওয়ার ঝুঁকি রয়েছে।

প্রতিবাদ করার ঝক্কি

পার্ক সার্কাস ময়দানের এই চলতি প্রতিবাদও অসুবিধাজনক হয়ে দাঁড়িয়েছে। ২০২০ সালে এখানে সকলে আসতে পারছিলেন, অথচ এবারে সবকটা মূল দরজায় তালা দেওয়া রয়েছে। ফলে প্রতিবাদীরা পাশের এক সরু জায়গা দিয়ে যাতায়াত করছেন। জিশানের মত কোনো কোনো আন্দোলনকারী মনে করছেন যে এটা এই আন্দোলনের বৃদ্ধি আটকে দেওয়ার ইচ্ছাকৃত প্রচেষ্টা।

তবে ব্যাপারটা বদলানোর সংকেত পাওয়া যাচ্ছে। ৮ মার্চ আন্তর্জাতিক নারী দিবসের পর থেকে ধর্না মঞ্চে উপস্থিতি বেড়ে গেছে। শম্পা শিরীনের নেতৃত্বে এসআইআর-বিরোধী ধর্না মঞ্চ, প্রত্যেকটি বিচারাধীন ভোটারকে তালিকায় না ফেরানো পর্যন্ত ধর্না না তোলার প্রতিজ্ঞা করেছে।

নৌশীন বাবা খান প্রায় প্রতিদিন এই মঞ্চে উপস্থিত থেকেছেন। তাঁর মতে, এসআইআর সংবিধানবিরোধী এবং গরিব, মহিলা, দলিত, আদিবাসী ও সংখ্যালঘুদের অত্যন্ত বেশি পরিমাণে প্রভাবিত করছে। ‘অনেক বিএলও-র নামও বিচারাধীন হয়ে গেছে। এই ত্রুটিপূর্ণ প্রক্রিয়া সাধারণ নাগরিককে হয়রান করছে এবং জনগণের টাকার শ্রাদ্ধ করছে।’

শিরীন উল্লেখ করলেন যে ‘লজিকাল ডিসক্রিপেন্সি’ বলতে যেগুলোকে বোঝানো হচ্ছে, সেগুলো প্রায়শই নির্বাচন কমিশনের নিজেদের লোকেদেরই করা ভুল। ‘আমরা এখানে ৬০ লক্ষ বিচারাধীন মানুষের জন্যে প্রতিবাদ করছি। এই মানুষগুলোকে তাঁদের ভুলই নয়, এমন জিনিসের জন্যে কেন হয়রান করা হচ্ছে? এঁদের ভোটাধিকার কেন প্রশ্নের মুখে পড়বে?’

 

এই প্রতিবেদনটি ইনিউজরুমের ইংরেজিতে প্রকাশিত মূল কাজের ভাষান্তর

‘Sons of the Soil’ vs Infiltration Narratives: The Hidden History Behind West Bengal’s 60 Lakh Flagged Voters

0

The names of more than five lakh voters have been deleted from the final electoral roll of West Bengal, yet the reason behind these deletions remains unclear. Even the assembly-wise ‘Statutory Report’ published on the Election Commission of India’s website does not mention why these names were removed.

All of these voters were included in the draft electoral roll published on December 16, 2025. However, many of them reportedly did not receive any ‘hearing notice’ or ‘speaking order’, yet their names were deleted in the final electoral roll published on February 28, 2026.

In addition to this, the names of around 60 lakh voters have been placed in the ‘Under Adjudication’ list. Their documents are currently being examined in accordance with the orders of the Supreme Court of India. However, the Election Commission has not released any official information on how long this verification process will take or how many cases are being disposed of every day.

The supplementary electoral roll is yet to be published, which further deepens the uncertainty surrounding the process.

With the current West Bengal Assembly’s term ending on May 7, the timeline for the upcoming assembly elections is narrowing rapidly. Only about two months remain to complete the election process and announce the results.

