[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he economic plight of minorities, particularly Muslims has been an alarming factor for all those who would like the society to strive for equality and justice. If we see the origin of the Muslim community in India apart from the spread of Islam through Arab traders from the 7th Century AD in Malabar Coast, the majority of conversions have been mainly from the victims of caste oppression who were also economically deprived sections of society. During the Mughal period, the Muslim King ruled from Delhi-Agra. During this, the structure of society where landlords were Hindus in great numbers the economic plight of large sections of Muslims remained similar to poor Hindus.
After the 1857 uprising, the backlash from the British was directed more against Muslims as Bahadur Shah Zafar was the one who was leader of this rebellion. The Muslim community had to face the bigger brunt of the British wrath. Post Independence the biases and myths against Muslims were highlighted and gradually they became major targets of the communal forces. As other communities were coming forward and lifting themselves through education and jobs, Muslims lagged due to multiple reasons, including the prevalent propaganda against them and the inheritance of their economic backwardness.
Our Constitution recognized the social and economic backwardness of Dalits and Adivasis giving them the reservation which held the communities in some way. While at the National level, OBCs got 27% reservations in 1990, some states on their own had brought this earlier also. By and large, these OBC reservations were strongly opposed by Organizations like “Youth for Equality”.
Even the reservations for Dalit’s other sections started getting opposed at a large level like the anti-Dalit and anti-caste violence of the 1980s and then in mid-1985 in Gujarat. Meanwhile, as the Constitution did not recognize the reservations based on religion, the minorities kept languishing in economic backwardness. Some states did try to incorporate Muslims in the OBC quota but any move to uplift this community through quotas was strictly opposed by the Hindu Nationalist forces. The economic status of this community was a terrible mix of insecurity due to violence and economic deprivations due to a lack of jobs and ghettoization, which was the direct outcome of violence. Every time some talk of reservation for Muslims came up it was strongly countered by Hindutva politics and they cried hoarse about the ‘appeasement of Muslims’. This also put some brakes on the intentions of the state to undertake the implementation of the recommendations of the committees.
One recalls that after the Sachar Committee came out with the report in 2006, Dr Manmohan Singh, the then Prime Minister of the country, stated his intention to undertake the reforms to improve the lot of this hapless community. “The component plans for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes will need to be revitalized. We will have to devise innovative plans to ensure that minorities, particularly the Muslim minority, are empowered to share equitably in the fruits of development. They must have the first claim on resources. The Centre has a myriad of other responsibilities whose demands will have to be fitted within the overall resource availability.”
The state did try to understand the economic plight of Muslims through the Gopal Singh Committee, Ranganath Mishra Commission and finally Sachar Committee. Most of these reports pointed out that the economic condition of Muslims is pathetic and has worsened over the last many decades.
This was propagated by the BJP company as “This is what the Congress manifesto says,” he (Narendra Modi) claimed, “They will take stock of the gold that (our) mothers and sisters have, they will count and assess it, and then they will distribute that wealth, and they will give it to those people that Dr Manmohan Singh’s government had said – that Muslims have the first right to the nation’s wealth.”
It is in this light that one welcomes a new report from US-India Policy Institute and Centre for Development Policy and Practice, ‘Rethinking Affirmative Action for Muslims in Contemporary India’. The report has been prepared by Hilal Ahmad, Mohammad Sanjeer Alam and Nazeema Parveen. This report takes an approach away from the quota for Muslims. They recognize that the Muslim community has different economic layers. While few of them are prosperous and don’t have to be considered for reservations. For the majority of sections of Muslims, they suggest a religion-neutral approach, focusing more on caste. Here caste-occupation is what should be looked at.
Already an increase in the ceiling is being campaigned by many to increase. With that apart from other things more Muslim categories can also be accommodated in OBC and Dalit quotas. The report uses CSDS-Lokniti data. The authors of the report also consider the perceptions of Muslim communities. As reservations for Muslims are like a ‘red rag to the bull’ for the BJP and its ilk, the report talks more about accommodating these sections related to occupation-based OBC. The Pasmanda Muslims, (Low caste ones’) the most deprived among Muslims, do fall in the category of Dalits. Many Christian communities also fall into this category, which also needs state support for a decent livelihood.
The report also considers the changing nature of the state and calls it a ‘Charitable state’ which uses the word Labharthi for those who benefit from the state schemes. As per Hilal Ahmad, one of the authors of the report, as far as the state is concerned there is a shift from “…’ group centric approach’ to ‘space centric’ welfarism.
They recommend a rational, secular subcategorisation of OBCs. Existing schemes and programs need to be jacked up. Affirmative action is the need of the hour. Here given all other qualifications-experience being equal; preference is given to the marginalized (Caste, Gender) for the selection for a job. There are many artisans in these communities; upscaling their technology should help them.
The report is comprehensive and keeps the limitations of the present situation where the ruling politics treats minorities close to second-class citizens. The million rupee question is, will the current dispensation following sectarian nationalism implement such a report with sincerity, overcoming their political biases’?
