Triple Century in Science & Math: Murshidabad’s Shahrin Sultana Secures 9th Rank in Madhyamik

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Murshidabad/Kolkata: In a year when nearly 10 lakh students appeared for the West Bengal Madhyamik Examination, a girl from Murshidabad’s Domkal has captured the imagination of the entire state with her extraordinary performance. Shahrin Sultana, a student of Domkal Model School, secured the 9th rank in West Bengal Madhyamik 2026 by scoring a stunning 689 out of 700 marks — including a perfect 100 in Mathematics, Physical Science, and Life Science.

Her achievement has turned Domkal’s Etbar Nagar into a celebration ground. From neighbours and relatives to teachers and local residents, people have been pouring into her home to congratulate the young achiever whose story is now inspiring thousands across Bengal.

What has made Shahrin’s success even more remarkable is not just her state rank, but the brilliance reflected in her marksheet. She scored 98 in Bengali, 95 in English, 100 in Mathematics, 100 in Physical Science, 100 in Life Science, 98 in History, and 98 in Geography — a near-perfect academic record that has made her one of the brightest students in the state this year.

Single Mother’s Struggle Behind Shahrin’s Historic Success

Raised by a single mother, Shahrin’s journey is a story of determination, sacrifice, and relentless hard work. Her mother, Ismatara Khatun, a teacher at Kalyanpur Primary School, played the central role in shaping her daughter’s academic foundation. From nursery schooling in Bagdanga to admission in Domkal Model School in Class V, Shahrin steadily built her path towards excellence under her mother’s guidance.

Speaking to eNewsroom, Shahrin said, she had expected good results but never imagined finding herself among the state’s top ten students.

“I am extremely happy. I hoped to do well, but securing a place in the state top ten was beyond my imagination. My mother has played the biggest role behind my success,” she said.

Shahrin now dreams of cracking the UPSC examination and becoming an IAS officer. Her second dream is to become a doctor.

“My teachers, friends, relatives, and family members are all very happy. Their love and blessings mean everything to me,” she added.

Three Perfect 100s Make Domkal Girl Bengal’s Pride

According to her family, Shahrin grew up largely under the care and encouragement of her mother, who remained her strongest pillar of support throughout her journey. Along with her mother’s sacrifices, the guidance of school teachers and private tutors also played an important role in her success.

Expressing her emotions, her mother Ismatara Khatun said, “The day I got my first job was one of the happiest moments of my life. But today, seeing my daughter’s success, I feel even happier. Her teachers supported her immensely, and I pray she achieves even greater heights in life.”

This year, a total of 9,71,340 students appeared for the West Bengal Madhyamik Examination 2026 held between February 2 and February 12. The overall pass percentage stood at 86.83 percent. While Abhirup Bhadra topped the state with 698 marks, Shahrin Sultana’s story from Murshidabad has emerged as one of the most inspiring narratives of this year’s results — proving once again that talent and dreams can shine from even the smallest towns.

यूट्यूब से पढ़ाई, कलाम से प्रेरणा: स्टेट टॉपर राशिदा नाज़ की कामयाबी की कहानी

कोलकाता/रांची: ऐसे दौर में जब रिपोर्टें लगातार यह बता रही हैं कि साइंस की पढ़ाई में लड़कियों और मुसलमानों की भागीदारी कम होती जा रही है, झारखंड एकेडमिक काउंसिल के ताज़ा नतीजों ने एक मजबूत और उम्मीद भरी तस्वीर पेश की है।

साइंस स्ट्रीम में टॉप तीन रैंक हासिल करने वाले छात्रों ने न सिर्फ पढ़ाई में कमाल किया, बल्कि समाज में बने कई स्टीरियोटाइप्स को भी तोड़ा। इनमें सबसे बड़ा नाम है धनबाद की 17 साल की मुस्लिम छात्रा राशिदा नाज़ का, जिसने 97.8 प्रतिशत अंक लाकर पूरे राज्य में टॉप किया।

राशिदा को मैथ्स में 98, केमिस्ट्री में 99 और फिजिक्स में 98 नंबर मिले। ये नंबर सिर्फ उसकी मेहनत और काबिलियत नहीं, बल्कि आर्थिक मुश्किलों के बीच उसके हौसले की भी कहानी कहते हैं। खास बात यह है कि उसने प्लस टू की पढ़ाई के दौरान कोई प्राइवेट ट्यूशन नहीं लिया।

DAV +2 हाई स्कूल, पाथरडीह की छात्रा राशिदा ने इससे पहले USS बरारी कोलियरी, झरिया से मैट्रिक की परीक्षा में 94 प्रतिशत अंक हासिल किए थे। यानी स्टेट टॉपर बनने से पहले ही उसने अपनी प्रतिभा का परिचय दे दिया था।