The President’s Rule Shadow: Uncertainty Looms Over the 2026 Polls

In such a situation, questions are also being raised in political circles about whether President’s Rule could be imposed in the state if the electoral process faces delays or complications.

This raises an important question: Are the voters whose names are being removed from the electoral roll really infiltrators? Are they Bangladeshi Muslims or Rohingyas, as some narratives suggest?

What does the evidence say? What does history tell us?

In undivided Bengal, Muslims constituted roughly 55 per cent of the population, making them the religious majority. Just as millions of Hindu Bengalis migrated from East Bengal to West Bengal, millions of Muslim Bengalis also migrated from West Bengal to East Bengal during the upheavals surrounding Partition.

Subsequent communal riots after 1947, as well as the Liberation War of 1971 in East Bengal (now Bangladesh), further intensified these population movements. A large number of Hindu Bengalis migrated to West Bengal, particularly from East Bengal.

Another demographic factor often ignored is the difference in fertility rates. The fertility rate among Hindu Bengalis has generally been lower than that of Muslim Bengalis, which has contributed to the gradual increase in the proportion of Muslim Bengalis in West Bengal over time.

Ignoring these historical and social realities, a narrative is often propagated in sections of the media that West Bengal is full of ‘Bangladeshi Muslims’ or ‘Rohingya infiltrators’. However, no concrete evidence has been produced to substantiate this politically charged claim.

Sons of the Soil or Outsiders? Unpacking the Conversion History of Bengal

Before the 11th century, communities identifying themselves as Muslims were not significantly present in Bengal. This naturally raises the question: Where did the large Muslim population of Bengal come from?

Several eminent scholars—including Herbert Risley, W.W. Hunter, Dinesh Chandra Sen, Hara Prasad Shastri, and Nihar Ranjan Ray—have studied this subject in depth.

Their research suggests that most Bengali Muslims emerged from local communities, including lower-class cultivators, cottage artisans, Antyaj communities, lower-caste Hindus, and Buddhist Sahajiyas. In other words, the majority of Muslims in Bengal are descendants of local converts rather than migrants.

Only a very small number of Muslims from Central Asia or other regions established blood ties or family connections in Bengal. Some degree of intermarriage may have occurred over time, but it was limited.

Historians broadly identify four major reasons for the large-scale conversion to Islam in Bengal:

  1. Commercial and trade-related interactions
  2. Migration of Muslim rulers and administrators to Bengal
  3. The humanistic and egalitarian teachings of Sufi saints
  4. Conversion by indigenous Bengalis seeking relief from the rigid Brahmanical caste system

It is important to note that after 1757, when Bengal and India came under British colonial rule, no significant influx of foreign Muslims occurred in Bengal.

This raises a simple but important question: If no large-scale foreign migration took place, how did the Muslim population grow so significantly?

According to scholars, the answer is straightforward: the vast majority of rural Muslims in Bengal are sons of the soil.

Syncretic Traditions: JASIM UDDIN and the Shared Heritage of Bengal

Rai Bahadur Acharya Dinesh Chandra Sen, in his book Prachin Bangala Sahitye Musolmaner Abadan, wrote:

“The Muslims understood that the Nath-Panthis and the Sahajiyas were the masses of Bengal. There are lakhs of them in the country. They are remnants of the defeated Buddhist power… The social liberality and equality of Islam particularly attracted them.”

He further noted that many people who had been socially marginalised within the orthodox Hindu hierarchy found dignity and acceptance in Islam, which encouraged them to embrace the new faith.

Yet even after conversion, many did not abandon their earlier cultural practices entirely. Instead, a syncretic social culture evolved, blending elements of older traditions with Islamic beliefs.

Sufi saints played a key role in this transformation. Their inclusive approach and emphasis on spiritual equality resonated deeply with marginalised communities in Bengal.

Cultural Continuities in Bengali Muslim Society

Historian Dr Nasir Ali, in his book Banglai Jatir Itihas, also examined the social roots of Bengali Muslims.

