Villagers claim they were forced to become witnesses in Latehar fake encounter case

Freshly Brewed

Nazish Hussain

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June 26, 2021

Villagers claim they were forced to become witnesses in Latehar fake encounter case

Ranchi: On 12 June, at the Ganaikad hamlet of Piri village in Latehar, Jharkhand 24-year-old Brahmadev Singh was shot dead by the Central forces. The 214 Battalion CRPF was in joint action with 03 Cobra and Jharkhand Jaguar. The family of Brahmadev claims he left his home with others to go animal hunting for the Sarhul festival when the forces fired at him.

“He never went to the jungle usually. It was for sarhul he was going hunting with others. He did not even reach the jungle. He was just a few yards away from the home when they fired at him,” tells his uncle Sohrai to eNewsroom. In the firing by the force, Dinanath also got hurt who was accompanying Brahmadev. After the firing, police detained five other men of the village.

Tribals in a group were going for traditional animal hunting to celebrate. They were carrying ‘Bhartua Gun’ which is made locally to scare away animals or hunt small prey. Brahmadev and five others Raghunath Singh (40), Rajeshwar Singh (52), Dinenath Singh (25), Sukhdev Singh (45) and Gobind Singh (35). Brahmadev and Dinenath were ahead when they saw the force and they signaled others to step back. The men behind started running at that moment the force started firing from the other side.

Speaking with eNewsroom, Manoj Dutt, an independent journalist who went to the village said, “Brahmadev and others had raised their hand placing the gun down and shouted they are common people, not Maoists. They requested not to shoot but the firing continued. Brahmadev got a bullet and fell to the ground. The forces then lifted him and took to the other side and shot him again. They also tried to change his clothes.”

On 13 June, villagers including Sohrai Tharwar and Bindeshwar Singh from the Piri village reached the police station for the release of villagers detained after the incident.

Sohrai, a relative of Brahmadev, informed that police have falsely named him and Bindeshwar as eyewitnesses of the incident. “As they had taken five people, we went to Latehar on 13 June for their release. There at the police station, they made us sign the paper and asked if we had come for guns or the people. To which we said we want people. When we requested to know what was written on the paper before signing they refused to let us read it. They also made us sign other plain sheets,” alleged Sohrai.

Both claimed that they were not present at the spot where the incident happened. “We live three kilometers away from the place of the incident. We were not present there when the shooting happened. We got to know of the incident several hours later when the word spread and people started talking about the killing of Brahmadev,” says Bindeshwar. Raising his objection he continued “It is a complete fabrication. So we want our names to be removed. By falsely naming us witnesses they are trying to sell their narrative.”

The fact-finding team of Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha too found that there is a contradiction in the FIR done by police and testimonies of the villagers.

The FIR states that several companies of central forces as well as Cobra and Jharkhand Jaguar went to Kuru-Piri forest on the tip-off of the movement of one CPI Maoist leader Chhotu Kharwar. While returning from the jungle, force personnel saw a dozen armed men and asked them to surrender. According to the FIR, they did not surrender and opened fire. After this, the force retaliated.

Whereas, the villagers claim that the tribal group kept shouting that they are innocent but forces shot. When Brahmadev fell after being hit by the bullet, then forces took his body at the edge of the hill and shot him again.

“Our immediate demand from the state government is to cancel the FIR registered in this case, as then the victims’ families will never get justice. A fresh FIR should get lodged which should include family versions,” said Siraj Dutta, a member of the fact-finding team.

Piri village has a population of around 100 families. The area doesn’t have any proper road connectivity, electricity or mobile network.

Significantly, villagers claim that they have not seen any movement of Maoists in the area in the recent past.

Brahmadev who worked as an auto-driver is now survived by his wife and a one-year-old child. Villagers demand justice for Brahmadev. “They must provide adequate compensation to his family and give a job to his wife,” demanded Bindeshwar.

DIG R K Lakra told eNewsroom that a case has been filed and CID is now investigating the matter.

However, Dutta added, “CID inquiry is not enough. We want from the Hemant Soren government that there should be a judicial probe under a high court judge into the matter.”

In 2017 also, a tribal of Pirtand village Motilal Baske was killed, who was termed a Naxal leader by the forces. The matter was raised by JMM and Giridih MLA Sudivya Kumar also highlighted it then and later when the Mahagathbandhan government got formed, but Baske family is still waiting for justice.

USCIRF expresses grave concern over Love Jihad law, mosque demolitions, hate speech against minorities in Uttar Pradesh

Freshly Brewed

ScribeShah

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June 21, 2021

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USCIRF expresses grave concern over Love Jihad law, mosque demolitions, hate speech against minorities in Uttar Pradesh

Washington, D.C: Right from the time that the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power in Uttar Pradesh, the state has become another laboratory for Hindutva politics in India. Several discriminatory laws were passed and violence was unleashed upon the minorities. Now with the UP assembly polls approaching, new cases of lynching, mosque demolitions and communal violence is being witnessed across the state.

However, amid all, the new law criminalizing inter-religious marriages in India’s Uttar Pradesh state on grounds of “unlawful religious conversions” is both discriminatory and is directly impacting the religious freedom, stated an official associated with the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).

The Briefing, titled “State Repression on Civil Liberties in Uttar Pradesh,” was attended by policy staff of Members of US Congress and officials from the US Department of State, among others. It was organized by Amnesty International USA (AIUSA), Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR), India Civil Watch International (ICWI), Dalit Solidarity Forum (DSF), International Christian Concern (ICC), Justice for All (JFA), and Federation of Indian American Christian Organizations of North America (FIACONA).

“It often results in violence and [abets] efforts to prohibit interfaith marriages using the false narrative of false conversions,” Niala Mohammad, Senior Policy Analyst, USCIRF, said at a Congressional Briefing at Washington, D.C., this week. The law was “particularly concerning not just for its discriminatory purpose but also because of its vague and… potentially wide-reaching impacts on religious freedoms in the state.”

“Hindu nationalists have launched inflammatory campaigns decrying interfaith relationships or engagement, including calling for boycotts and censorship’s of media depictions of interfaith relationships. These efforts targeting and de-legitimizing interfaith relationships have led to attacks and arrest of non-Hindus and violence towards any interfaith interaction,” she mentioned.

Niala said the demolition of two mosques in Uttar Pradesh last month, one by officials defying a court order, was “particularly alarming for USCIRF.” Indian Supreme Court’s verdict last year handing the site of a mosque, demolished in 1992 by Hindu extremists, for building a Hindu temple in its place, was also alarming, she added. USCIRF was “concerned about religious freedom conditions in India, particularly in Uttar Pradesh.”

Niala pointed out that India’s restrictions on foreign funding of NGOs has impacted religious freedoms in UP with the result that “religious minority rights violation is occurring frequently and civil society lacks the freedom to document these or raise voice against them.”