“मैं ट्यूशन अफोर्ड नहीं कर सकती थी, इसलिए ऑनलाइन पढ़ाई की। यूट्यूब पर साइंस की क्लासेज देखती थी और खुद तैयारी करती थी,” राशिदा ने eNewsroom से फोन पर बात करते हुए कहा।

राशिदा अपने परिवार के साथ धनबाद में कोलियरी जमीन पर बने एक छोटे से सीमेंट-शीट वाले घर में रहती है। वह मोहम्मद रुस्तम अंसारी और गुलअफ़्शा परवीन की सबसे छोटी बेटी है। उनके पिता एक प्राइवेट कंपनी में स्टोरकीपर हैं और परिवार की पढ़ाई-लिखाई का खर्च बड़ी मुश्किल से उठाते हैं। लेकिन तालीम इस परिवार की सबसे बड़ी ताकत बन गई।

राशिदा की बड़ी बहन कनिज फातिमा ने इंग्लिश में मास्टर्स किया है, जबकि भाई जुनैद अंसारी बीसीए की पढ़ाई कर रहे हैं।

टिन की छत वाले घर से स्टेट टॉपर बनने तक का सफर

स्टेट टॉपर बनने के बाद भी राशिदा के सामने सबसे बड़ी चुनौती अब आगे की पढ़ाई है।

“मैं बीटेक करना चाहती हूं। लेकिन मैं IIT-JEE की परीक्षा नहीं दे पाई क्योंकि मेरे परिवार के पास इतना खर्च उठाने की क्षमता नहीं थी। अगर इंडियन स्कूल ऑफ माइंस या BIT सिंदरी में एडमिशन मिल जाए, तो मैं वहीं पढ़ाई जारी रखना चाहूंगी,” उसने कहा।

राशिदा के आदर्श पूर्व राष्ट्रपति APJ Abdul Kalam हैं, जिनकी बातें उसे हमेशा प्रेरित करती हैं।

“मुझे कलाम सर का यह कोट बहुत पसंद है — ‘सपना वो नहीं जो आप सोते वक्त देखते हैं, सपना वो है जो आपको सोने न दे।’”

लेकिन रिजल्ट आने के दो दिन बाद तक भी झारखंड सरकार की तरफ से राशिदा को किसी तरह की आर्थिक मदद या सरकारी सहायता मिलने की खबर नहीं है।

उसके भाई जुनैद ने कहा, “हम चाहते हैं कि वह अपनी पसंद का सब्जेक्ट पढ़े। अगर सरकार मदद करे तो उसका सपना पूरा हो सकता है।”

सामाजिक बंदिशों को तोड़ती झारखंड की बेटियां

झारखंड साइंस टॉपर्स की सूची खुद एक बड़ी सामाजिक कहानी बयान करती है। राशिदा के साथ आकांक्षा कुमारी और सना अफरीन ने संयुक्त रूप से 481 अंकों के साथ तीसरा स्थान हासिल किया।

वहीं फैज़ान आलम ने 483 अंकों के साथ राज्य में दूसरा स्थान प्राप्त किया।

ऐसे माहौल में जहां अक्सर लड़कियों और अल्पसंख्यकों को साइंस शिक्षा में पीछे बताया जाता है, झारखंड के ये नतीजे एक मजबूत संदेश देते हैं — प्रतिभा हर जगह मौजूद है, लेकिन मौके हर किसी को बराबर नहीं मिलते।

और शायद यही बात राशिदा नाज़ की कहानी को सिर्फ एक बोर्ड परीक्षा के रिजल्ट से कहीं बड़ा बना देती है। धनबाद के एक छोटे से टिन की छत वाले घर से निकली एक लड़की ने आर्थिक तंगी के बीच मुफ्त ऑनलाइन पढ़ाई के सहारे पूरे राज्य में साइंस की सबसे होनहार छात्रा बनने का मुकाम हासिल किया।

अब उसे सिर्फ एक मौके की जरूरत है, ताकि वह अपने सपनों को आगे बढ़ा सके।

From a Colliery Hut to a Science Topper: Rashida Naaz is Living the Kalam Dream

Kolkata/Ranchi: At a time when reports continue to highlight the declining participation of girls and Muslims in science education, the latest results of the Jharkhand Academic Council have delivered a powerful counter-narrative.

The top three ranks in the Science stream were secured by students who not only broke academic barriers but also challenged social stereotypes. Among them is 17-year-old Rashida Naaz, a Muslim girl from Dhanbad who topped the entire state with an extraordinary 97.8 percent.