During the early British period, communities such as peasants, weavers, barbers, fishermen, boatmen, and hunters who had converted to Islam continued to live in their ancestral villages and practise their traditional occupations.

Many retained their earlier surnames or social titles, such as Mandal, Gayen, Bayen, Naskar, Mallik, and Midya.

A fascinating example comes from the autobiography Jiban Katha by the celebrated poet Jasim Uddin. In his account, a village Dhuli (drummer) named Yadav, who was a Muslim, earned his livelihood by playing the dhak. Despite being Muslim, he would play the drum during Hindu cremation rituals in the month of Chaitra.

Dr Ali also wrote that Jasim Uddin’s great-grandfather was named Aradhan. During that time, Muslim women often wore vermilion, and Jasim Uddin’s mother also followed this practice. His father reportedly wore a dhoti along with a prayer cap.

Historical records from the Titumir rebellion also reveal interesting naming patterns. Some captured rebels—though Muslims—had names that modern society might assume to be Hindu. Examples include Nyaypal Mandal, Banamali Mandal, Gopal Prakash Golab, Deokar Pathak, Madab Karigar, and Gopal Sen.

Similarly, Annadashankar Roy, the noted ICS officer and writer, once mentioned encountering a Muslim bride named Haridasi.

These examples illustrate how deeply intertwined religious and cultural identities were in Bengal’s social history.

Judicial Officers vs. BLOs: The Battle Over West Bengal’s Voter List

The Election Commission of India is a constitutional body headquartered in New Delhi, with regional offices across the country, including one in Kolkata.

However, the preparation of electoral rolls largely depends on state government employees temporarily assigned to election duties, including positions such as District Election Officers (DEO), Electoral Registration Officers (ERO), micro-observers, and Booth Level Officers (BLO).

In many cases, these officials receive limited training for this specialised task, and sometimes only brief orientation programmes are conducted.

Moreover, the financial compensation for such duties is often modest, which reduces the incentive for many officials to engage deeply with the complex work of electoral roll preparation.

This year, a massive amount of work was completed in an extremely short period of time. There were also reports of server failures and portal glitches, as the process relies heavily on artificial intelligence-driven digital systems.

Under such circumstances, errors are almost inevitable.

Democracy at Risk: The Call for an Impartial Inquiry

Therefore, the Election Commission—or even relevant intelligence agencies—should conduct a thorough investigation into these irregularities.

Senior officials of the Election Commission should visit villages where multiple individuals under the age of 70 have been placed under adjudication and submit an independent report to the Supreme Court.

It must be examined impartially whether these 60 lakh ‘indigenous Indian Bengalis’ are truly infiltrators or whether they are legitimate citizens who have been wrongly flagged.

In many cases, strange anomalies have been observed: a father’s name appears under adjudication while the son’s name appears in the final electoral roll, or vice versa. Such inconsistencies hardly indicate organised infiltration.

The Election Commission should also consult civil society organisations to ensure transparency and fairness in the process.

Even the President of India Draupadi Murmu, who have visited West Bengal, could have taken the opportunity to visit villages where hundreds of voters have been placed under adjudication and interact with the residents directly.

Most of these 60 lakh voters appear to be indigenous citizens.

The ongoing political controversy surrounding this year’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) risks harassing genuine voters, including the very officials responsible for preparing the electoral rolls. At the same time, it may hamper the broader democratic and developmental progress of both the state and the country.

The Locked Gates of Park Circus: Inside the Growing Week-Long Protest Against Bengal’s ‘Mass Voter Deletions’

0

Kolkata: The historic Park Circus Maidan, once the epicenter of the 2020 anti-CAA movement, is again echoing with the chants of resistance. But this time, the “new address” for a growing sit-in protest belongs to a surprising demographic: retired government employees, professors, and career professionals who find themselves erased from India’s democratic fabric.