गिरिडीह: झारखंड—एक ऐसी जगह जो खनिज दौलत और अपार संभावनाओं से भरी हुई है। इसके बावजूद, यह अब तक हिंदुस्तान के पर्यटन के नक्शे पर उतना चमकता नहीं दिखा। लेकिन अब यह बदलने जा रहा है।
जल्द ही, झारखंड एक ऐसा राज्य बनेगा, जो देसी और विदेशी सैलानियों को यादगार मेमोरीज देगा।
एक शानदार विरासत
झारखंड साल 2000 में बिहार से अलग हुआ था। इस इलाक़े को पहले हैल्थ रिसॉर्ट के तौर पर जाना जाता था। तब ये दक्षिण बिहार कहलाता था, और 70 के दशक तक कई नामचीन बंगाली हस्तियां यहां गर्मियों में वक्त गुजारने और काम करने आते थे।
यही वो जगह है जहां सर जेसी बोस ने ‘क्रेस्कोग्राफ मशीन’ बनाई, जिससे यह साबित हुआ कि दरख़्तों में भी ज़िंदगी होती है। यहीं मशहूर गणितज्ञ पीसी महलनोबिस ने हिंदुस्तान का दूसरा भारतीय सांख्यिकी संस्थान क़ायम किया। गोमोह रेलवे स्टेशन—जहां से नेताजी सुभाष चंद्र बोस ने अंग्रेजों को चकमा देकर निकलने का ऐतिहासिक फ़ैसला किया—अब ‘सुभाष चंद्र बोस गोमोह रेलवे स्टेशन’ कहलाता है।
इतिहास से हटकर अगर पिछले दो महीने की बात करें, तो झारखंड अब कई नए तजुर्बों से सैलानियों को आकर्षित करने की तैयारी कर रहा है। इसमें जमशेदपुर का पहला स्काईडाइविंग शो (जारी है), मेक माय ट्रिप के साथ पार्टनरशिप, चार ग्लास के शानदार पुल की प्रशासनिक स्वीकृति, माइन टूरिज़्म, नाइट सफ़ारी और जंगल सफारी की तैयारी शामिल है।
इन तमाम नए क़दमों को देखते हुए, ईन्यूज़रूम ने झारखंड के पर्यटन मंत्री सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू से बात की, ताकि यह समझा जा सके कि उनका महकमा राज्य के पर्यटन और मेहमान नवाज़ी के नक़्शे को किस तरह बदलने की तैयारी में है।
सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू, पर्यटन मंत्री:
संतुलन की ज़रूरत
जब मैंने पर्यटन मंत्री का पद संभाला, तो मैंने देखा कि राज्य के पर्यटन की पूरी क्षमता को प्राप्त करने के लिए कुछ अहम मुद्दे थे, जिन पर ध्यान देना ज़रूरी था। सबसे बड़ा मुद्दा था वित्तीय आवंटन में असंतुलन, जहां 70% धार्मिक पर्यटन पर और केवल 30% अन्य क्षेत्रों पर खर्च होता था। मेरा उद्देश्य इसे संतुलित करना है, ताकि झारखंड के पर्यटन के विविध पहलुओं—उसकी समृद्ध संस्कृति, प्रकृति और धरोहर—को समान रूप से बढ़ावा मिल सके।
महकमे की मुश्किलें और हल
दूसरी चुनौती यह थी कि झारखंड के अधिकांश प्रमुख पर्यटन स्थल वन क्षेत्रों में स्थित हैं, और ऐतिहासिक रूप से पर्यटन और वन विभागों के बीच कम सहयोग रहा है। इसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि पर्यटन सुविधाएं अक्सर प्रमुख स्थलों से दूर बनती थीं, और पर्यटकों को वह सुविधाएं नहीं मिल पातीं जिनकी उन्हें उम्मीद होती थी। इस समस्या को हल करना मेरी प्राथमिकता रही है।
जेईटीए को पुनर्जीवित करना
मेरे द्वारा उठाए गए पहले कदमों में से एक था झारखंड इकोटूरिज्म एमेनीटीज़ (JETA) समिति की निष्क्रियता को दूर करना, जिसे 2017 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट के दिशानिर्देशों के तहत स्थापित किया गया था। यह केवल कागज पर मौजूद थी। मैंने इसे पुनर्जीवित करने का निर्णय लिया और इसे झारखंड के पर्यटन स्थलों में विश्वस्तरीय इको-पर्यटन सुविधाओं के विकास की जिम्मेदारी दी।
जेएफ़एमसी में औरतों की हिस्सेदारी बढ़ाना
संयुक्त वन प्रबंधन समिति (JFMC) में महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व केवल 33% था, जबकि बाकी 66% पुरुषों का था। मुझे पूरा विश्वास है कि महिलाएं बेहतर उद्यमी होती हैं, इसलिए मैंने यह प्रस्ताव दिया कि महिला भागीदारी को 50% तक बढ़ाया जाए। विभाग ने इसे स्वीकार किया, और अब महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व आधा होगा, जो वन और पर्यटन प्रबंधन में एक नया दृष्टिकोण लाएगा।
होटल इंडस्ट्री के माहिरों से तालमेल
हमलोग स्थानीय लोगों को आतिथ्य सेवा में प्रशिक्षित करने के लिए देश के बड़े होटल प्रबंधन संस्थानों के साथ पहल कर रहें है—बेडशीट्स बनाने से लेकर उत्कृष्ट सेवा मानकों के साथ भोजन परोसने तक को प्रॉफेश्नल अंदाज में किया जाएगा । हम यह सुनिश्चित कर रहे हैं कि हमारे पास मानक और स्थानीय दोनों प्रकार के भोजन हों, ताकि हमारे विविध पर्यटकों की पसंद को पूरा किया जा सके। वर्तमान में अधिकतर पर्यटक बंगाल से आते हैं, और अक्सर बजट एक चिंता का विषय होता है। इसके लिए हम होमस्टे की शुरुआत करने की योजना बना रहे हैं, जो मैंने सिक्किम में बहुत सफल होते देखा।
इको-टूरिज़्म के लिए रेवेन्यू मॉडल
इको-पर्यटन गतिविधियों से मिलने वाली आय को एक स्पष्ट वितरण मॉडल के तहत साझा किया जाएगा: 60% JETA को मिलेगा ताकि इको-पर्यटन सुविधाओं को बनाए रखा और विस्तारित किया जा सके, और 40% JFMC को मिलेगा ताकि स्थानीय समुदायों को खाद्य सेवाएं और अन्य सुविधाएं मिल सकें।
JTDC को एक आत्मनिर्भर बनाना
झारखंड पर्यटन विकास निगम (JTDC) वर्तमान में 40 होटलों का प्रबंधन करता है, लेकिन वे अपनी पूरी क्षमता के मुताबिक काम नहीं कर रहे थे। मैंने केरल और ओडिशा में उनके आत्मनिर्भर मॉडल का अध्ययन करने के लिए टीमें भेजी और अब हम वही मॉडल यहां लागू कर रहे हैं। हम ताज समूह, रेडिसन और स्टर्लिंग जैसी प्रतिष्ठित आतिथ्य ब्रांडों से पेशेवर प्रबंधकों को लाने की योजना बना रहे हैं ताकि हमारे खाद्य और आतिथ्य सेवाएं वैश्विक मानकों के अनुसार हों।
नेतरहाट फ़ेस्टिवल: तहज़ीब का जश्न
हम ‘नेतरहाट उत्सव’ की शुरुआत करने जा रहे हैं, जो गुजरात के कच्छ के रण उत्सव से प्रेरित है। मैंने ख़ुद कच्छ का दौरा किया और देखा कि कैसे वहां लोकल खान-पान, हस्तकला और रंग-बिरंगी तहज़ीब को उजागर किया जाता है। इसी तरह, हम 15 नवंबर से 15 जनवरी तक झारखंड में दो माह तक चलने वाला यह महोत्सव करेंगे, जहां 80% खाना लोकल होगा, और तमाम सांस्कृतिक सरगर्मियां झारखंड की पहचान को सामने लाएंगी।
झारखंड: नया सफ़र, नया मुक़ाम
राज्य अब एक बड़े बदलाव के दौर से गुजर रहा है। यह तब्दीली सिर्फ़ झारखंड के लोगों के लिए नहीं, बल्कि जल्द ही पूरी दुनिया के लिए भी वाज़ेह हो जाएगी। नई योजनाओं और स्थायी सैरगाही तजवीज़ों के साथ, यह इलाका हिंदुस्तान के सबसे पसंदीदा सैलानी मुकामों में शामिल होने की पूरी तैयारी कर रहा है।
Giridih: Jharkhand, a state brimming with mineral wealth and untapped potential, holds incredible promise for the tourism industry. Despite its natural beauty and historical significance, it remains underexplored, with a modest place on India’s tourist map. But that’s about to change.