Rashida scored 98 in Mathematics, 99 in Chemistry, and 98 in Physics — marks that reflect not just brilliance, but determination forged under financial hardship. What makes her achievement even more remarkable is that she never attended private tuition classes during her Plus Two studies.

A student of DAV +2 High School Pathardih, Rashida had earlier secured 94 percent marks in her secondary examination from USS Barari Colliery Jharia, already showing signs of academic excellence long before becoming the state topper.

“I could not afford tuition, so I studied online. I watched science classes on YouTube and prepared on my own,” Rashida told eNewsroom over the phone.

She lives with her family in a modest concrete-sheet house built on colliery land in Dhanbad. Youngest daughter of Md Rustam Ansari and Gulafsha Parween, her father works as a storekeeper in a private company, struggling to support the family’s education. Yet education became the family’s strongest pillar. Her elder sister, Kaniz Fatima, completed a Master’s degree in English, while her brother, Junaid Ansari, is pursuing Bachelor in Computer Applications (BCA).

From Tin-Roof Home to State Topper: Rashida’s Academic Triumph

Despite becoming the state topper, Rashida’s biggest challenge still lies ahead — higher education.

“I want to study BTech. But I could not sit for IIT-JEE because my family could not bear the expenses. If I get admission in Indian School of Mines or BIT Sindri, since both are in Dhanbad, I would love to continue my studies there,” she said.

Her role model is APJ Abdul Kalam, whose words continue to inspire her journey.

“I love Kalam sir’s quote — ‘Dream is not that which you see while sleeping, it is something that does not let you sleep,’” Rashida says with quiet confidence.

Yet, two days after the results, neither financial assistance nor official support has reportedly reached the young topper from the Jharkhand government.

“We want her to continue studying the subject of her choice. If the government supports us, it can help fulfil her dream,” said her brother Junaid.

Defying Social Barriers: How Jharkhand’s Girls are Leading in Science

The Jharkhand Science toppers’ list itself tells a larger social story. Alongside Rashida, two girls — Akanksha Kumari and Sana Afrin — jointly secured third rank with 481 marks.

Meanwhile, Faizan Alam secured second position in the state with 483 marks.

In an environment where minorities and girls are often portrayed as lagging behind in science education, these results send a strong message from Jharkhand: talent exists everywhere, but opportunity does not.

And perhaps that is what makes Rashida Naaz’s story bigger than a board examination result. From a small tin-roof home in Dhanbad, a young girl studied under economic constraints, relied on free online lessons, and emerged as the brightest science student in an entire state.

Now, all she needs is a chance to keep dreaming.

BJP Sweeps Bengal Amid Growing Questions Over SIR Voter Deletions

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Kolkata: The 2026 West Bengal Assembly election has delivered a dramatic and deeply contested verdict, marking a potential end to the 15-year rule of Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party as the dominant force in the state. According to trends available on the Election Commission of India website, the BJP is leading in over 200 seats, while the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) is ahead in around 80 seats—a steep fall from its commanding 215-seat victory in 2021.

The most striking and symbolic result has come from Bhabanipur, where Mamata Banerjee has lost to Suvendu Adhikari by 15,105 votes. The contest saw a dramatic turnaround: Banerjee was leading comfortably till around the 15th round of counting, but the trend reversed sharply in the final rounds, with Adhikari consolidating late gains to secure victory by the end of the 20th round late at night. The defeat in her political stronghold underscores not just a local setback but a wider shift in Bengal’s electoral mood. Adhikari, once a close aide of Banerjee, now emerges as a frontrunner for the chief minister’s post.

The SIR Factor: Procedural Update or Structural Shift?

While anti-incumbency, organisational expansion by the BJP, and a polarised campaign environment have all contributed to this outcome, one of the most critical—and relatively under-discussed—factors is the impact of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. According to available data and political assessments, nearly 27 lakh names were deleted from the voter rolls across West Bengal during the revision process. This figure assumes significance when placed alongside the overall vote margin between the BJP and the TMC, which stands at roughly 31 lakh votes.

In several constituencies, early trends and ground-level reports indicate that the BJP’s victory margins are lower than the number of deletions recorded under SIR. Even the loss margin of Mamata Banerjee is far less than the SIR deletion- 47000 in Bhabanipur. This raises serious questions about the extent to which the revision process may have altered electoral outcomes. Critics, including sections of the opposition, argue that the deletions disproportionately affected marginalised and minority voters—groups that have traditionally formed a core part of the TMC’s support base. If this assessment holds, the SIR exercise may not just be a procedural update but a decisive structural factor that influenced the final verdict.