As of March 10, 2026, the indefinite dharna against the Election Commission of India’s (ECI) Special Intensive Revision (SIR) drive has entered its second week. The atmosphere is thick with a mix of betrayal and bureaucratic nightmare. Protesters allege that the SIR drive—marketed as a “clean-up” of the electoral rolls—is a calculated disenfranchisement of legitimate voters ahead of the upcoming West Bengal Assembly elections.

The “Doomed List”: Professionals Turned “Adjudicated” Strangers

The numbers are staggering. According to official data, nearly 63.66 lakh names have been deleted from the West Bengal voter list since November 2025. Another 60 lakh people have been placed under “adjudication.” These individuals are currently in a legal grey zone; while their names are in the system, their right to vote is suspended pending a rigorous verification process.

Among those sitting under the Maidan’s pagoda is a former state government employee who expressed disbelief at his exclusion. “I have been a former state government employee; I have a valid passport, and other needed documents as prescribed by the ECI, which I have furnished before the officials appointed at the hearing, and still my name has made it to the adjudication list,” he stated.

Former central government employee Sheikh Muniruddin shared a similar ordeal regarding his family. “Can you beat this? My wife’s name was in the adjudication list. We transferred the case to Kolkata and presented all the documents during the hearing. Her name was cleared from the adjudication list. But surprisingly, back in our native place, she has been put on the doomed list.”

The sense of vulnerability extends even to those currently on the rolls.

 

Protester Sajid-ur Rahman highlighted the unpredictability of the exercise: “At present, my name is not in the adjudication list. However, given the fact that the notices are being managed as per the convenience of the election commission, there is no guarantee about whose name will surface in the next list.”

Professor Saifullah of Aliah University, whose name — along with several other professors from the university — has been placed under adjudication, also joined the protest at Park Circus Maidan.

The inclusion of several Aliah University professors in the adjudication list has further intensified concerns among academics, who say the exercise risks disenfranchising even educated and well-documented voters.

Closed Gates and Rising Stakes

The logistics of the protest itself have become a point of contention. Unlike the 2020 movement where the Maidan welcomed all, the main gates are currently locked, forcing protesters through a narrow side exit. Activists like Zeeshan suspect this is a deliberate attempt to stifle the movement’s growth.

However, the momentum appears to be shifting. Following International Women’s Day on March 8, attendance has surged. The SIR Virodhi Dharna Mancha, led by Shampa Shireen, has vowed not to retreat until every “adjudicated” voter is reinstated.

Nousheen Baba Khan, who has been present at the protest site almost every day, said the SIR drive is anti-Constitution and disproportionately affects the poor, women, Dalits, Tribals and minorities. “Even BLOs have their names under adjudication. This faulty process is harassing ordinary citizens and wasting public money,” she said.

Shireen pointed out that the “logical discrepancies” being cited are often clerical errors made by the ECI’s own officials in previous years.

“We are protesting here for 60 lakh people who have been put under adjudication,” Shireen declared. “Why are these people being hounded for no mistakes of their own? Why are their voting rights under threat?”

Meanwhile, Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, currently in Kolkata, has been greeted with black flag protests wherever he goes—from his hotel to a temple visit.

Faith in the Age of Algorithms: Kolkata’s Interfaith Iftar Dissects Propaganda and Youth Radicalization

Kolkata: An annual interfaith iftar hosted by peace activist Om Prakash Shah witnessed wide participation from people of different faiths and professions, but this year’s gathering moved beyond religious discussions to address pressing geopolitical and domestic political issues.

The event, which traditionally revolves around discussions on Islam and communal harmony, saw participants engaging in conversations about global conflicts, the ongoing debates around SIR, and the evolving political landscape in India and West Bengal.

People from various religious backgrounds — including Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs and Jains — attended the gathering alongside politicians, educators, activists, advocates and journalists. The diverse participation reflected the spirit of dialogue and pluralism that such interfaith events seek to promote during Ramadan, bringing together people from different communities to exchange ideas and perspectives.

Global Politics and Constitutional Concerns

Among those who spoke was CPM leader Dr Fuad Halim, who expressed concern over what he described as a global decline in faith in constitutional principles.