Soon, Jharkhand will emerge as a must-visit destination, offering unique and unforgettable experiences for both domestic and international travellers.
A Glorious Legacy
Carved out of Bihar in the year 2000, Jharkhand was once celebrated as a health resort. Before the state’s formation, the region was part of South Bihar, where several iconic Bengali figures sought refuge in the summer months.
This is the land where Sir JC Bose invented the groundbreaking Crescograph machine, proving that plants too possess life, and where the legendary statistician PC Mahalanobis established India’s second Indian Statistical Institute. Gomoh Railway Station, from which Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose made his historic escape, is now aptly renamed Subhash Chandra Bose Gomoh Railway Station.
Beyond these historical milestones, the state is making headlines with thrilling initiatives—Jamshedpur’s first skydiving show, a partnership with Make My Trip, plans to build four spectacular glass bridges, and the introduction of mining tourism, night safaris, and expansive tourist circuits.
In light of these developments, eNewsroom interviewed Jharkhand’s Tourism Minister Sudivya Kumar Sonu to shed light on the ministry’s ambitious plans for transforming the state’s tourism and hospitality sectors.
Sudivya Kumar Sonu, Tourism Minister:
“When I assumed the role of Tourism Minister, I immediately noticed a few key issues that needed to be addressed for the state to realize its full tourism potential. The most glaring one was the disproportionate allocation of funds, with 70% focused on religious tourism and only 30% directed towards other areas. My aim is to balance this, ensuring that the diverse aspects of Jharkhand’s tourism—its rich culture, nature, and heritage—are given equal prominence.”
Overcoming Departmental Silos
“The second challenge lies in the fact that most of Jharkhand’s prime tourist spots are situated in forest areas, and historically, there’s been little collaboration between the tourism and forest departments. The result? Tourist amenities often end up built far from the prime spots, lacking the perfect views and connectivity tourists expect. Addressing this has been a key focus of mine.”
Revitalizing JETA
“One of the first steps I took was to address the dormant state of the Jharkhand Ecotourism Amenities (JETA) committee, established under Supreme Court guidelines in 2017. It had been inactive, existing only on paper. I made it my mission to revamp JETA and tasked it with the responsibility of developing world-class eco-tourism amenities in our scenic tourist destinations.”
Empowering Women in JFMC
“In the Joint Forest Management Committee (JFMC), women representation had been limited to 33%, with the remaining 66% comprised of men. I firmly believe that women are better entrepreneurs, so I proposed increasing female participation to 50%. The department agreed, and now women will make up half of the JFMC groups, bringing a fresh perspective to forest and tourism management.”
Strategic Collaborations with Hospitality Experts
“We’ve partnered with hotel management institutes to train locals in the art of hospitality—everything from making bedsheets to serving food with the finest standards of service. We’re committed to offering both standard and local cuisine to cater to the diverse tastes of our visitors. Most tourists currently come from Bengal and, often, budget is a concern. To address this, we’re looking to introduce homestays, a model I found incredibly successful during my visit to Sikkim.”
Revenue Sharing for Sustainability
“Revenue from eco-tourism activities will be shared with a clear distribution model: 60% will go to JETA to maintain and expand eco-tourism facilities, and 40% will go to the JFMC to ensure that local communities benefit through food services and other provisions.”
Transforming JTDC into a Self-Sustaining Model
“Jharkhand Tourism Development Corporation (JTDC) currently manages 49 hotels, but they have not been performing up to their potential. I sent teams to Kerala and Odisha to study their self-sustainable models, and now we are introducing the same practices here. We plan to bring in professional managers from renowned hospitality brands like the Taj Group, Radisson, and Sterling to ensure that our food and hospitality services meet global standards.”
The Netarhat Utsav: A Cultural Revival
“To promote local culture, we’re launching the Netarhat Utsav, inspired by the successful Kutch Rann Utsav. I visited Kutch myself and saw firsthand how their festival highlights local cuisine, crafts, and cultural activities. From November 15 to December 15, Jharkhand will host a month-long celebration where 80% of the food served will be local, alongside various cultural programs that will showcase the best of Jharkhand’s traditions.”
The state is poised for a transformation that will be evident to the people of Jharkhand—and soon, the world. With bold initiatives and a vision for sustainable tourism, the region is on the brink of becoming one of India’s most sought-after tourist destinations.
Kolkata: In the heart of Kolkata’s vibrant Prafulla Sarkar Street, Jamal Ahmed, the 98-year-old hotelier and poet, sits in the backroom of Aliah Hotel, his voice resonating with the same intensity as the lively street outside.
Jamal Ahmed, a nonagenarian, is known in the city as a poet and a concerned citizen. But the 98-year-old is also a philanthropist. He has donated 15 Katthas of land in his native village in Bihar for a government hospital, which last year became operational.
A Philanthropic Legacy: Land Donation for a Government Hospital in Bihar
“The land (in Marui village, Nawada district) was the costliest in the adjoining areas. But my father, who decided to donate it to the government to build a hospital there, did not hesitate,” informed Firdaus Jamal, son of Jamal Ahmed.
The market rate for land in Marui village is at least Rs 20 lakhs per kattha. In Bihar’s Nawada district, one kattha of land is equivalent to 3 decimals.
“I had told my mother that one day there will be a hospital in your name. So I had to do it,” Jamal Ahmed told eNewsroom. The family proposed the name of the hospital as QZJ Government Hospital, incorporating the names of Jamal and his parents. There is a board at the hospital where Jamal Ahmed Jamal’s name as the donor is mentioned. However, the Bihar government has yet to adopt the name suggested by the donors’ family.
The 20-bed primary hospital is now operational.
Poet Jamal Ahmed ‘Jamal’ | eNewsroom
“When donating, I did not make any demands, such as asking for government jobs for my family members or insisting that a doctor from my family should practice here,” he said.
“I demand that either the Bihar Chief Minister (Nitish Kumar) or the Health Minister inaugurate the hospital,” the donor added.
Jamal Ahmed, a multifaceted personality, knows five languages and completed his Master’s in Sanskrit from Banaras Hindu University (BHU) and his Bachelor’s in Science (BSc) from Patna University. He frequently uses Sanskrit shlokas in his poetry. Much of his poetry focuses on communal harmony in the country.
A major event in his life was meeting the Father of the Nation, Mahatma Gandhi, on August 13, 1947 in Kolkata.