Beyond the Roll: Anti-Incumbency and the Shift in the “Bhadralok” Vote

The scale of the BJP’s surge across the state is nevertheless undeniable. The party has made inroads across urban, semi-urban, and rural constituencies, breaking into areas that were once considered TMC bastions. However, the relatively narrow aggregate vote gap compared to the large number of deletions suggests that the electoral contest may have been far closer than the seat tally indicates. This contrast between vote share and seat conversion adds another layer of complexity to interpreting the mandate.

PM Modi Hails a “Mandate for Development”

In his victory speech, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the verdict as a mandate for “development, stability, and decisive governance.” He said the people of Bengal had rejected “corruption and appeasement politics” and embraced a vision aligned with national growth. Modi also emphasised that the BJP government would work towards “inclusive development” in the state while strengthening governance and infrastructure.

Beyond West Bengal, the election results across other states reflect a mixed national picture. The BJP appears set to retain Assam, while in Kerala the Congress-led alliance has returned to power. Tamil Nadu has witnessed a significant disruption with actor Vijay’s political entry reshaping traditional alliances, and other regional outcomes point to a fragmented but evolving opposition landscape.

Yet, the Bengal result stands apart—not just for the scale of political change but for the questions it raises. The interplay between electoral roll revisions, voter turnout, and constituency-level margins will likely remain a subject of intense scrutiny in the coming weeks. For Mamata Banerjee and the TMC, this is not just an electoral defeat but a moment of deep political introspection. For Suvendu Adhikari and the BJP, it is a historic breakthrough—but one that will continue to be debated in terms of both mandate and method.

“Bengal Won’t Accept Imposed Rule”: Jawhar Sircar’s Strong Message to Voters

In a strongly worded exclusive interview, Jawhar Sircar, the former IAS officer and ex-MP Rajya Sabha has issued a sharp warning ahead of the crucial West Bengal elections, alleging that the Bharatiya Janata Party poses a serious threat not only to Bengal’s plural culture but also to India’s democratic fabric.

Speaking to Insaf News Online and eNewsroom, Sircar described the BJP’s political ideology as deeply divisive and incompatible with Bengal’s historical ethos of social harmony. “The soul of Bengal does not carry hatred,” he said, emphasizing that for over 200 years, the state has consciously tried to rise above caste and communal divisions, unlike regions that witnessed sustained sectarian conflict.

A significant part of his criticism focused on the controversial SIR (Special Intensive Revision) exercise, which he termed “illegal” and without any constitutional backing. Sircar alleged that the process, overseen by the Election Commission of India, was driven by mala fide intent and aimed at influencing electoral outcomes. Referring to Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, he claimed that no such exercise had been conducted in the past 75 years and called it an unprecedented move that raises serious questions about institutional neutrality.

However, Sircar also acknowledged public dissatisfaction with the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC) government. He pointed to issues such as corruption and lawlessness under Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, stating that these concerns are real and deserve attention. He even criticized her handling of communal tensions, suggesting that administrative lapses created space for political exploitation.

Positioning himself beyond binary politics, Sircar advocated for a “third alternative,” urging voters to reject both Dada (Narendra Modi) and Didi (Mamata Banerjee). He also called on Muslims to move beyond identity politics and focus on development, governance, and accountability.

Sircar urged citizens to exercise their franchise responsibly, warning that any attempt to impose a government “against the spirit of Bengal” would ultimately be resisted by its politically aware electorate.

Eight Years, Two Names: The Bangladeshi National Who Fooled India

Kolkata: Amid the high-stakes West Bengal elections, a deeply layered story has slipped under the radar—one that raises serious questions about surveillance, identity, and political timing.

The arrest of Sunnyur Rahman, a Bangladeshi blogger who lived in India under the name Satyanishth Arya, is not just a routine police action. It is a story that stretches back nearly a decade—and one that eNewsroom had flagged as early as 2018.

From Shahbag to Bengal: A Radical Shift in Identity

Sunnyur Rahman first came into the spotlight in Bangladesh after the Shahbag movement, where he reportedly faced public backlash and assault for making derogatory remarks against Prophet Muhammad. Following this, Bangladeshi media reported that he fled the country, allegedly entering India through Nepal.

By the time he surfaced in West Bengal, his identity had dramatically changed. The self-proclaimed atheist had reinvented himself as a Hindu, adopting the name Satyanishth Arya.

But this was not just a change of faith—it came with a pattern.

The 2018 Warning: Early Red Flags and Police Inaction

eNewsroom’s 2018 investigative report documented his presence in Bengal, where he was actively producing and circulating Islamophobic content. He wasn’t limited to social media—he reportedly travelled across villages, engaging directly with people and attempting to provoke communal sentiments.

When contacted at the time, Kolkata Police had acknowledged awareness of his activities, stating that he was under watch.

The Ghaziabad Video That Reopened the Past

Fast forward to December 25, 2025—Christmas Day.