“We as a society globally have lost our faith in the constitution, and then the problem begins,” he said. “We have moved from a constitutional democracy to a pure democracy.”

Drawing an international example, Halim referred to the United States and said that according to its constitution, the government must seek approval from Congress before launching a war.

“But that did not happen. Everywhere it is happening. People sitting at the top feel they have people’s mandate and therefore can do anything,” he said.

Dr Halim also argued that the conflict involving Iran did not begin with the assassination of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei. According to him, the chain of events begun after the kidnapping of Venezuela President Nicolas Maduro but that did not receive significant international protest.

Despite the concerns he raised, Dr Halim emphasised the importance of platforms like interfaith iftars. On a personal level, he said gatherings that bring people from different religions together can help address misunderstandings and encourage dialogue.

Debate on Social Media, Youth and Communal Narratives

Rajya Sabha MP Nadimul Haque spoke about the role of social media in shaping public discourse. He said digital platforms have become powerful tools influencing political conversations and public opinion.

“Social media is playing an important role today,” Haque said, adding that it has compelled the central government and the Prime Minister to speak on issues such as the ongoing US–Israel war involving Iran.

Interfaith educator Ovais Aslam expressed concern about the growing ideological influence on younger generations. He claimed that many members of Generation Z are reacting strongly to what they perceive as the Modi government’s incompetence and rising Islamophobia, while also being influenced by what he described as “Hindutva pop culture.”

Teacher Joyeeta Basu shared her experience of facing trolling on social media after criticising the behaviour of some devotees during Shivratri. She said that many people today are unwilling to question or correct actions that may be inhuman or illegal.

Social activist Uzma Alam stressed the need for introspection within communities as well. She said elders must also reflect on their own approaches so that younger generations can connect with them.

CPM leader and educator Saira Shah Halim pointed to what she described as organised propaganda against minorities in India. She said narratives targeting Christians for alleged conversions and other accusations are often amplified by sections of the media.

“The media plays a major role in spreading these narratives,” she said. “Even when there is trolling, politicians and public figures must continue writing and speaking the truth.”

Saira Shah Halim also advocated organising more interfaith iftars in the future to deepen mutual understanding between communities.

Meanwhile, Namrata Kothari argued that religion itself has been a major source of conflict in the world. Former serviceman Tarsem Singh also addressed the gathering, sharing his perspective on social harmony and national unity. Syed Irfan Sher and advocate Touseef Ahmed Khan also joined the gathering later in the evening.

RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic Opens in Kolkata’s Mukundapur with 40+ Specialists

0

Kolkata: A new integrated healthcare facility, RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic, was inaugurated on March 7 in Mukundapur, a rapidly emerging medical hub in the southern part of the city. The clinic aims to provide advanced diagnostic services and super specialist consultations under one roof, making quality healthcare more accessible to residents of Mukundapur and surrounding areas.

Established as a modern, state-of-the-art healthcare centre, RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic is guided by its vision of “Advanced Care, Honest Commitment.” The facility seeks to combine modern medical technology, specialist expertise and patient-centred values to ensure comprehensive, compassionate and evidence-based healthcare delivery.

Strategically located near the EM Bypass corridor, the clinic is expected to serve patients from several nearby neighbourhoods including Garia, Patuli, Santoshpur and other parts of south Kolkata. With more than 40 experienced specialists and superspecialists associated with the centre, the clinic aims to provide high-quality consultations and diagnostic services at affordable costs.

Integrated Care with Advanced Diagnostic Facilities

RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic has been designed as an integrated healthcare facility that combines specialist consultations with modern diagnostic infrastructure. The model allows patients to receive medical consultations, diagnostic investigations and follow-up care at a single centre, reducing delays in diagnosis and improving overall patient experience.