A Life of Literature and Peace: Jamal Ahmed’s Encounter with Mahatma Gandhi
“I was just 18 years old, but Gandhiji was desperately seeking peace for the country. When I heard that Gandhiji was in Kolkata and my uncle, Kareem Sahab, was going to meet him, I joined my uncle and reached Beleghata,” recalled the nonagenarian, quickly adding that he has no picture with Gandhiji.
“In my brief interaction, I requested Gandhiji for peace in the country and to stop the riots. Gandhiji replied that he came to Kolkata for this very purpose and would be traveling to other parts of the country for the same reason.”
The well-known hotelier has great command over recipes and dishes. “I have helped several hotel outlets in Kolkata and abroad set up their centers. Some of them are now big names, like Arsalan and Mezban.”
Jamal Ahmed’s sons run several hotels in Kolkata, including the famous Arafat Hotel on Rafi Ahmed Kidwai Road, which is managed by Firdaus Jamal.
Aliah Hotel on Prafulla Sarkar Street—where Jamal Ahmed feels he gains the wings to fly.
Preserving Harmony Through Poetry: The ‘Tatkal’ Poet’s Message for Unity
But in Kolkata’s literary circles, ‘Jamal’ is known for his ‘Tatkal’ poetry. A ‘Tatkal’ poet is one who can deliver a poem instantly, depending on the situation.
“I was very young when I met Gandhiji, and still, I recited a poem for him:
Andhi Tawaf Karti Hai, Gandhi Ki, Aye Jamal. Ye To Bhanwar Se Laye Hain Kashti Nikal Ke
(The storm circles around Gandhi, O Jamal. He is the one who has brought the boat out of the whirlpool.)”
The poet ‘Jamal’, an Acharya in Sanskrit often uses the couplet to promote communal harmony.
Yem niza pro weti ganna laguchetshaam udarnaam chatrinantu, washudhew kutumbakam.
A rough translation of this Sanskrit couplet is:
“This is ours, that is yours—those who think this way have small hearts. But for the great ones, the entire world is one.”
He also mentioned that the shloka is written at the entrance of the old Parliament building’s gate. Eleven members of Parliament, including Maulana Azad, had agreed to imprint it there.
Kolkata: Indian-American politician Kshama Sawant is determined to legally challenge the Indian government for having denied a travel visa to visit her ailing mother in Bengaluru.
Earlier this month, Sawant, a former Seattle City Council member and founder of Workers Strike Back (WSB), had been denied a visa for the third time.
According to Sawant, the Consulate took over three weeks to tell her about the decision which they had already made, which was to reject her application,
Speaking to eNewsroom over the phone, Sawant said, “Modi government has denied a travel visa for her to travel to India for the third time. Even though my mother is 82 years old, in frail health, and desperately needs me to be by her side.”
“What struck me, even more, is the fact that I was denied an explanation as to why I have been put on the Indian government’s reject list, while my husband Calvin Priest has been granted a visa. I was told about the rejection only when I went over to the consulate seeking an explanation for the delay,” she continued.
According to her, when she was denied an explanation by the Indian Consulate, she and her husband decided to stage a peaceful sit-in. “We were demonstrating peacefully before the consulate and then the officials began threatening to call the police upon us. With the number of people gathering around us, the WSB members joined us in our demonstration demanding an explanation for my name being on the reject list.”
She further added that instead of explaining, the Consulate called the police, following which she and her supporters left the Consulate’s premises.
In response to Sawant’s claims, the Indian Consulate in Seattle tweeted from its official account on X, stating “We were compelled to call in relevant local authorities to deal with the situation. Further action is being initiated against the trespassers.”
However, the press release issued by WSB claimed, “The Consulate staff then attempted to block the door, physically assaulted those of us who were trying to exit, and engaged in a scuffle to try to confiscate the phone of one activist who was filming the violent actions of the Consulate staff.”
According to Sawant, there is a reason for her being ‘banned from India’. “During the period when I was an elected member of the Seattle Council, I had passed a resolution condemning the anti-Muslim, anti-poor CAA-NRC citizenship laws from the Modi and BJP governments. Our office also won a historic ban on caste-based discrimination. Both pieces of legislation were strenuously opposed by Modi and BJP supporters in the United States. We also won a resolution in solidarity with the farmers’ movement against Modi’s brutal and exploitative policies. Hence, I guess this denial of visa for me is like a political retaliation.”
She added, “And I am not the lone Modi critic who is being punished. Ashok Swain, Ashish Taseer and Nitisha Kaul have also had to face a similar fate. But, I am not going to give up. We shall be staging a protest here in Seattle on March 22.”
[dropcap]A[/dropcap]s Valentine’s Day approaches, so do highly aggressive emotions that a Christian cultural event is being forced on India’s pure traditions and that it is immoral. To the first charge, we must remember that Christianity itself had to struggle to try to uproot this raucous ancient pagan festival that the Romans observed as Lupercalia in February for centuries. Holy Christian Fathers were shocked by the degree of free love given to men and women.
When the Roman Emperor recognised the Christian Church, it denounced this cult of love and tried to ban it. The Church denounced the pagan goddess Juno Februata, after whom ‘February’ is named, and a Festival of Love was held.
The second problem of Puritans was also on the level of open public love as Indian culture looked down on them. Their main angst is that Indians do not display love and affection in public. Then, what about Khajuraho and other temples that celebrate love (and more) so openly? The attacks on romantic couples by fanatics are an expression of extreme jealousy in a sex-repressed society.
In fact, when Christianity spread, it faced the same problem of too much ‘love’. But after it failed to enforce morals, “the Church replaced the goddess with a mythical male martyr, Saint Valentine,” writes Barbara Walker. He was modelled as a handsome Roman youth, a sketchily Christianised version of pagan love gods like Eros, Cupid, Priapus or Pan.
This so-called Christian saint, Valentine of Rome, was said to have been imprisoned because he performed weddings for soldiers who were prohibited from marrying during service. He was also persecuted by the Romans for ministering to the members of the Christian sect — when it was still banned by Roman Caesars.
Since the story says he was killed for bringing lovebirds together, his martyrdom qualified him to be declared as a full-fledged saint. The interesting part of the tale is that when Valentine was taken away for execution he left an impassioned note to the daughter of his jailor signed as “Your Valentine”, as a sign of love and farewell. His relics are still preserved in Rome.
The Roman Christian Valentine has a bow and arrow to target hearts — just like our own Kāmadeva — God knows who pilfered whose copyright. Kamadeva wields a bow made of sugarcane and has a string of honeybees and arrows decorated with five kinds of fragrant flowers.
It’s wonderful to note how civilisations so distant like the Hindu and the Roman had the same bow and arrow motif for the god of love. He was called Eros by the Greeks and Cupid by the Romans.
The 14th-century English chronicler of the famous ‘Canterbury Tales’, Geoffrey Chaucer, played a role in popularising this day with “romantic love” in the Middle Ages. The courtly traditions of England picked up this craze and in the 18th century, both male and female lovers expressed their profuse passion for each other on the 14th of February.