A disturbing video emerged from Ghaziabad showing a bald-headed man with a tilak confronting a pastor inside a church, abusing him and Christian devotees for celebrating the birth of Jesus Christ. He was heard declaring that such celebrations had no place in India.

Initially, many assumed he was a fringe Hindutva activist.

But eNewsroom connected the dots.

The man in the video was none other than Satyanishth Arya—aka Sunnyur Rahman, the same Bangladeshi national reported years ago. Following the video, a Christian organisation filed a police complaint against him.

The Uttarakhand Arrest: Operation Prahar and Official Gaps

Four months later, on April 18, 2026, he was arrested by Pauri Police in Uttarakhand.

According to the official press release, the arrest took place under “Operation Prahar,” a statewide अभियान targeting illegal residents, fake documents, and suspicious individuals.

Police claim that during a routine verification drive in the Ramjhula area of Laxman Jhula on April 16, a suspicious man was detained. His inconsistent answers led to deeper interrogation, eventually revealing his real identity as Saniur Rahman alias Satyasadhu, a Bangladeshi national living illegally in India since 2016.

He had allegedly obtained an Aadhaar card under the fake name Satyanishth Arya. Police recovered an expired Bangladeshi passport (valid till 2018), along with electronic devices and identity documents. A case has been registered under relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and the Immigration and Foreigners Act, 2025.

Contradictions and Unanswered Questions

However, the official version leaves gaps.

Police maintain that he had arrived in Uttarakhand just a day before his arrest. But sources said that he had been living there for several months.

This discrepancy adds to a larger set of troubling questions:

  • How did a foreign national manage to live in India for more than eight years using fake identity documents?
  • If authorities were aware of his presence as early as 2018, why was no decisive action taken then?
  • Why did his arrest come only months after a viral communal incident—and notably, during the West Bengal elections?
  • And despite the seriousness of the case, why is there still no clarity on his extradition to Bangladesh?

A Story Bigger Than One Arrest: 8 Years Under a Fake ID

The case of Sunnyur Rahman is not just about one individual. It highlights systemic gaps—how identities can be reinvented, how narratives can be weaponised, and how enforcement can appear selective.

At a time when “illegal infiltration” remains a politically charged issue, this arrest raises an uncomfortable paradox:

A man widely known, reported, and even booked in multiple incidents continued to move across states—until he was finally caught during a politically sensitive moment.

Interestingly, the arrest has triggered sharply divergent narratives across media ecosystems. While several Hindutva-aligned websites and social media handles have portrayed Sunnyur Rahman as a “jihadi infiltrator” who allegedly penetrated Hindu spaces, reports from sections of Bangladeshi media have framed the case very differently—describing it as the arrest of a “Hindutva extremist” who had adopted a fabricated identity to spread hate. This stark contrast in portrayal underscores how the same individual is being interpreted through competing ideological lenses, turning the case into not just a question of identity fraud, but also of narrative construction in a polarised information landscape.

The layers of this story are still unfolding. But one thing is clear—the questions it raises are far from over.

Women, Identity, Change: The Three Forces Driving Bengal’s Electoral Verdict

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Kolkata: The electoral contest in Bengal this time has not been shaped by a single wave but by a layered mix of social anxieties, identity assertions, welfare considerations, and institutional interventions. Several factors have worked both for and against the two principal contenders—the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the end, the outcome will depend on which of these forces translated more effectively into votes on the ground.

The TMC Strategy: A Fortress of Welfare and Identity

Minority consolidation

One of the most decisive factors for the ruling party appears to be the consolidation of minority votes. Muslims, who constitute around 27 percent of Bengal’s population, seem to have rallied strongly behind the TMC. Reports of names being deleted or subjected to scrutiny under the SIR process appear to have deepened a sense of political vulnerability, pushing even fence-sitters towards the ruling party.

This consolidation extended beyond Muslims. Sections of Sikhs, particularly after the controversy involving a senior Sikh IPS officer and remarks by Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari, appear to have gravitated towards TMC. Christians and Anglo-Indians too, wary of what they perceive as majoritarian politics, seem to have leaned in the same direction. Together, this created a broad-based minority bloc with significant electoral weight.

Women voters and welfare politics

Women voters—especially in rural Bengal—continue to be a strong support base for Mamata Banerjee. Welfare schemes, direct benefit transfers, and a carefully cultivated image of “Didi” have resonated widely. Alongside policy, there is also visible resentment among sections of women voters over the use of derogatory language against the Chief Minister during the campaign. This combination of material benefits and emotional connect may have ensured a clear tilt in favour of the TMC.

Rural Bengal’s leaning

The rural-urban divide remains evident. Rural Bengal, by most accounts, appears to have stayed with the ruling party. Government outreach, local networks, and booth-level mobilization played a key role. Rural women, in particular, were seen turning out in large numbers, often influencing the voting behaviour within families.