The clinic offers a wide range of advanced diagnostic services including comprehensive pathological tests, ECG, Echocardiography, Fetal Echo, Ultrasonography (USG), Fibroscan, EEG, NCV, EMG, Endoscopy and Colonoscopy. Equipped with modern medical technology and supported by trained professionals, the centre aims to ensure accurate diagnosis and high standards of patient safety.

The inauguration ceremony witnessed the presence of more than 100 doctors and several distinguished members of the medical community. Among the eminent doctors present were Dr Shuvanan Ray (Director, Cardiology – Fortis Hospital), Dr Sibabrata Banerjee (Eminent Physician), Dr Animesh Kar (Senior Neurologist, RTIICS), Dr Ashish Dutta (Senior Neurologist, Institute of Neurosciences), Dr Keshab Sil (Nephrologist), Dr Arunava Roy (Gynaecologist), Dr Aveek Ghosh (Orthodontist), Dr Rupam Sil (ENT Specialist), Dr Prithwiraj (Cardiologist), Dr Priyam Mukherjee (Cardiologist), Dr Lopamudra (Paediatric Cardiologist), Dr Sananda Pati (Paediatrician), Dr Amit Ray (Medicine), Dr Arif Faizan (Radiologist), Dr Abhijit Sarkar (Pathologist), Dr Basabendra Choudhury (Cardiologist), Dr Arindam (Physician) and Dr Kaushik Basu (Rheumatologist), among several others.

Their presence reflected the strong professional collaboration and medical expertise supporting the establishment of the clinic.

Focus on Ethical Practice and Accessible Healthcare

The occasion was also attended by Dr Ujjal Kumar Sengupta, Past State President of the Indian Medical Association (Bengal Chapter), who graced the ceremony as a distinguished guest. Addressing the gathering, Dr Sengupta highlighted the crucial role played by clinics in delivering routine and specialised outpatient care.

He noted that clinics often allow doctors to build a more meaningful doctor–patient relationship compared to large hospital settings, enabling physicians to spend more focused time with patients and offer personalised treatment.

Speaking on the occasion, Dr Pallab Kumar Bose, Senior Cardiologist and Director of RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic, emphasised his commitment to creating a healthcare institution that prioritises ethical medical practice, quality treatment and affordability.

He stressed that modern healthcare must combine advanced technology with compassion and integrity to effectively serve the community.

Dr Bose also highlighted the clinic’s commitment to social responsibility through the Bose16 Foundation, an initiative aimed at supporting patients from economically weaker sections by facilitating access to quality medical care. Through this effort, the clinic intends to ensure that financial limitations do not prevent patients from receiving necessary treatment.

Dr Haseeb Hassan, eminent neurologist and Director of RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic, underlined the growing burden of neurological disorders and the need for a comprehensive medical approach that includes prevention, early diagnosis, acute care, rehabilitation and long-term guidance for patients and caregivers.

Dr Hassan brings extensive clinical experience to the institution and previously served as Head of Department at Narayana Health, Kolkata. He is also Director of Healthcare Scan Diagnostics, a diagnostic centre located in the city.

The inauguration ceremony was also attended by government officials including ACP Traffic Debal Das and ACP West Bengal Police Jayanta Das, who extended their best wishes to the founders and medical team.

Adding a cultural touch to the evening, several prominent figures from the music industry were present. Music director and singer Bonnie Chakraborty, playback singer Raj Barman and eminent classical singer, composer and musician Anjan Majumdar performed at the event, making the inauguration a memorable occasion.

With its integrated healthcare model and emphasis on ethical practice, modern technology and specialist expertise, RoMedics Superspecialty Clinic aims to strengthen access to advanced medical consultations and diagnostics in Mukundapur and surrounding areas of Kolkata. The founders hope the centre will contribute significantly to early diagnosis, preventive care and specialised treatment for patients across the region.

Hope, Freedom, Courage: Women Mark International Women’s Day with a Powerful Palm Protest

Kolkata: On 8 March, International Women’s Day, an unusual yet powerful activity unfolded at the sit-in protest at Park Circus Maidan. Titled “Identity Beyond Labels,” the collective action invited women to write words on each other’s palms—words that reflected how they saw the woman standing beside them beyond the labels society assigns.