Somewhere down the line, the two-way traffic of men and women exchanging presents gave way to only men giving them to women. But that’s not bad. It’s time men did something nice.
They presented flowers and sweets and little cards inscribing ‘Valentine’. The western card industry took over this profitable venture and so did huge companies that sold chocolate candy and love gifts. Even with social media dominating now, cards and gifts are still in demand.
As for adopting foreign customs and objects — let us not forget that we have internalised extremely foreign objects — like the clock, the calendar, the cycle, the torch, the matchbox and countless others that are now totally Indian. Why not have a festival for the young in love?
रांची: झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा के प्रतिनिधिमंडल ने आज वित्त मंत्री राधाकृष्ण किशोर से मुलाकात कर राज्य के गरीब और हाशिए पर मौजूद समुदायों से जुड़े अहम मुद्दों पर ध्यान आकर्षित किया। महासभा ने आगामी बजट (2025-26) से पहले राज्य की सामाजिक सुरक्षा पेंशन, मध्याह्न भोजन रसोइयों के वेतन, मातृत्व लाभ, न्यूनतम मजदूरी दर, और शिक्षकों की नियुक्ति जैसे मुद्दों पर प्रावधान करने का सुझाव दिया।
महासभा ने पिछले पांच महीनों से लंबित सामाजिक सुरक्षा पेंशन के तत्काल भुगतान की मांग की और इसे ₹1000 से बढ़ाकर मईया सम्मान योजना के बराबर ₹2500 करने का सुझाव दिया। इसके अलावा, मध्याह्न भोजन बनाने वाली रसोइयों के वेतन में वृद्धि और उन्हें मईया सम्मान योजना में शामिल करने की भी मांग की। महासभा ने राज्य की न्यूनतम मजदूरी दर में वृद्धि की मांग की और साथ ही झारखंड में शिक्षक की गंभीर कमी की ओर भी ध्यान आकर्षित किया। एक तिहाई प्राथमिक स्कूल सिर्फ एक शिक्षक पर निर्भर हैं, जिससे शिक्षा व्यवस्था पर बुरा असर पड़ रहा है। महासभा ने शिक्षकों की तत्काल भर्ती और आरटीई कानून के तहत इसे सुनिश्चित करने की मांग की।
महासभा ने मातृत्व लाभ योजना को भी ₹6000 से बढ़ाकर ₹12,000 करने और ओडिशा की ममता योजना के मॉडल पर राज्य सरकार की अपनी मातृत्व योजना शुरू करने का सुझाव दिया। इसके अतिरिक्त, महासभा ने गठबंधन दलों द्वारा किए गए चुनावी वादों को याद दिलाया, जिनमें लैंड बैंक व भूमि अधिग्रहण कानून संशोधन 2017 को रद्द करने और अनियंत्रित माइनिंग को रोकने की बात की गई थी। महासभा ने सरकार से इन वादों को शीघ्र पूरा करने की मांग की।
वित्त मंत्री राधाकृष्ण किशोर ने सकारात्मक प्रतिक्रिया देते हुए कहा कि सरकार सामाजिक सुरक्षा पेंशन और मध्याह्न भोजन रसोइयों के मानदेय में वृद्धि पर विचार करेगी। उन्होंने झारखंड में मातृत्व लाभ योजना के विस्तार के लिए एक रोडमैप तैयार करने का भी वादा किया। इसके अलावा, ई-केवाईसी से संबंधित समस्याओं पर आगामी एसएलडीसी बैठक में चर्चा करने की बात कही और झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा के प्रतिनिधियों को भी आमंत्रित किया। मंत्री ने यह भी बताया कि झारखंड सरकार विस्थापन आयोग की स्थापना के लिए काम कर रही है।
महासभा द्वारा उठाए गए मुद्दों में कोडरमा और गिरिडीह के ढिबरा मजदूरों, चांडिल और मलय डैम के विस्थापित परिवारों, और जाति प्रमाण पत्र जारी करने में आ रही समस्याओं पर भी मंत्री ने भरोसा दिलाया कि सरकार इन मुद्दों को गंभीरता से लेगी और जनता के सुझावों को प्राथमिकता देगी।
प्रतिनिधि मंडल में अम्बिका यादव, अपूर्वा, अशोक वर्मा, ज्यां द्रेज, मनोज भुईयां, प्रवीर पीटर, रिया तूलिका पिंगुआ, और रोज़ ख़ाखा शामिल थे।
Kolkata: Parvin Sultana, a young woman from West Bengal, has secured the top position in the All India Industrial Training Institute (ITI) examination 2024 in the Mechanic Diesel Trade, scoring an impressive 599 out of 600 marks. Remarkably, she accomplished this feat without the help of a private tutor. Recognizing her outstanding performance, the chief minister Mamata Banerjee felicitated her. She also recently received an official recognition from Delhi for her achievement.
Financial Struggles
Parvin hails from Taldi village under the Canning police station in South 24 Parganas district. She ranked first among female candidates in the ITI exam at the national level. However, despite her academic excellence, her family continues to face financial difficulties.
Her father, Taziur Rahman Sardar, works as a daily wage laborer in a fish market, struggling to support their seven-member family. Parvin has two siblings—her elder sister Rahin Khatun, a second-year college student, and her younger brother Hafizul Rahman Sardar, who is in Class IX.
Amidst financial hardships, Parvin pursued her education with determination. She completed her secondary and higher secondary education at Taldi Surabala Sikshayatan for Girls’ School, scoring 42% in her Madhyamik examination in 2017 and 76% in her higher secondary exam in 2019. In 2023, she graduated with a Political Science degree, securing 66% marks.
Inspiration for Many
Lokman Mollah, a prominent social worker of Canning, acknowledged her resilience, saying, “Many talented students in the Sundarbans remain unnoticed due to financial constraints. Parvin Sultana is an example of how determination can overcome such obstacles.”
Parvin, who now aspires for higher education, expressed her concerns about financial difficulties. She said, “My father’s income is very low. If I get a job, I can fund my education. But I worry about my family’s financial situation. I don’t know if my dream will come true.”
Despite the hardships, Parvin managed to prepare for the ITI exam online, relying on support from her college teachers instead of hiring a private tutor. “I didn’t have a private tutor. My teachers helped me a lot. I want to study further and prove that girls are no longer behind in any field,” she said.
Recognition and Support
On Monday, Parvin was felicitated at a public reception organized at the Trinamool Congress (TMC) party office in Canning, led by MLA Paresh Ram Das. Her mother, Rijia Bibi, spoke about their financial struggles, stating, “She wants to pursue further studies, but higher education comes with significant financial challenges. Even though we wish to support her education, we lack the necessary financial resources.”