Bengali Asmita (identity)

In the final days of campaigning, especially during the second phase, the issue of Bengali pride—or Bengali Asmita—gained prominence. The TMC framed the election around protecting Bengal’s cultural and linguistic identity. This narrative appears to have resonated across sections, adding an emotional dimension to voter choice.

Organizational strength

The TMC’s cadre network remains one of its biggest strengths. The party’s presence was visible across booths, reflecting deep organizational reach. Even with heavy deployment of central forces, this grassroots machinery plays a crucial role in mobilization and turnout management.

The BJP: Anti-Incumbency and the Push for Parivartan

Desire for change and anti-incumbency

Despite TMC’s strong presence, a section of voters—particularly among the urban middle and upper classes—continues to express a desire for change. Added to this is a degree of anti-incumbency after nearly 15 years of TMC rule, which has influenced segments of the electorate to look towards the BJP as an alternative. While this sentiment was somewhat diluted by controversies around SIR and allegations of central overreach, it has not disappeared. Among both Hindi-speaking and Bengali-speaking urban voters, this factor remains relevant.

Hindi-speaking electorate

The consolidation of Hindi-speaking voters—across caste lines—has been a key pillar for the BJP. Many among those who have settled in Bengal over the past decade appear to have backed the party in large numbers. This demographic, especially in urban and semi-urban areas, could influence closely contested seats.

Central machinery and high-voltage campaigning

The BJP’s campaign saw extensive involvement of central leadership. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah led an aggressive outreach. The large deployment of central forces and officials from outside the state has shaped the electoral atmosphere in a significant way. Supporters view it as ensuring neutrality, while critics see it differently—but its impact is undeniable.

Pro-SIR sentiment

While anger against the SIR process was visible in several areas, there were also pockets where it may have worked to the BJP’s advantage. In tightly contested constituencies, even small shifts in voter rolls can have a decisive impact. A segment of voters also appears to support stricter scrutiny, aligning with the BJP’s position.

Where do Congress and CPM stand?

The Congress and the CPM were also in the fray, though their impact remains uneven. Congress continues to retain pockets of influence, particularly in parts of Malda and Murshidabad, where its organizational base still holds. The CPM, which ruled Bengal for 35 years, appears to still be struggling to regain legislative presence in the Assembly. While there are indications that its vote share may see a marginal increase, it is unlikely to be substantial enough to translate into a significant number of seats.

The Final Countdown: A Battle of Mandates and Math

This election, in many ways, reflects a contest between consolidation and counter-consolidation—between identity, welfare, and the demand for change. The TMC has relied on its social coalitions, welfare framework, and organizational depth. The BJP has leaned on anti-incumbency, demographic consolidation, and strong central campaigning.

As Bengal awaits the verdict on May 4, the central question remains: which of these factors carried more weight inside the polling booth? The answer will shape not just the next government, but also the direction of politics in the state in the years to come.

The Politics of Grief: Abhaya Movement Faces Its Most Difficult Question Yet

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Kolkata: What began as a spontaneous outpouring of grief and anger over the rape and murder of a young doctor at R. G. Kar Medical College and Hospital has now entered a complex and uneasy political phase. The “Abhaya movement,” once hailed as one of the most organic, leaderless uprisings in recent times, is confronting internal disquiet after the victim’s mother, Ratna Debnath, decided to contest the Panihati assembly seat on a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) symbol.

For many who marched, fasted, and mobilized under the banner of justice, the development has been deeply unsettling.

“I feel Abhaya’s mother is being used—knowingly or unknowingly,” said activist Mahasweta Samajdar. “We protested not just for her, but for ourselves… so that such incidents don’t happen again.”

Yet, beyond emotion and mobilisation, the movement is now confronting a harder truth—justice delayed is reshaping its direction.

Stalled Justice: The 20-Month Legal Vacuum

The movement, which saw hundreds of thousands reclaim the streets during the “Reclaim the Night” protests in August 2024, is now grappling with a stark legal reality. While the Central Bureau of Investigation’s initial charge sheet listed 128 witnesses and 11 distinct pieces of evidence—including DNA matches—the lack of a final, exhaustive conviction after 20 months has created a vacuum.

This vacuum of stalled justice has increasingly drawn in institutional and political actors.

Beyond the Family: A Broadening Resistance

From the early days, the protests were driven largely by junior doctors under the banner of the West Bengal Junior Doctors Front (WBJDF). Their 17-day hunger strike and sustained mobilization turned a tragic incident into a wider call against institutional apathy. The movement peaked during the “Droho Carnival” (Carnival of Resistance)—a counter-mobilization that drew thousands in a direct challenge to the state-sponsored Durga Puja festivities.