Across societies, women are often introduced through labels that are social, biological, and political. Daughter, wife, sister, mother—identities that are deeply meaningful but often used to reduce women to relational roles rather than recognising them as individuals. Even language and everyday slurs carry gendered assumptions. In bureaucratic systems, too, a woman’s existence is frequently recorded through the names of fathers, husbands, or guardians.

“Identity Beyond Labels” sought to gently disrupt that pattern. The activity asked a simple question: How do you recognise the woman next to you, beyond these labels?

Women responded by writing words on each other’s hands—hope, freedom, courage, strength, empowerment, grace, unstoppable, iconic—each word becoming a small declaration of recognition.

Writing Identity Beyond Labels at Park Circus Protest

One of those palms belonged to Anwari Bibi.

Anwari Bibi knew a little Bengali and some Urdu. Writing was not something she was very comfortable with, but she attended the protest in solidarity. Her husband’s name had recently been deleted from the electoral rolls, and another member of her family faced a similar situation.

She stood quietly but anxiously, asking what might happen next. For many women like her, identity in official records is closely tied to the husband or the primary male member of the household. When that name disappears from the voter list, uncertainty enters the household.

Yet Anwari Bibi came to the protest.

On her palm, someone wrote “Hope.”

Hope—not because her situation was easy, but because, despite anxiety and uncertainty, she chose to stand with others and participate. When the name of the household’s breadwinner disappears from official lists, fear often silences people. But Anwari chose presence over silence. That quiet act of showing up was itself a form of hope.

international womens day sir protest voters rights bengal Kolkata park circus
Palms of women protestors during women’s day at parck circus protest against SIR | Arranged

A Journalist’s Palm and the Meaning of “Azad”

Another palm carried the word “Azad” (Free).

It was written on the hand of Pritha, a journalist who was covering the protest from the ground. She was moving through the crowd, taking photographs and observing the gathering with visible curiosity and admiration. The way she watched the women—attentively, almost in awe—suggested more than the distance of a reporter.

When asked about it, she smiled. The word Azad captured something beyond her professional role: a young reporter trying to document voices that often remain unheard. In that moment, she was not just Pritha, the journalist; she was Pritha as someone seeking and witnessing freedom in stories of resistance.

Around them, many other women joined the activity. Some were students from nearby universities; others were residents of the locality. Laughter and quiet conversations filled the space as palms slowly turned into canvases of recognition.

Words appeared everywhere: Strong. Empowerment. Power. Hope. Freedom. Courage. Iconic. Strength. Unstoppable. Grace. Waqar (Dignity). Shahasi (Courage).

Each word reflected how women saw one another—not through bureaucratic categories or social expectations, but through lived qualities.

The Spirit of Resistance at Park Circus Dharna Mancha

The activity unfolded at the Park Circus Dharna Mancha, a space that already carries deep historical resonance in the city. Over the years, this ground has witnessed women gathering in large numbers to question authority, challenge unjust policies, and defend democratic rights.

In that sense, “Identity Beyond Labels” was not merely a symbolic exercise. It echoed a longer tradition of women’s resistance in the same space.

The women who gathered there were not only responding to a contemporary bureaucratic process like Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter list; they were also continuing a historical practice of collective assertion. Time and again, women at this site have challenged draconian policies like CAA, NRC and NPR, confronted exclusion, and transformed public space into a forum of dialogue and dissent.

The palms that carried words like hope and freedom were therefore more than gestures of solidarity. They were reminders that women’s identities cannot be reduced to administrative categories or official labels.

The spirit of the Park Circus Dharna Mancha has always carried the soul of resistance—a spirit that questions authority, stands against injustice, and inspires others to imagine a more equal and humane society.

On this International Working Women’s Day, that spirit found expression once again—written quietly, yet powerfully, on the open palms of women who refused to be defined by labels alone.