Additionally, Canning Panchayat Samiti President Uttam Das honored Parvin for her achievement. MLA Paresh Ram Das assured support. He mentioned, “Just as chief minister Mamata Banerjee supports meritorious students, we, too, stand with them.”
Aiming for Civil Services
Even after excelling in the ITI exam, Parvin’s ultimate ambition is to serve society by joining the civil services. She is now focused on preparing for competitive government exams, with hopes of joining the civil services. “I wasn’t sure what to study to secure a good government job,” she shared with eNewsroom.
“After clearing the ITI exam with good marks, many people advised me to prepare for the civil services. I realized that through the civil services, I could contribute to society. Now, I am enrolling in a coaching center in Kolkata to prepare for the exams,” Parvin added.
After returning fromDhaka: There was complete chaos outside the airport when I landed in Dhaka. The main highway did not have enough policemen. The friend who came to pick me up said that Dhaka’s traffic was being managed by locals and student volunteers. The air was thick and extremely polluted, similar to Delhi in the post-Diwali days. My friend took me to where I was staying and in between I saw walls painted, with Sheikh Hasina’s portraits torn and painted with black or with a cross mark over it. He showed me the ‘Gana Bhavan’, the official residence of the Prime Minister, which looked terrible and abandoned. A place which was the Centre of power in Dhaka has become its most unwanted place.
The State of Bangladesh’s Historic Monuments: A Betrayal of History
The next day, I decided to take a window tour of Dhaka and my friend took me to the Dhaka University Campus. I went to several departments but the crowd of students was swelling every moment, perhaps for the new admissions in several colleges. I wanted to see two historically important places in Dhaka. One was the Shaheed Minar, established to honour the martyrs of the Bengali Language Movement in 1952. Seven protesters were martyred and over 300 were injured in these movements which resulted in widespread anger against the domination of West Pakistan and Urdu language. This space was one of the most revered places in Bangladesh but today it looks completely abandoned, unwanted and ignored. Sadly, there was no information or notice near the memorial and layers of thick dust over the structure. It was a sad part though many youngsters were still coming and taking photographs there. The only visible change was an attempt to ‘rewrite’ Bangla history. Something was written in Arabic on the monument which reflected the times we were in at the moment. A monument that emerged purely on the Bangla language movement today feels betrayed at being ignored.
Bangla Language Movement: A Shift in Identity and Politics
A friend later explained to me that this is the supreme irony that the movement which started against the hegemony of the Urdu language today is witnessing the reversal. For the common discourse in Bangladesh, it was the Bangla language and most of the people were unfamiliar with Urdu or Arabic terms but today these terms are increasingly being used by a set of people to get more ‘connected’ to their Islamic identity, and Jamat-e-Islami kind of organisations are actively engaged in the ground and radicalizing the people and bringing the Arabic terms in the common parlance. When I asked my friend to talk to the auto driver about how his reaction to the Sheikh Hasina government, he responded, ‘Where was the need to promote ‘Joy Bangla’ and not encourage Islam? She did not encourage people to go to the mosque though he was upset with Jamaat-e-Islami for supporting Mohammad Yunus.
In the Dhaka University Campus, there is another historic building related to the Bangla Language Movement. This building is known as Curzon Hall, where the then Governor General of Pakistan, Mohammad Ali Jinnah addressed the gathering on March 19th, 1948. Addressing the gathering of students and intellectuals, Jinnah said,
‘There can, however, be one lingua franca, that is, the language for inter-communication between the various provinces of the state, and that language should be Urdu and cannot be any other. The state language, therefore, must be Urdu. Make no mistake about it. There can be only one state language, if the parts of this state are to march forward in unison and that language, in my opinion, can only be Urdu. At this point, loud protests of “No, no!” were heard in the hall. Jinnah, unaccustomed to people defying him, stayed silent for a few moments before resuming his speech. Pakistan’s leader spotted conspiracies to undo Pakistan. He went on to warn the students: beware of the fifth columnists among yourselves . . . guard against and weed out selfish people who only wish to exploit you so that they may swim . . . consolidate the Muslim League party which will serve and build up a really and truly great and glorious Pakistan. It was not Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s finest hour’.
Vidya Bhushan Rawat (left) with his friend Shah Mobin Jinnah at Krishna Rukmani Temple in Dinajpur | Arranged
From Language to Liberation: The Struggle for Bengali Identity
East Pakistan was far bigger in comparison to West Pakistan in terms of size and population but West Pakistan was politically powerful though numerically a minority and the democratic process made Awami League a hugely successful party to lead Pakistan. The elite Punjabi leadership of the military was not ready to share an inch with the politically powerful leadership from Eastern Pakistan. The reason for the military takeover in Pakistan since the beginning was the internal tug of war between the two ethnic nationalities of Muslims, the Bangla-speaking majority versus the Punjabi Urdu-speaking minority. The powerful military leadership of Western Pakistan never allowed the democratically elected representatives of East Pakistan and Awami League to lead the entire Pakistan since they were the biggest party that emerged after the general elections held on December 7th, 1970. These were the first general elections since the independence of Pakistan carried out for a total of 300 constituencies. Awami League won a total of 160 seats while Pakistan People’s Party won merely 80 seats. The leadership in Pakistan refused to accept the verdict and allowed the Awami League to form the government. This resulted in mass unrest in the entire Eastern Pakistan resulting in the massive military intervention by Pakistan and finally the rise of Bangladesh as an independent nation on March 26th, 1971. Today’s generation must understand the realities of those times and not look at the entire issue with a conspiracy theory. Jinnah’s inability to accept the two-language formula or imposition of the Urdu language on an unwanted Bengali people was a grave mistake but the bigger issue which that Pakistan’s elite leadership was never ready to work together as equal partners with East Bengal. So, from 1947 till 1971, East Pakistan or Bangla people faced the tyranny of the Pakistani elite and its imposition of law without allowing the democratic procedure and accepting the people’s mandate.
Unfortunately, that historic building where Jinnah spoke does not mention anything and is converted into the Department of Physics under Dhaka University. The campus has the remnants of the past glory but unfortunately, there was not much visible to preserve it as a historic monument. The college was closed and there was no way to even peep into the auditorium where Jinnah spoke.
Anyway, it is important to understand the historic Language Movement in East Pakistan at that time, which ultimately paved the way for a bigger national movement against the occupation and oppression of the Bengali people there. One just needs to look at the events that led to huge protests and rebellions in East Pakistan, to understand how majoritarianism crept into Pakistan’s elite class. Pakistan came into being with a religious identity which has a strong connection with the Urdu language too though in today’s Pakistan, it is languishing in comparison to the politically powerful Punjabi language.