This momentum led to the formation of Abhaya Mancha, a platform with three core demands: justice for the victim, an end to rape culture, and dismantling the “threat culture” within Bengal’s medical and administrative systems. Over time, the movement expanded to include similar cases in Jaigaon, Jainagar, Canning, and Singur, evolving into a broader resistance against systemic failures.

The Ballot Rupture: When Justice Meets Power

The parents’ decision to enter the electoral arena has introduced a sharp rupture. Activist Gopa Mukherjee noted, “When justice feels inaccessible, people turn to power. But Abhaya was never just their daughter—she became a symbol for all of us.”

However, the choice of platform remains a point of contention. The movement’s activists point to a documented history of controversy involving the BJP’s record on women’s safety, citing the party’s handling of the Bilkis Bano case—where 11 convicts were initially granted remission—as well as the Kathua rape case and the Hathras gang rape case. For many protesters, these precedents create a jarring contradiction with the movement’s original “non-partisan” ethos.

Survival of a Symbol: An Unfinished Struggle

Tensions have further intensified due to perceptions that the parents’ recent accusations against sections of the medical community align with political narratives aimed at weakening the WBJDF.

Still, many insist the core struggle remains intact. “The movement did not begin with the parents, and it will not end with them,” said Mukherjee. “There is no question of demoralization.”

Despite ideological fractures, the Abhaya movement stands as a rare example of a decentralized, citizen-led uprising—one that forced uncomfortable questions about governance into the public sphere.

As the 2026 Assembly elections approach, the battle over Abhaya’s legacy has clearly moved from the streets into the polling booth. The question now is no longer just about justice for one victim, but whether a people’s movement can survive the very politics it once stood apart from.

 

City of Joy Raises a Quiet War Cry: “Give No Benefit to BJP”

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Kolkata: Ahead of the second phase of voting in the Bengal elections, Kolkata’s civil society has launched a campaign—“Give No Benefit to BJP”—aimed at encouraging people to vote unitedly and in maximum numbers.

Well-known activists from the city under the banner of Concerned Citizens of Bengal, however did not name any political party to vote for and claimed they have no connection with any political organisation. The speakers used different languages to convey their message to the masses.

The speakers first explained why they felt the need to hold a press conference just days ahead of the second phase of polling.

“We have seen votes getting divided over many issues, which can be addressed later. No party is perfect, including those challenging the BJP. But right now, we must prioritise safety and reject hatred. Local issues can wait—this moment demands one thing: give no benefit to the BJP,” said social activist Azhar Salim.

Another activist Dr Adil Sarfaraz said that the BJP is attempting to destroy the longstanding traditions of peace, harmony, and brotherhood in the state. Therefore, he urged people to unite against the BJP and the RSS and vote for candidates who can defeat them.

Social activist Manzar Jameel, speaking in Urdu, stressed that defeating the BJP is essential to counter the divisions and fear being spread. “It is a matter of great shame that the entire machinery of the Centre, including PM, HM, CMs and forces, are in Bengal to conduct elections. It feels like a war situation. While different parts of the country need better governance and attention from BJP leaders and governments, they are here to terrorise Bengalis,” he said.

Azar Salim, speaking in Bangla, said Bengal is a land of mishti (sweets) and harmony, where people believe in coexistence, not hatred. He emphasised the need to protect Bengali language, culture, and brotherhood, noting that Kolkata is known as the ‘City of Joy’ for its peaceful way of life.

Athar Firdausi, who moderated the event, said that ordinary people are living in deep fear. He alleged that the BJP is creating divisions and intimidating certain communities, and to counter this, voters must support candidates capable of defeating the BJP.

Human rights activist and president of the Bandi Mukti Committee, Chhoton Das, stated that the SIR process has caused immense distress in people’s lives. Thousands of marginalised individuals, who may lack documents but undeniably exist, need support. He warned that if the BJP comes to power, it could lead to attempts to render people stateless. He urged Bengal’s intelligentsia to act against the BJP. The speakers also appealed to the general public to actively participate in voting.

The speakers also responded to questions from journalists present at the event.

Notably, during the 2021 Assembly polls, a successful campaign—“No Vote to BJP”—was carried out by Left-backed organisations. However, this year, no such campaign has been formally launched. The organisers had said after the previous election results that their campaign—later evolving into a movement—would continue, as it also stood against fascism.

Jawhar Sircar’s Stark Warning: “BJP Threatens Bengal’s Soul, SIR Undermines Votes

Kolkata: Ahead of the crucial West Bengal elections, former bureaucrat and ex-Member of Parliament Jawhar Sircar has issued a strong warning to voters against supporting the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), calling it not only a grave threat to Bengal’s pluralistic culture but also “anti-India.”