Niala said, disinformation and “intolerant content” about Muslims, Christians, Dalits had “emboldened intimidation, harassment and created incidents of mob violence.” She cited “hateful rhetoric” from government officials and images circulated on social media at the start of the Covid-19 pandemic last year for spreading such hate.

imaginary love jihad uttar pradesh minorities USCIRF hate speech mosque demolitions — Courtesy | The Quint

Govind Acharya, India Specialist with Amnesty International USA, referenced the brutal police attack at Aligarh Muslim University, a historic educational institution in Uttar Pradesh, following peaceful protests against the CAA-NRC. Amnesty’s investigation showed that the police blocked ambulances, he said. “The crackdown at AMU and other parts of Uttar Pradesh is one way to violate human rights using police brutality during the CAA protests.”

Joining the briefing from Uttar Pradesh’s capital city of Lucknow, human rights activist and Magsaysay Award winner, Sandeep Pandey said Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s government had turned Uttar Pradesh into a “police state where every problem is viewed as a law and order problem and functions in a way in which victims are made into accused and ordinary citizens are criminalized.”

He recalled that UP Police killed 22 Muslims, many in firing on protesters who had hit the streets against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) “which were perceived to be discriminatory in nature especially against the Muslim community… Over 700 people were arrested on charges of destruction of property, rioting and attempt to murder in what were mostly false cases.”

Nikhil Mandalaparthy, Advocacy Director, HfHR, said the “love Jihad” laws had “led to mass arrests of young Muslim men and empowered Hindu extremist groups to carry on attacks.”

Hena Zuberi, Washington, D.C. Director for JFA, said the BJP had “used communalism and anti-Muslim rhetoric in the past and that rhetoric has led to the attacks and deaths.” Citing lawsuits against mosques across Uttar Pradesh, she said such “petitions will evolve as an issue in central politics and we feel these will be used by the BJP to attract the majority Hindu population and cause violence against the Muslim community and their places of worship.”

John Prabhudoss, FIACONA Chairman, said Christian organizations were “literally choking” in Uttar Pradesh as “village churches are being burnt and [Christian] families are beaten.” Many lawyers defending such victims were being targeted and had gone into hiding, he added.

Roja Singh, DSF President, said dominant caste members were assaulting Dalits in Uttar Pradesh to wield power. “Anti-Dalit violence, including rapes, which has one of the highest crime rates against Dalits, is a manifestation of entitlement and ownership of Dalit bodies.”

Joining the Briefing from New Delhi, Indian journalist and author Bhasha Singh said Uttar Pradesh had become “an ideal laboratory” for converting India into a Hindu nation in which “there should be no dissent, no space for a woman, no space for a dalit, for a minority, there is no space to express or to do their rightful duties.”

That is why, Niala added, USCIRF had recommended that the US Department of State designate India as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC), for “engaging in and tolerating systemic, ongoing and egregious violation of religious freedom,” and “impose targeted sanctions on individuals and entities responsible for severe violations of religious freedom by freezing those individuals’ or entities’ assets and/or barring their entry into the United States.”

For these legends, age is just a number

Opinion

ScribeShah

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June 18, 2021

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Old age was an indecent state that had to be ended before it was too late…at eighty-one years of age, Dr Urbino had enough lucidity to realize that he was attached to this world by a few slender threads….

Love in the Time of Cholera

Gabriel García Márquez

We generally associate old age with inertia, purposelessness and intimations of mortality. There is a general belief that once you cross seventy-five years, you experience cognitive decline. But that is not always true. For 95-year-old former Indonesian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, age is just a number and it has made no difference to his political ambition. Last year he launched his new party with renewed vigour. In India, the octogenarian Metroman, Dr Elattuvalapil Sreedharan (88), kicked off his new innings as a politician in Kerala in February this year. These octogenarians are focusing on their work without the pitfalls of impatience and cynicism.

Those at the other end of the age spectrum with advancing age are more often than not stereotyped as petulant and cynical, who are content to spend their time watching the world go by. Most of them have a tendency to look back on the past and hold regrets. In the poem, ‘Gerontion’, T.S. Eliot referred to old age as something which is undesirable, as it brings in its wake bitterness and the struggle to make sense of one’s life. Similarly, in the poem, Sailing to Byzantium, W.B. Yeats says that once a person crosses the line into old age, he tends to become as worthless and helpless “like a scarecrow”.

Be that as it may, there are numerous instances of politicians, writers, musician and painters who have faced the insidious snares of old age with rare courage and determination.

Last year, during the presidential campaign in the US, both the Presidential candidates, Bernie Sanders (78) and Joe Biden (77) were considered “too old” to run the country, so much so that a magazine in the United States ran a feature that labelled the 2020 race “the dementia campaign.” Biden hit back at his critics, saying that he was in fine fettle, offering as evidence a doctor’s report and a claim that he could do forty-four push-ups. No wonder, he had the last laugh as he went on to become the 46^th president of the United States.

Two thousand years ago, Plutarch of Chaeronea, a Greek philosopher of the Roman empire, wrote an essay entitled, “Should an old man engage in politics?” Plutarch knew that mental and physical decline comes with age. After all, he wrote his essay at the age of seventy and showed a keen interest in local politics. Plutarch believed that old men should never shy away from participating in politics. He also believed that in the case of older politicians, their greatest asset is not the “wisdom that comes with age, but the composure that comes with experience.”

Morarji Desai happens to be the only Indian politician to become prime minister at the age of 81. In 1977, Desai took the oath of office as the fourth Prime Minister and led the government formed by the Janata Party. He died at the age of 99 in 1995.

Besides politicians, there are instances of writers, singers and painters too, who, despite their advancing years, discovered sources of serendipity and mined a rich seam of creativity in their works. At the age of 96, writer Harry Bernstein earned belated literary fame with his memoir. Famous American singer-songwriter and Nobel Prize winner, Bob Dylan, who recently turned 80, is still going great guns. Having penned more than 600 songs in his career, these days, since he can’t hold a guitar, Dylan performs propped up by a piano.

Back home, writers like Nirad C. Chaudhary and Khushwant Singh, defying the tyranny of age, kept on producing works of rare literary merit till their death. Their advancing age hardly blunted their creative edge. If there is one writer in India who continues to write with rare maniacal energy and unflagging zeal, it is none other than the venerable and prolific Ruskin Bond. His latest book, based on some of his memorable short stories, was released on his 87^th birthday in May 19. The effervescent Bond, who lives with his adopted family in Landour, Mussoorie’s lvy Cottage, finds his zest for living undiminished. He is happy, as always, living close to nature.

For the creatively inclined, age is never a restrictive factor. Instead of being snuffed out like a candle, they blaze and shine like a meteor. Painters and writers like Picasso, Tagore, Michelangelo, Bach, Goethe, Stravinsky, to name but a few utilised their advancing years by pushing the envelope of creativity. It is never too late to start something new. Rabindranath Tagore developed an interest in painting at the age of 63 and, like poetry and prose, proved his remarkable mastery over this medium as well. Dylan Thomas once wrote …, “old age should burn and rave at close of day; Rage, rage against the dying of the light.”