On December 6th, 1947, in the first meeting of the Pakistan Constituent Assembly, the new members needed to take oath in either Urdu or English language. This was opposed by the members from East Bengal and Dhirendranath Dutta said that Bengali too should be included in the list as it was the largest speaking group in Pakistan. After the death of Liaqat Ali Khan, the new prime minister Khawaja Nizamuiddin too opposed the demand for another state language. Jinnah too had passed away in 1948 but the language movement was growing. On January 27th, 1952, the then Prime Minister Khwaja Nizamuddin visited Dhaka amidst huge protests. The protest reached an ultimate in February 1952 when the government tried to suppress it by all means and imposed Section 144 everywhere but the common people protested and came out. Many people were killed and many more injured in the police firing and hence this memorial is a true tribute to the Bangladesh Nationalist Movement.
Bangladesh’s history and culture are a great healer and truly liberal in a real sense. Unlike Pakistan, where the state felt proud of shedding its ancient heritage and adopting new names and identities for many things which had nothing in common with the local people, Bangladesh feels proud of its ancient heritage. The names of the places and towns remained mostly unchanged in Bangladesh so far. Bangladesh has consistently felt proud of the ‘Bangla’ identity, particularly its language but it is under threat now. Most of the global south ‘democracies’ are legitimate of the dictatorial regimes under the garb of democracy.
Hilsa being sold at a market in Bangladesh | Author
The Dangers of Majoritarianism: A Warning for Bangladesh and India
Identity, divisions, corruption, and compromised institutions, all work together to bring dictators to power in the name of ‘democracy’. The leaders remained in power for long resulting in a common hatred for not only the immediate beneficiaries but also their ancestors who used to be worshipped once. Many times, other forces who are isolated in national politics for their narrow agenda, too, jumped onto the bandwagon of popular resentment against a regime that is considered oppressive and autocratic. The legitimacy of religious rights through popular protest movements can become dangerous and therefore the mainstream political parties who feel proud of the plural or multicultural heritage of their country must remain vigilant and guarded. India saw that during the emergency when Jayaprakash Naraian’s movement against the oppressive and dictatorial rule of Indira Gandhi resulted in the mainstreamification of the RSS and Jansangh. Before that they rarely got an opportunity in the mainstream political forces in India but Anna Hazare’s movement in Delhi against ‘corruption’ in 2011 came on a ‘nonpolitical’ platform which damaged the ruling Congress party more than anything could have done. Actually, non-political or so-called Civil Society Revolutions started taking place in various countries including Egypt, Algeria and elsewhere. Most of these ‘revolutions’ were celebrated heavily on the ‘Western liberal media’ which always presented the ‘other’ countries as if they were brutal and barbaric. Anna’s ‘revolution’ was nothing but a counter-revolution against the growing demand for a share in power by the marginalized. Anna completely discredited Congress but the gain from the movement was not for any new party or democratic structure but more feudal, communal and thoroughly capitalist political forces in India led by the Hindutva elite. Coincidently, in Bangladesh, a regime change happened not politically but non politically but it got legitimacy as the regime headed by Sheikh Hasina was thoroughly discredited. All the global south democracies are imposed through a ‘Western legal system’ on people who have not accepted ‘individual’ and ‘privacy’ as ‘private matters’ and where ‘majoritarianism’ means no space for dissent and diversity. All these ‘democracies’ today are suffering because the ‘minorities’ have been ‘turned’ as the biggest obstacle to their ‘progress’. All our democracies suffer because we have no space for ‘multiculturalism’. The idea of a multicultural democracy is being deliberately failed to bring majoritarianism to right-wing capitalist leaders.
In India, the BJP reflected that idea of capitalism which comes through hardcore nationalism and in Bangladesh, a new nationalism is being defined by the Jamaat-e-Islami kind of forces which are active on the ground though on the ‘floor’ It looks how the fight was against the ‘corrupt’ Hasina government but the fact is Jamat might have merely a limited percentage of vote but the idea of Jamat is beginning to dictate the politics in Bangladesh.
Counter-Revolution and the Denigration of National Icons in Bangladesh
This new right-wing ‘nationalism’ is challenging the old multicultural nationalism through various means. The first casualty is the denigration of the nationalist icons and heroes of the ‘freedom movement’ or ‘liberation movement’. We have seen in India, the continuous assault on our structure and leaders such as Jawahar Lal Nehru. Bangladesh’s right wing targets Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman, a hero of the Bangla Liberation Movement. Interestingly, Sheikh Mujeeb’s status as the father of the nation in Bangladesh was challenged when Begum Khalida Zia was in power who felt it was General Ziaurrehman, who was the real father of the Bangla nation but after Sheikh Hasina came to power, she targeted Jamaat-e-Islami and all other forces, not politically but authoritarian means. Right-wing nationalism always thrives on the gaps and mistakes of the liberal democratic forces. Look at the United States. An autocratic leader like Donald Trump came to power under the pretext of bringing world peace and with the promises of ‘make America Great again’. Mohammad Yunus was brought to Bangladesh with the sole purpose of giving it the legitimacy of acceptance by the ‘Western World’ and allowing enough resources. Liberals in Bangladesh might suggest that the ‘revolution’ was ‘spontaneous’ and ‘secular’ but the facts are clear. If the Americans had not approved, it would not have happened. Any Islamic revolution would not find support in the Western world. Bangladesh’s economy is export-oriented and in the last 20 years, the country has liberalized a lot. A huge number of NGOs are there. Micro Credit is the buzzword even when research papers in the past have suggested how brutal, exploitative and extortionary is the entire system unleashed by Mohammad Yunus but the romantics in the Western World feel that it has ‘removed’ poverty and Bangladesh has become a powerful economy. Tragically, a majority of people drink bottled water and use tissue paper in restaurants and hotels even when the air quality and food quality remain compromised a lot. The water transport system is far superior but road transport, railways and air services have miles to go before they could be said to be comfortable and people friendly. There is no doubt that there was a popular resentment against Sheikh Hasina but it is also a fact that Americans and the Western world have always manipulated public opinion and narrative to suit the illegitimate acts of ‘people’ wherever and whenever it is difficult to defeat a leader politically. The American administration under Donald Trump is claiming that the regime change in Bangladesh was done at the behest of USAID and other foundations by Clinton and Obama.