Speaking exclusively to Insaf News Online and eNewsroom, Sircar—widely regarded as a public intellectual known for his integrity—launched a scathing critique of the BJP’s politics under Narendra Modi, the governance of Mamata Banerjee, and the functioning of the Election Commission. He also expressed disappointment with how the Supreme Court handled the contentious SIR (Special Intensive Revision) case.

The former bureaucrat, who has conducted at least five elections during his tenure as State Election Commissioner, asserted that the entire SIR process is illegal and driven by mala fide intent.

BJP Is Not Only a Threat to Bengal’s Culture but India’s Too

On being asked how seriously the people of Bengal should view the upcoming election—especially in the face of a party that, according to critics, does not align with Bengal’s cultural ethos—Sircar responded sharply.

“See, the party (BJP), which you are indicating, is not only against the culture of Bengal, it is also against the culture of our nation. We did not see, such kattar (hardened party) in the country. Bengal is more liberal. Here since 200 years, we try to forget caste and Hindu-Muslim issue, so Bengal did not see that much riots, as much it happened in West Pakistan (today’s Pakistan). Few riots happened, to take properties by some greedy people, but there is no feeling of hatred among people here.”

He further added: “There are 10 to 15 percent people who do not bear each other. Which now increased to 35 percent, who did not like Mamata Banerjee government. Mamata Banerjee government has several issues too, including corruption. And civil society was against it too, but since BJP’s looming threat, people get confused. I say, neither dada (Modi), nor Didi (Mamata) but choose a good candidate, from whichever party he belongs too, even independents. And when I say about elected good candidates, I know, they will never go to BJP.”

No Legal Basis for SIR, It’s a Manufactured Exercise

On the SIR exercise, Sircar pointed out, “I conducted elections at a time when the current Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar was still in school. So he cannot teach us what the law is. There is no such provision as SIR in the law.”

He claimed that in the past 75 years, no such exercise had ever been conducted, calling it “a creation of Gyanesh Kumar’s imagination.” He further noted that entries were made through Booth Level Officers (BLOs), many of whom are not proficient in using computers.

Raising serious concerns, Sircar said that citizens whose names have been deleted on such a large scale have the right to know how these entries were made in the system.

The former state election commissioner also alleged that the terminology used during the SIR process in Bengal was intended to reduce Bengalis to second-class citizens. According to him, the BJP and its political culture are not just anti-Bengal but anti-India, and the party lacks an understanding of Bengal’s cultural fabric.

Expressing disappointment with the judiciary, he said, “I do not understand why the courts could not stop this process despite such a clear situation. The Supreme Court has been slow in several matters in recent years.”

Watch the full interview of Jawhar Sircar

BJP’s Strategy, Bengal’s Resistance and Political Faultlines

Sircar noted that in Gujarat and other states where SIR was conducted, large-scale deletions also took place. However, since elections are not imminent there, public awareness remains low.

“In Bengal, the opposition is stronger because the Election Commission’s manipulation has been exposed,” he said, alleging that SIR is part of a broader strategy by the BJP to win elections in the state.

Responding to the Chief Justice’s remark—“Why is there politics over SIR in Bengal?”—Sircar argued that the contradictions are far more visible in Bengal and its citizens are more politically aware.

Criticizing the BJP’s political approach, he said Bengal has spent over 200 years attempting to overcome caste and religious divisions. While a few communal riots did occur, he maintained they were driven by vested interests rather than hatred.

“The soul of Bengal does not carry hatred,” he said.

Beyond Identity: Call for Development, Accountability and a Third Alternative

Sircar, the anti-corruption crusader acknowledged public dissatisfaction with the Mamata Banerjee government, stating that concerns such as corruption and lawlessness are valid and deserve discussion. However, he emphasized that the people of Bengal reject both corruption and communal politics.

“Personally, I am in favor of a third alternative beyond both Mamata Banerjee and Narendra Modi,” he said.

He also urged Muslims to focus on development issues rather than identity politics, stressing that elections in Bengal should center on social and economic concerns.

Questioning Mamata Banerjee’s secular credentials, Sircar remarked:

“When riots were taking place in Murshidabad, Mamata Banerjee was performing puja (worship) in Digha. Had she acted decisively, the BJP would not have had the opportunity to politicize the situation. She created the ground for BJP.”

Recalling former Chief Minister Jyoti Basu, he said Basu would issue strict instructions against rioters, enabling officials to act decisively and without fear.

Concluding the interview, Sircar urged all eligible voters to exercise their franchise. He warned that any attempt to impose a government against the spirit of Bengal would not be accepted by its people.