महाराष्ट्र: कोरोना महामारी की मार से त्रस्त सोनगीर के बर्तन कारीगर

ScribeShah

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June 17, 2021

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महाराष्ट्र: कोरोना महामारी की मार से त्रस्त सोनगीर के बर्तन कारीगर

महाराष्ट्र में धुले के करीब सोनगीर तांबे और पीतल के बर्तनों के लिए देश भर में जाना जाता है। करोना संक्रमण के कारण सख्त लॉकडाउन आपदा और मंदी के कारण यहां पिछले एक साल से काम प्रभावित हुआ है। वहीं, बरसात के दिनों में तांबा काला पड़ने से कारीगरों द्वारा बर्तन बनाने का काम रोक दिया जाता है। ऐसे में यहां बर्तन कारीगरों और व्यवसायिकों के सामने आजीविका का संकट गहरा गया है।

हालात इतने खराब हैं कि इस क्षेत्र से जुड़े अधिकतर परिवार अपना पुश्तैनी धंधा छोड़ने के लिए मजबूर हैं। ये लोग अब दो जून की रोटी के लिए नए काम ढूंढ़ रहे हैं।

सोनगीर में तांबा-पीतल बर्तनों के व्यवसाय से जुड़े अविनाश कासर कहते हैं, “यहां कारीगरों की माली हालत कोई खास अच्छी नहीं है। वे कई महीनों तक खाली नहीं बैठ सकते हैं। आजकल तांबे और पीतल के बर्तनों की मांग न होने से पूरा कारोबार मंद पड़ गया है।”

अविनाश बताते हैं कि पिछले वर्ष की तरह इस बार भी यहां के बर्तन कारोबारियों को करोड़ों रुपए का नुकसान उठाना पड़ेगा। वहीं, सोनगीर के सैकड़ों कारीगरों को अपनी घर-गृहस्थी बचाने के लिए काम की सख्त जरूरत है। लेकिन, इस आपदा में नया काम मिलना आसान नहीं रह गया है।

लॉकडाउन आपदा

दूसरी तरफ, सोनगीर से तांबे और पीतल के बर्तन राज्य से बाहर भी जाते हैं। लेकिन, लॉकडाउन के कारण उपजे वित्तीय संकट में माल की आवाजाही संबंधी गतिविधियां भी ठप रही हैं। लिहाजा, कुशल श्रमिकों की आजीविका पर इसका बहुत बुरा प्रभाव पड़ा है। सोनगीर में तांबे और पीतल के बर्तन बनाने के व्यवसाय से सीधे तौर पर पांच सौ से अधिक कारीगर परिवार हैं। इसके अलावा, लगभग ढाई सौ छोटे व्यापारी और बर्तन की दुकान कर्मचारी जुड़े हुए हैं। कई कारीगर बताते हैं कि उन्होंने बर्तन बनाने की कला के अलावा कोई दूसरा काम नहीं किया है। लेकिन, अब वे जीविका चलाने के लिए मजदूरी करने को तैयार हैं।

सतीश कासर बताते हैं कि यहां तांबे-पीतल के बर्तन बनाने और बेचने वाले कारीगर तांबट, बागडी और गुजराती कसार समुदाय का पारंपरिक व्यवसाय माना जाता है। हालांकि, पिछले कुछ समय से अन्य समुदाय से जुड़े परिवार भी इस काम में सक्रिय हुए हैं। लिहाजा, इस धंधे में बहुत अधिक प्रतिस्पर्धा आ गई है। इसलिए, बर्तन बनाने से लेकर उनकी उचित कीमत पाने तक अब बहुत अधिक संघर्ष करना पड़ रहा है और उन्हें पहले की तरह मुनाफा नहीं मिल पा रहा है।

दरअसल, स्टील के बर्तनों में आने और मशीनरी के अत्याधिक प्रयोग के कारण इस क्षेत्र से जुड़े कारीगर और व्यवसायिकों की आर्थिक स्थिति पहले से ही खराब चल रही थी। ऐसे में लॉकडाउन के कारण उत्पादन और व्यवसाय महीनों तक बंद रहा। इसके चलते बाजार में मंदी छाई हुई है।

लेकिन, मुसीबत यहीं समाप्त नहीं हुईं। लॉकडाउन और मंदी के बाद बरसात शुरू हो गई। इस मौसम में तांबे के बर्तन काले हो जाते हैं। इसलिए, उन्हें बनाने का काम रोक दिया जाता है। स्पष्ट है कि दिवाली तक काम बंद रहेगा। यही वजह है कि तांबे और बर्तन बनाने वाले कारीगर के सामने जीने का संकट और अधिक गहरा गया है। ऐसी स्थिति में उनके सामने सवाल हैं कि वे कहां जाएंगे और क्या करेंगे। इस तरह, इस बुरे दौर में उन्हें उनके परिवार को सुरक्षित और संभालना सबसे बड़ी चुनौती बन गई है।

बता दें कि इस क्षेत्र के कई व्यापारी लंबे समय से सोनगीर के कारीगरों से थोक में बर्तन खरीदकर देश की दूसरी जगहों पर बेचते रहे हैं। यहां पहले सिर्फ बर्तन कारीगर होते थे। बाद में कई कारीगर व्यापारी भी हो गए। बर्तनों के लिए आवश्यक कच्चा माल पुणे, भंडारा, इंदौर और उज्जैन सहित कई अन्य शहरों से मंगाया जाता है।

इस क्षेत्र से जुड़े लोग बताते हैं कि सोनगीर के बर्तनों की अच्छी मांगी के पीछे वजह यह है कि यहां तैयार बर्तन टिकाऊ, मजबूत और आकर्षक होते हैं। शादियों में इन बर्तनों की मांग सबसे ज्यादा होती है। इसके अलावा, दिवाली-दशहरा में भी खासी मांग होती है। राज्य के खानदेश अंचल में भी बर्तनों से जुड़े सबसे अधिक कारीगर और व्यापारी सोनगीर से ही हैं। वहीं, रोजगार की तलाश में कई कारीगर दूर-दराज की जगहों पर जाकर बस गए और जहां-तहां अपनी आजीविका चला रहे हैं।

यह मुख्य रूप से मांग के अनुसार तांबे और पीतल की धातु से परात, लोटा, गुंड, कलश, कटोरे और बाल्टी जैसे बर्तन तैयार किए जाते हैं। यहां के कारीगरों द्वारा बनाई गए कलश देश के अधिकांश प्रमुख मंदिरों पर लगे हैं। हालांकि, कोरोना और आगे अनेक तरह की आशंकाओं के कारण इन कारीगरों से बर्तन व्यापारियों और उपभोक्ताओं की दूर बनी हुई है। वहीं, विवाहों की रौनक छिन जाने की वजह से भी यहां का बर्तन कारोबार उभर नहीं पा रहा है।

सोनगीर का तांबा कारोबार

तांबा कच्चा माल: 480 रुपये प्रति किलो

तैयार बर्तन: 580 रुपये प्रति किलो

कुल कारीगर: 500

स्थानीय व्यापारी: 20

व्यवसाय पर निर्भर परिवार: 200

We will not let the people of Bengal be slaves: Mamata Banerjee on dividing Bengal

ScribeShah

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June 16, 2021

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We will not let the people of Bengal be slaves: Mamata Banerjee on dividing Bengal

Kolkata: Since the mandate of Bengal assembly polls was delivered in May, Bharatiya Janata Party, who has been drubbed in the election raised several issues, from communalizing post poll violence to going to the High Court to oppose bail of TMC’s Narada accused leaders and are now raising a demand for a separate North Bengal state.