A couple of days back we saw a crowd of unruly mobs burn the historical building where Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibburrahman used to live. The museum was already put to ashes during the so-called revolution. There were no efforts to stop the criminals from doing so. The government has already, through various notifications and Gazetteers, given amnesty to those involved in violent acts during the anti-Sheikh Hasina government movements. During my trip to Bangladesh, I travelled to various places and saw beautiful artwork, and paintings of students on the walls, and streets. They put their heart into it and the vision seen in that was that of a cohesive Bangladesh which respects freedom and allows each citizen to flourish. At the same point in time, I saw portraits of the blackened faces of Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman at various places. It may be true that Sheikh Hasina was authoritarian but does that give people the right to demolish the memory of a freedom movement? How great is it to denigrate the leader of the Liberation Movement? Does it solve the purpose or does it reflect that Bangladesh is passing through the same counter-revolution which believes in deleting ‘history’ or considers that part of history which involved all communities and people as against the Islamic Forces? So essentially, nothing wrong in protesting against an authoritarian government but when you denigrate the leaders of your freedom movement then it makes it look as if a counter-revolution is happening that hates the philosophy of that movement which was the hallmark of the Bangla identity and truly revolutionary against an authoritarian Pakistani regime which refused to accept people’s mandate and wanted to impose one nation one language one idea philosophy on the people of East Pakistan. It was resisted and people ultimately defeated the brutal and repressive Pakistani government. An ideal thing in the movement could have been, to ‘liberate’ Sheikh Mujeeb from Sheikh Haseena and embrace his inclusive idealism that shaped Bangladesh’s national identity.
Vidya Bhushan Rwat (third from left) in a marriage in Bangladesh | Arranged
The Irony of Revolution: Denying the Legacy of Liberation in Bangladesh
It is a supreme irony that in almost all the global southern countries, most of the heroes of anti-colonial movements turned dictators once they became leaders of their own countries. It is also a fact that most of these ‘dictators’ were patronized by the Western world and could face their wrath only when their interests clashed. Now, direct military interventions were proving to be a bad ‘advertisement’ for the Western ‘democratic models’, hence ‘spontaneous’ protests and mobilisations through ‘social media’ narratives led to ‘people’s ‘revolution’. Unfortunately, all this is happening due to fragile institutional mechanisms that protect our democracies. All these institutions have become subservient to ‘messianic’ leaders of our nations and have polarized even the bureaucrats on ethnic, communities’ lines. So, a revolution or deemed revolution is again bound to fail if those in power try to remain there and find a pretext to stop the democratic decentralization or devolution of power.
Bangladesh’s ‘Democracy’ and the Struggle for Multicultural Identity
Bangladesh has still not handled the issue of the Adivasis and Dalits. The Rohingyas have been settled in the Tribal regions despite protests and disapproval by the indigenous communities. In the north of the country, the relationship between the majority of Muslims and Hindus remains tense in the aftermath of the ‘revolution’. Every Hindu today is a suspect because it is ‘assumed’ that all of them supported the Awami League and Sheikh Hasina. A majority of the commoners that I spoke with during my journey felt sympathies with Sheikh Hasina and they were not Hindus but Muslims. A Hindu young worker in the northern region of Dinajpur said that the pressure has increased on them and local mafias call community leaders and threaten them to leave their houses. A number of the Hindus have left their homes and migrated to India, he said. Only those who are well-connected politically are now safe. Of course, it is also true that over all the animosity or tensions are never reflected on the ground.
Shared Cultural Heritage and the Future of Bangladesh
At Dinajpur, I was taken to a wedding by my friend Shah Mohammad Jinnah. This marriage was in his relations and it was a reception. The bride wore a beautiful Saree with her husband and several women in the gathering were wearing Saree. Jinnah said that a large number of people are Hindus, particularly Marwaris. I asked, do they eat the food here? Jinnah told me that they had decided that since this gathering would have several people from non-Muslim backgrounds hence they only serve chicken or goat Briyani. It was nice to see people greeting the bride and groom in a very similar fashion as happens in our part of the world.
Well, this is a reality even today in Bangladesh but people will resist if attempts are made to change these kinds of things which are our common cultural heritage. Bangladesh has a glorious past. It has numerous historical places, Buddhist ruins and Hindu temples. There will be forces who would be happy to put it under a theocratic idea which has been alien to it. India needs to be careful about it. India should not be seen as siding with political parties. Yes, anything that happens in our neighbourhood will always be important for us but at the same point in time, we need to respect people’s mandate. I Hope Bangladesh will have a people’s government through free and fair polls and will give opportunity to all to get involved in the nation-building process. Meanwhile, India and South Asia would do well to connect through people-to-people dialogue at the cultural level. Our destiny is to live and enjoy our shared cultural history. Let us not allow forces who want to divide us and reap rich harvests by creating hatred against one another. Let us learn from history. Don’t denigrate your icons of history. They may all have issues and are in the past. Learn from their mistakes and move ahead. A sectarian and narrow communal idea will never take us forward and will be detrimental to our national good.
Kolkata: The Department of Biological Sciences at Aliah University successfully concluded its first National Conference on Emerging Trends in Biological Research (ETBR), a two-day event held from February 5–6, 2025. The conference, sponsored by the Department of Biotechnology (DBT), Government of India, brought together over 70 participants from more than 15 universities across the country, highlighting the growing importance of academic collaboration in the field of biological sciences.
The conference was inaugurated by Prof Rafikul Islam, Vice Chancellor of Aliah University, who underscored the significance of academic networking and collaboration in scientific research. In his address, he urged young researchers to aim for high-quality publications in internationally renowned journals, emphasizing the need for rigorous research to meet global standards. Prof Islam also highlighted the role of such conferences in fostering interdisciplinary learning and knowledge exchange.
Distinguished guests at the inaugural session included Professor Parveen Ahamed Alam (Registrar), Professor Nargis Ahamed (Dean of Science and Technology), and Dr Mehboob Hoque (Head of the Department of Biological Sciences). The event’s chief guest, Prof Biswanath Chakraborty, a retired professor from North Bengal University, lauded the initiative, emphasizing the importance of such platforms in motivating and guiding young minds across the country. Prof Chakraborty noted that the ETBR conference provides an essential avenue for young researchers to interact with established experts and gain valuable insights into the latest trends in biological research.
A key highlight of the inaugural session was the release of the Abstract Book, which showcased the conference’s research highlights, offering a glimpse into the diverse research topics being pursued by young scientists in India.
The conference featured prominent keynote speakers, including Professor Nahid Ali from the Indian Institute of Chemical Biology (IICB), Kolkata, and Professor Sujoy Kumar Das Gupta from Bose Institute. Both speakers shared their cutting-edge research and insights into current biological challenges and the emerging trends that are shaping the field.
Over the course of the two days, 12 distinguished speakers from prestigious institutions such as Jamia Millia Islamia University, IISER Kolkata, Presidency University, and NIAB Hyderabad, presented their work, further enriching the discourse and providing a comprehensive understanding of the evolving biological research landscape.
The event was organized by the Department of Biological Sciences, Aliah University, and was coordinated by the conference’s organizing committee, led by Dr Safdar, Dr Masrur, Dr Zakir, Dr Saadi, Dr Hoda, and Dr Kabita.
This conference marks a significant milestone in fostering academic excellence and research collaboration in biological sciences, setting the stage for future interactions among the next generation of scientific leaders in India.