But, it seems, like two other times, this time again, it did not go well and put the party leaders on the defensive.

Central BJP leaders including president JP Nadda had held a virtual meeting with the party’s district chiefs in Bengal on Sunday. Sources said, some district chiefs in north Bengal had flagged alleged infiltration from Bangladesh and attacks on party workers in the region and underscored north Bengal’s strategic importance.

According to The Telegraph report, a BJP insider said, “The district chiefs told the central leaders that if north Bengal was declared a Union Territory, those issues could be addressed. They also mentioned that the party enjoyed considerable support in north Bengals was evident from the 2019 Lok Sabha polls and the recent Assembly elections”, said a BJP insider.

A vernacular daily in Kolkata also reported that BJP leaders have written a letter to the central government seeking the same.

But a new spectre of separating north Bengal has been strongly condemned by chief minister Mamata Banerjee. The chief minister was livid. Reacting sharply on the topic, she said, “There is no difference between north and south Bengal as both are part of West Bengal. There is no discrimination. We will not have anyone play the divide-and-rule here.”

She said that no such thing can be done without the knowledge of the state government. “If the BJP thinks they will sell Jalpaiguri or Alipurduar or Cooch Behar or Darjeeling, it is not that easy. They are unable to control Delhi. What does it mean to have a union territory? Are they planning to muzzle the voice of people just like Kashmir or put people under house arrest and take away their basic rights?” she asked.

The three-times chief minister wondered aloud who is going to benefit from such a move. “Who is going to benefit by dividing Bengal? They (the BJP) lost the elections here but have no shame. If they have their evil eyes on us, then the people of Bengal will give a fitting reply to them. Both the parts of Bengal are dear to me; they are like two daughters.”

Making a strong case for North Bengal, Mamata Banerjee said, “Our government has worked a lot in North Bengal. Some people have only lies to cater to and want the territory to be in their direct control. We will not let the people of Bengal be slaves. We strongly condemn the demand of the BJP. I’m sure the central leaders are part of the scheme or else they cannot dare to think like this.”

The defensive BJP leaders now claim that it is a hoax and fake news. Manoj Tigga, BJP legislator from Madarihat in North Bengal said that he wasn’t aware of any demand of a separate state or territory by his party colleagues and is not aware of any letter to the central government.

Terming it as a “hoax”, West Bengal BJP general secretary Sayantan Basu said that BJP was never in favour of creating a separate Gorkhaland and also that the saffron camp will never indulge in “fragmentation of West Bengal”.

BJP’s Bengal vice-president Raju Banerjee rubbished the news as “fake”. Instead, he said, “This is not at all a BJP call but was intentionally floated by the Trinamool to malign the saffron camp in the state.”

Meet the Pakistani director, who used a Rabindrasangeet in her TV serial

Let There Be Light

ScribeShah

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June 15, 2021

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Meet the Pakistani director, who used a Rabindrasangeet in her TV serial

Kolkata: About a week back, Bengalis on social media were pleasantly surprised by the emergence of a video clip where a beautiful girl is seen singing “amaro porano jaha chay”, one of Rabindranath Tagore’s most popular compositions, as an equally handsome young man listens with eyes wide open. This romantic situation is as common for Bengalis as mustard oil to cook hilsa, albeit these were Pakistani actors Yumna Zaidi and Feroze Khan. They were speaking in Urdu but the song was in impeccable Bangla, that too, a Rabindrasangeet! The clip soon went viral among Bengalis. Sure there were doubters who asked if it was a carefully done deep fake, but enterprising Bengalis soon found out that it was actually a scene from Geo TV’s 2019 serial Dil Kya Kare. They even found that director Mehreen Jabbar had herself posted another sequence on Instagram, where Yumna is seen singing the other part of the same song.

It was enough to make everyone in Bengal curious about Mehreen. How did a Pakistani lady like her come to know of a Rabindrasangeet? Who sang the song for her? Why did she decide to use a Bangla song in an Urdu serial? And, of course, that question every Bengali asks at the drop of a hat: is Mehreen somehow connected to Bengal?

She not only answered those, taking time out of her busy schedule, but also spoke about the subcontinent’s shared cultural heritage and how politics often makes us forget how similar we, the people of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, are. Excerpts from the exclusive interview to eNewsroom:

How did you find Rabindranath Tagore? I know you have worked with people like Debajyoti Mishra and Nandita Das but is there a bigger Bengal connection that led you to him?

I found this piece because my friend Sharvari Deshpande [Indian actor and singer], who sang it, was in New York some years back, and she had sung it at a gathering. I was immediately drawn to the song even though I didn’t understand the words. Later, I got her to send the translations to me and I totally fell in love with it, knew that I wanted to use it in the serial because it gelled well with the character of Yumna Zaidi. Therefore, I asked Sharvari to record it and send it to me.

Have you read Rabindranath in original or via translation? Has he become a habit for you or do you read him/listen to his songs occasionally?

I had never read him either in original or through translation, so it was a discovery for me as well. Going forward, I’m intrigued and curious because I simply fell in love with him. This is an education for me, which I hope to take farther.

What prompted you to use a Rabindrasangeet in an Urdu serial?

It was purely an emotional response. I loved the song so much and by pure luck, it was fitting in really well with two or three scenes I used the piece in. It wasn’t in the script to start with. I think that came about later, when I was going through the story [by Asma Nabeel], and felt at these places this would be the most appropriate piece to use.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by Mehreen Jabbar (@mehreenjabbarofficial)

Is it common among Pakistani youth to sing Rabindrasangeet? Do they really sing them among themselves as shown in the serial?

Unfortunately, it’s not that common unless people have family who are Bengali, or lived in Bangladesh, or know about West Bengal. I’m sure there are such people in Pakistan but I haven’t been part of any such gathering. So, this was a new situation that we depicted.

You were born the year Bangladesh seceded from Pakistan and became an independent country. The conflict started over the use of Urdu over Bangla in the then east Pakistan. There is still some antipathy towards Urdu at least in my part of Bengal because of that. This is partly why Bengalis in West Bengal are euphoric seeing these clips. Almost every media platform has done a story on this. People here want to know if Pakistan has got over its cultural opposition to Bangla. To be specific, was the use of Rabindrasangeet received well, or did you face problems for using a Bangla song in your work?

Unfortunately, the younger lot in Pakistan, including me, never heard much discussion about 1971. There wasn’t much examination of the incidents either. With the result that there is no opposition to using Bangla, or any preconceived notion about it. They (the youth) are very open. Unfortunately, there hasn’t been enough cultural exchange with Bangla as opposed to Bollywood cinema, which is very popular in Pakistan. Because people can easily understand Hindi. Having said that, I think there’s great scope for exploring this aspect. There was no problem using Bangla at all, and in future I really doubt there would be.

Dil Kya Kare was aired in 2019. After the “amaro porano jaha chay” clip, a few other clips have emerged of other Pakistani serials where Bangla songs, not Rabindrasangeet, have been used. Can you tell me how long has this been going on and what is the reason? I mean, is there a sizeable Bangla-speaking audience in Pakistan? Or is it done to attract spectators from Bangladesh or West Bengal, keeping in mind this is the age of OTT platforms?

I would love to see the other clips where Bangla songs have been used in Pakistani serials. I think that is fantastic. I’m not personally aware of it. It’s incredible if that’s happened. But when I used this song, there was no motive in mind. It was just a beautiful rendition by Sharvari, and it went well with the story. That was the main reason. I’m just very happy that so many years after the serial was aired, it has been noticed and appreciated. That is really heart-warming to realise that.

Last question. How difficult is it for today’s artists to proactively share the cultural legacy of the subcontinent? Are there social or political obstacles? If the answer is yes, then do you see a light at the end of the tunnel?

It’s a good question. It’s unfortunate that one of the first casualties of differences between governments are the artists. They should be the last ones affected. It’s funny that trade goes on, other exchanges go on but the artists on all three sides are always marginalised. That is unfortunate. However, there are people who are still trying to collaborate. As you know, I’ve done Ramchand Pakistani in 2008, I’ve done Ek Jhoothi Love Story for Zee5, hopefully I’ll be doing another one for them. I hope this exchange continues because that is the only way, I feel, for people to get to know each other. Because there is ignorance and lack of understanding but so many similarities, so many things we share: the love for the land, for food, for clothing. There’s so much that is similar, even though we are different. There’s a shared humanity that exists in all three countries. I don’t think enough has been done to highlight that in a positive way. I hope all the governments loosen the leash because artists and art are all about creating an understanding and respect for each other.

I also feel Pakistan is unfortunately under-represented in both India and Bangladesh, especially in India. Not enough Pakistani drama or music or books get shared in your country. Whereas there’s a lot more coming in from India. But one has to always hope and not be negative. We must always hope for a better future.

From public apology to sit-in: What BJP leaders wanting to join TMC are doing to express mistake committed

Freshly Brewed

ScribeShah

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June 15, 2021

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From public apology to sit-in: What BJP leaders wanting to join TMC are doing to express mistake committed

Birbhum/Kolkata: What goes around comes around is the aptest word to describe West Bengal politics today.

Three months back, what political observers in Bengal could not believe is a stark reality today. Before the announcement of assembly polls and during it, there was a hoarde joining Bharatiya Janata Party in the state. But, after the assembly election mandate, the reverse has begun.

Now the talk of the town is how BJP leaders are expressing their desire to desert the saffron camp to join the ruling Trinamool Congress party led by Mamata Banerjee. They are also publicly claiming that it was a mistake to have joined BJP.

The defection scene in Birbhum in the last few days was very unique as several BJP workers after making the announcement of them wanting to join the ruling party once again on a loudspeaker placed on a moving Toto vehicle.

What followed next was even more surprising. On Monday, almost 50 turncoat workers were seen sitting outside TMC office at Illambazar in Birbhum with placards in hand demanding to rejoin TMC.

The placards read that, they have committed serious mistakes by joining BJP, while some read that by staying under Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee they can work for the people of Bengal.

BJP’s Mukul Mandal who wants to rejoin TMC claimed that he had joined the BJP thinking that they would win and also thought the saffron camp was better than TMC.

Video of a BJP worker doing public announcement to leave BJP and join TMC

In the Nanur district, BJP supporters also made a public announcement that they committed the biggest blunder by defecting to the saffron fold and rendered an apology publicly for the TMC Supremo Mamata Banerjee for not supporting her during the Assembly election.

In Bolpur, people who want to join TMC have also made an announcement and claimed, “We were persuaded by the BJP. It is a fraudulent party. We have no alternative to Hon’ble CM Mamata Banerjee.”

In Sainthia, a group of 300 BJP workers returned to the TMC after taking an oath. BJP youth wing district president Tapas Saha said that he could not do anything in the BJP and is joining the TMC to participate in development.

However, state BJP chief Dilip Ghosh claims the partymen have been threatened so they are joining TMC. "Also, lakhs have joined BJP, so 10% leaving is not a big number to worry about," he reacted.

The defections and infighting amongst the BJP leaders began from May 2, but the recent trend suggests more defection after turncoat Mukul Roy reentered the TMC.

Sources said, after Mukul making ghar wapasi he had called 10 BJP MLAs and one MP to join TMC.

But it is not that easy for TMC turncoat to become part of the ruling dispensation, as the effigy of another turncoat leader Rajib Banerjee was burnt in Domjur area as Rajib too post-poll debacle had shown his interest for ghar wapasi.

Terming Rajib as ‘Gaddar’ and ‘Mirzaffar’, TMC cadres of Domjur in Howrah had put out posters across the area and asked the senior party leaders not to take back Rajib in TMC.

Significantly, when BJP’s leader of opposition Suvendu Adhikari went to meet Governor Jagdeep Dhankar over post poll violence, 24 MLAs skipped the meet, raising further fear of those legislators deserting the party in future.

Covid-19 second wave in India and three corona warriors

Opinion

ScribeShah

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June 15, 2021

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Covid-19 second wave in India and three corona warriors

The second wave of the corona has let hell loose throughout our nation. Lakhs of people have been affected and precious lives lost. As the wave subsides we come to know of a few true crusaders who silently helped Covid-19 infected patients during the second wave. Here are three Corona warriors.

Himanshu Kalia

The down-to-earth Ambulance Man of New Delhi, Himanshu and his wife Twinkle Kalia are well-known ambulance drivers starting their noble mission a decade ago they have rendered selflessly 24 hrs free ambulance service and blood bank facilities to countless in Delhi. During the corona waves, both risked their lives day and night providing voluntary ambulance and blood bank services throughout the capital.

Twinkle had breast cancer, but it did not stop her from executing humanitarian duties along with her husband. They even helped countless to perform their departed ones’ last rites free of cost and cooked as well as serving food to feed hundred in their Lalbaug Delhi residential areas. The couple has extended the same services to Jaipur, Chandigarh, Ahmedabad and Mumbai among others.

“I could not tolerate the sufferings of countless around me. So I decided to serve as many as I could in exchange for simple goodwill. Money making in this line has never been my plan,” said Himanshu Kalia.

While Twinkle Kalia mentioned, “So what if I have breast cancer. I did as much as my health permitted to help those in distress.”

Sangita Reddy

Pete Seiger sang the immortal number, “Where have all the flowers gone”. Sangita Reddy the internationally reputed and ethnic beauty who is a healthcare icon sings, “The flowers are blooming around us. Roses, jasmines and sunflowers.” With true grit, honest commitment and a never say die motto, Sangita Reddy excelled in healthcare management activities of her group of hospitals throughout India. Be it patient care, medical activities or even tackling the fearful oxygen crisis, she never lost her cool.

Sangita has published a guidebook to help people deal with Corona infection. Sangita said about her initiatives, “I was shocked to learn about the sad demise of eminent cardiologist Dr KK Aggarwal from the corona. I cannot sit on an ivory tower during this pandemic crisis. So I am trying my level best to give medical support in every way my hospital can. I am also giving priority to vaccination.”

Dr Raj Merchant

This ever-smiling naturopathist has been curing many critical diseases with his unique leaf therapy. At his residence in Malad, East (Mumbai), he nurtures more than a thousand leaves on three acres of land. For corona patients, he prescribes a special leaf medicine that cures chest congestion and helps to balance oxygen levels. Never has Dr Raj Merchant spoken against allopath treatment. The doctorate in naturopathy from Nasik University is now conducting many experiments with other leaves to research corona cures. Dr. Merchant also visited Germany earlier and brought to the notice of Germans the use of leaf therapy successfully.

He said, “All severe ailments can be cured if nature is properly used and not destroyed. Nature has its way of curing many diseases. I love to experiment with leaf therapy in various forms to cure ailments which create problems for human beings.”

Is Delhi creating another power center in Bengal BJP?

Freshly Brewed

ScribeShah

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June 14, 2021

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Is Delhi creating another power center in Bengal BJP?

Kolkata: The dynamics in the West Bengal unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are changing fast. After its loss, another big setback had been the defection of the party’s national vice-president Mukul Roy to the ruling party.

Political analysts are also pointing out another shift in BJP’s approach to regional politics. They say a party, which has always been closely connected with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its functioning, is slowly moving out of it and a prime example of it is Suvendu’s elevation as leader of opposition in the Bengal assembly, ignoring old-timers.

In neighbouring Assam, the party anointed another recruit Himanta Biswa Sarma as the chief minister. These elevations of recruits, political strategists say, were unheard of in earlier times.

Election of Suvendu raises many questions

Raising Suvendu’s stock further within the party has been his recent visit to New Delhi, where he got an audience from the Prime Minister, Union home minister and also the party president, without the knowledge of the state chief.

When Suvendu was in Delhi, he had missed a meeting called by the BJP’s Bengal state unit, when asked Dilip Ghosh about his absence, he had reacted, “Suvendu was aware of the meeting. Still, he went to Delhi, Why he went I am not aware. Leaders in Delhi can say better.”

The importance is given to Suvendu by central leadership hints that he is being made to stand before the stature of TMC’s top leaders.

But as every coin has two sides, the elevation of Suvendu had not only made Ghosh uncomfortable but immediate reaction comes from in the form of the defection of Mukul Roy. Roy, the founder of TMC, returned to his home, along with his son.

Another power center

Political analyst Udayan Bandopadhyay pointing to the sharp reaction of Dilip Ghosh when asked about Suvendu’s Delhi visit, says the party, known for its discipline and ideology, is suffering from indiscipline. It is going the Congress way, the party of the’80s. He though is not ready to equate Suvendu’s position with that of Biswa Sarma in Assam. “You can’t equate the two. Assam has a different political history from West Bengal. Sarma was instrumental in building up the passion against Badruddin Ajmal’s AIUDF. But the party could not replicate that against the Trinamool. Biswa Sarma had taken part in the socio-political movement in Assam, whereas Suvendu can only claim to his credit is the Nandigram movement, which was much smaller in magnitude,” he said.

bengal bjp suvendu adhikari center — Dilip Ghosh and Suvendu Adhikari | Courtesy: anandabazar.com

In Bengal, the saffron brigade missed a trick by not projecting a Bengali leader. “The party’s manifesto was launched by Amit Shah, instead of a Bengali. We later saw how the Bengalis rejected the ‘outsiders’,” said Bandopadhyay.

Analysing Suvendu as a leader, Bandopadhyay said, “He is a byproduct of the Congress culture (which never had discipline as its forte), whereas Dilip Ghosh has had a Sangh background. Till now, he only was basking in reflected glory. Now is the time for Adhikari to prove his mettle. Let’s see how he fares.”

Political observers also believe that the BJP may be creating another power centre in Bengal. “Two power centres can exist; there is no problem with that – one within the legislature and another, outside. But somebody has to discipline them,” felt Bandopadhyay.

Three factions in Bengal BJP

Senior Journalist Paranjoy Guha Thakurta, commenting on the BJP’s present situation, said, “The fissure in the BJP has come out in the open after the loss. The Sangh Parivar had always been associated with the BJP. The Sangh products are Dilip Ghosh and Rahul Sinha among others. Then there are leaders, who joined the BJP from TMC much ahead of the assembly elections. Suvendu falls in the third category, recent recruits just ahead of the polls. These 3 factions are now feuding.”

Union minister Babul Supriyo rubbishes any such suggestions of discord within the state unit. He told eNewsroom, “He fought the election against the tallest leader in Bengal today and won. He was chosen leader of the opposition. He can naturally come to Delhi. What is there to speculate?” On the many voices of criticism surfacing in the open, courtesy the social media, he said, “In a democracy, everyone has the freedom to voice their opinion but the party stands united.”

Sources in the party acknowledge that the state BJP chief reaction at a press meet made things obvious. “He shouldn’t have reacted in that manner. He made things obvious by his statements. After the vote, there have been tectonic changes. Let the dust settle. Discussions are on in Delhi on Bengal politics and in a month a clearer picture would emerge. Suvendu is an important leader in Bengal BJP. He will get importance wherever he goes. His clout over his people has to be acknowledged.”

Political analyst Bhaskar Sinha Roy says that many of the probable defectors in the BJP are waiting to see what post and responsibility Mukul Roy gets in the Trinamool. “The BJP leaders sounding the discordant note may not do so in the days to come if Roy doesn’t get a good bargain,” he said.

Gargi Mukherjee, a staunch supporter of Suvendu and part of the Dadar Anugami team in Haldia, who moved to the BJP from the TMC along with her leader, believes the Nandigram MLA is a fighter and is also accommodative. “Dada (Suvendu) knows how to take people along with him. He always discourages us from focusing on individual goals but collective interests. The importance he has been getting in the party has made us believe that people with potential are promoted irrespective of their background. His Delhi visit makes that amply clear,” she said.

Significantly, even after the claims of more than 200 seats and forming next government in Bengal, BJP could get only 77 seats (after two people’s resignation and Mukul Roy’s departure, they have 74 MLAs), but neither party’s state president take responsibility nor centeral leadership has been able to remove him. Now it will be interesting to see, how ‘the gamble’ to elevate Suvendu works for the party.

तमाम कृषि संकटों के बीच क्यों बड़ा है खेती में आधुनिकता का संकट?

ScribeShah

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June 12, 2021

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तमाम कृषि संकटों के बीच क्यों बड़ा है खेती में आधुनिकता का संकट?

कोरोना महामारी के दौर में अपनी रोजीरोटी को लेकर जद्दोजहद करने की कई सारी कहानियों के बीच पिछले दिनों एक कहानी मध्य-प्रदेश के खरगोन जिले के पथोरा गांव के युवा इंजीनियर सुधीर पटेल की चर्चा में आई, जिसमें जिन्होंने अपने अठारह एकड़ के खेत में जैविक खेती की और उससे उत्पादित गेंहू की उपज को बेचने के लिए दुबई भेजा। यह कहानी इस क्रम में महत्त्वपूर्ण है कि जैविक खेती यानी रसायन-मुक्त परंपरागत खेती और उससे उत्पादित खाद्य-पदार्थों की मांग दिनों दिन बढ़ती जा रही है। यह मांग इससे जुड़ी इस तरह की सभी कहानियों की इस अवधारणा को अच्छी तरह से समझने के लिए प्रेरित करती है कि खेती के संकट का समाधान और लोगों की आवश्यकताओं की पूर्ति कृषि आधारित पारंपरिक तौर-तरीकों में भी छिपी हो सकती है। यदि बाजार के दबाव में हम इसकी अनदेखी करके आधुनिक पद्धतियों को अपनाएं और उनका अंधाधुंध उपयोग करें तो इससे नए तरह के खतरे पैदा हो सकते है। लिहाजा, वर्ष 2015 में संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ के खाद्य एवं कृषि संगठन (एफएओ) ने खेती में रसायनों के बढ़ते उपयोग के कारण अगले 60 वर्षों तक ही खेत खेती करने योग्य रह जाएंगे। इसके पहले संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ समर्थक इंटरनेशनल असेसमेंट ऑफ एग्रीकल्चर नॉलेज, साइंस एंड टेक्नोलॉजी ने 2008 में रसायन आधारित और इनपुट इंटेंसिव कृषि के टिकाऊपन और चिरस्थायी होने पर गंभीर सवाल खड़े उठाए थे।

इसलिए आज देश-दुनिया में जैविक खेती और उसके रसायन-मुक्त उत्पादों की तरफ बढ़ती प्रवृत्ति कुछ नया नहीं है बल्कि खेती के क्षेत्र में अपने आपको दशकों पीछे की ओर ले जाना ही है। प्रश्न यह है कि आज जब हमें दशकों पीछे लौटना पड़ रहा है तो ऐसी नौबत आई ही क्यों कि हमें एक समय इसे छोड़ने के लिए मजबूर किया गया था? इसे समझने के लिए आज हमें एक बार फिर से 1960 के दशक में शुरू हुई हरित-क्रांति यानी ग्रीन-रेव्यूलेशन की कहानी जाननी चाहिए, लेकिन नए सिरे और संदर्भों के साथ।

साठ के दशक में भारत के सामने खाद्यान्न की कमी एक विकट समस्या के तौर पर उभरकर सामने आई थी। तब स्थिति कुछ ऐसी बन गई कि कहा जाने लगा यदि खाद्यान्न विदेशों से नहीं मंगाया गया तो देश में अकाल के कारण भुखमरी बढ़ेगी। लेकिन, इसी समय एक समस्या यह थी कि देश नया-नया स्वतंत्र हुआ था और खाद्यान्न को आयात करने के लिए सरकार के पास विदेशी मुद्रा की भारी कमी थी। दूसरी तरफ, अमेरिका गेंहू का इस हद तक उत्पादन कर रहा था कि उसके पास जरूरत से ज्यादा गेंहू का भंडार हो गया था और वह जहाज में भर-भरकर गेंहू को समुद्र में डुबोने के लिए मजबूर था। इस दौरान भारत ने अमेरिका के साथ एक करार किया जिसके तहत भारत अमेरिका से गेंहू का आयात विदेशी मुद्रा की बजाय रुपए में कर सकता था। हालांकि, वह गुणवत्ताहीन गेंहू था जिसे खरीदने के अलावा तब भारत के पास कोई चारा नहीं था। इस तरह, भारतीय लोगों तक राशन प्रणाली के अंतर्गत यह गुणवत्ताहीन गेंहू पहुंचाया जाने लगा।

इसके बाद भारत में गेंहू आयात के साथ ही गेंहू की एक नई किस्म ईजाद की गई जो मैक्सिकन गेंहू की प्रजाति को भारतीय गेंहू की प्रजाति के साथ क्रॉस ब्रीडिंग करके तैयार की गई थी। यानी भारत में गेंहू के साथ कृषि की नई प्रौद्योगिकी का भी आयात हुआ। क्रॉस ब्रीडिंग से तैयार नए किस्म के गेंहू की विशेषता यह थी इसकी फसल ज्यादा ऊंची नहीं होती थी, जिससे सिंचाई के दौरान पानी के दबाव से उसकी पौध मिट्टी में नहीं गिरती थी। लेकिन, इस प्रजाति के गेंहू को उगाने के लिए न्यूनतम सात बार सिंचाई की जरूरत पड़ती थी। इसकी दूसरी समस्या यह थी कि यह विदेशी प्रजाति से तैयार किया गया था इसलिए देसी कीड़ों से यह अपना बचाव नहीं कर पाता था। इसका मतलब यह था कि इसे बचाने के लिए कीटनाशकों की भी जरूरत समझी जाने लगी, जबकि देसी गेंहू की प्रजातियों को कीड़े नुकसान नहीं पहुंचा पाते थे। इसलिए तब तक कीटनाशक दवाइयां भारत में बनती नहीं थीं, लिहाजा अब गेंहू की प्रौद्योगिकी के बाद देश में कीटनाशकों के आयात का रास्ता भी खुल गया और भारत गेंहू आयात के बाद कृषि प्रौद्योगिकी और कीटनाशकों के मामले में अमेरिका पर निर्भर हो गया।

लेकिन, बात यहीं खत्म नहीं हुई बल्कि गेंहू की नई प्रजाति की फसल तैयार करने के लिए न्यूनतम सात बार सिंचाई करनी भी जरूरी थी, इसलिए गेंहू की पैदावार को ध्यान में रखते हुए भारी पूंजी निवेश और विदेशी कर्ज लेकर बिजली आधारित सिंचाई की विशालकाय प्रणालियां विकसित करने पर जोर दिया जाने लगा। यह पूरी प्रणाली बांध, नहर और भूमिगत सिंचाई के साधनों पर टिकी थी जिससे विस्थापन सहित पर्यावरण से जुड़े जो नुकसान हुए वह अपने आप में इतिहास का एक अलग अध्याय है। वहीं, गेंहू की नई प्रजाति के साथ एक जरूरत यह भी जुड़ी थी कि यदि किसानों को इसकी ज्यादा से ज्यादा पैदावार चाहिए तो वे अपनी फसल में रासायनिक खाद का उपयोग अवश्य करें। लेकिन, भारतीय गेंहू में तो देसी खाद डाला जाता था तो तब तक रासायनिक खादों का उत्पादन भी भारत में नहीं होता था। जाहिर है कि गेंहू, गेंहू की नई प्रजाति, कीटनाशक और सिंचाई व बिजली की उच्च-तकनीक के साथ बड़े पैमाने पर रासायनिक खाद का आयात भी अमेरिका से किया जाने लगा।

इन सबका परिणाम यह हुआ कि इनसे भारत पर आयात संबंधी नीतियों पर भारी वित्तीय बोझ पड़ने लगा और भारत सरकार पर विदेशी कर्ज का भार लगातार बढ़ने लगा। इसकी शुरुआत गेंहू खरीदी से हुई जो एक मामूली कर्ज था, लेकिन इसके बाद गेंहू के उत्पादन में आत्मनिर्भर बनने के लिए गेंहू की जो नई प्रजाति बनाई गई उसने खेती की पद्धति और बाजार को पूरी तरह बदल दिया था और नई-नई चीजों का आयात बढ़ने के कारण विदेशी कर्ज की पूंजी बढ़ती चली गई। इसलिए साठ से अस्सी के दशक के बीच भारत सरकार द्वारा इतना कर्ज लिया गया कि अगले कई दशकों तक उसे चुकाना मुश्किल रहा। मानो विदेशी कर्ज को चुकाना ही देश की सरकारों के लिए बड़ी जवाबदेही बन गई हो। इस तरह, देश के बजट का एक बड़ा हिस्सा कर्ज अदा करने में खर्च किया जाने लगा।

इसके अलावा एक अन्य समस्या अनुवांशिकी के साथ जुड़ी हुई थी। हरित-क्रांति के पहले भी पंजाब गेंहू के उत्पादन में आगे था और यहीं से देश भर के लिए गेंहू की आपूर्ति की जाती थी। पंजाब और देश के अन्य क्षेत्रों में गेंहू की कई प्रजातियां बोई जाती थीं। इसका लाभ यह था कि किसी साल यदि किसी कीड़े ने गेंहू की एक प्रजाति को नुकसान पहुंचाया भी तो दूसरे खेत में लगा दूसरी प्रजाति का गेंहू बच जाता था। लेकिन, जब आमतौर पर एक ही प्रजाति का गेंहू उगाया जाने लगा तो इसका मतलब यह है कि किसी साल किसी कीड़े ने गेंहू की फसल को नुकसान पहुंचाया तो सभी खेतों की फसल इसकी चपेट में आ सकती थी। इससे किसानों के सामने नई तरह की आर्थिक चुनौतियां भी बढ़ने लगीं।

दरअसल, गेंहू की नई प्रजाति से शुरुआत में किसानों का उत्पादन तेजी से बढ़ा, लेकिन बाद में खेती की लागत बढ़ने लगी क्योंकि नई तरह की खेती में बीज, कीटनाशक, रासायनिक खाद, बिजली और पानी की कीमतों में बढ़ोतरी होती चली गई। हालांकि, हरित-क्रांति के दस-पंद्रह सालों तक भी उत्पादन इतना अधिक था कि किसान अधिक लागत लगाकर भी मुनाफे का एक अंतर बनाए रखते थे, मगर इसके बाद एक अलग तरह का नुकसान दिखाई पड़ने लगा। नुकसान यह कि कई किसान अब शिकायत करने लगे कि उनके खेतों की मिट्टी खराब हो गई है जिसमें पहले की तरह फसल नहीं उगाई जा सकती है। अच्छी पैदावार के लालच में किसानों द्वारा अपने खेतों में यूरिया और फास्फेट जरूरत से ज्यादा उपयोग करना इतना घातक होता गया कि मिट्टी की उत्पादकता कम होती चली गई। इसके बाद खेती का मुनाफा कम होता गया, लेकिन इसकी गति धीमी थी तो किसानों को एकदम से इसका नुकसान समझ नहीं आया। हालांकि, यही वह दौर था जब सरकारी स्तर पर भी किसानों को रासायनिक खाद और कीटनाशकों के उपयोग के लिए सब्सिडी दी जाने लगी। इससे खेती की मिट्टी पहले की तुलना में और तेजी से खराब होने लगी। इससे पर्यावरण का संतुलन बिगड़ा और खेतीबाड़ी में यह एक स्थायी समस्या के तौर पर शामिल होती गई।

इसके बाद जब बड़े किसानों को लगा कि उनके रसायन-युक्त खेत की मिट्टी में फसल का अच्छा उत्पादन संभव नहीं है तो एक नया ट्रेंड शुरू हुआ जिसमें वे छोटे किसानों की जमीन खरीदकर या किराए से लेकर रासायनिक खाद और कीटनाशकों पर आधारित खेती करने लगे। ऐसा इसलिए कि एक समय तक छोटे किसानों का एक बड़ा वर्ग पारंपरिक खेती इसलिए कर पा रहा था कि आधुनिक खेती के लिए उसके पास पैसे और अन्य संसाधन नहीं थे। ऐसे में खेती की जो जमीन जहर से बची हुई थी वह भी प्रदूषित होनी शुरू हो गई। फिर साल-दर-साल जब खेती में पूंजी की मांग बढ़ने लगी तो किसान साहूकार और बैंकों में जाकर पहले से अधिक कर्ज मांगने लगे तथा कर्जदार बनते चले गए।

प्रश्न है कि साठ के दशक में जब देश गंभीर रुप से खाद्यान्न की कमी से जूझ रहा था और अकाल की स्थितियां बनी हुईं थीं तब सरकार के पास क्या कोई दूसरा विकल्प था? इसके उत्तर में कहा जा सकता है कि तब भी भारतीय वैज्ञानिकों का एक वर्ग था जो भारतीय गेंहू के साथ मैक्सिकन गेंहू की क्रॉस ब्रीडिंग के पक्ष में नहीं था। इस वर्ग का कहना था कि भारतीय गेंहू की प्रजातियों में ही अनुसंधान किया जाएं और ऐसी प्रजातियों को ढूंढ़ा जाए जो अधिक उत्पादन दे सकें। इसके पीछे भारतीय कृषि वैज्ञानिकों का मत था कि भारतीय गेंहू की प्रजाति देसी होने की वजह से यहां के कीड़ों का मुकाबला कर सकती थीं, फिर उन्हें सात बार सिंचाई की जरूरत भी नहीं थी और न ही रासायनिक खादों की ही जरूरत थी। ये भारतीय कृषि वैज्ञानिक क्रॉस ब्रीडिंग की बजाय देसी गेंहू की प्रजातियों की पहचान करने और चयन की प्रक्रिया पर जोर दे रहे थे। इन्होंने तब गेंहू की कुछेक प्रजातियों को खोजा भी और अनुसंधान के दौरान इस बात की पुष्टि भी कराई कि भारत में ही गेंहू की कुछ प्रजातियां हैं जो अत्याधिक तो नहीं लेकिन अपेक्षाकृत अधिक फसल देने की क्षमता रखती थीं और यदि ऐसी प्रजातियों को प्रोत्साहित किया जाता तो देश खेतीबाड़ी के अन्य संकट से बचा होता।

हरित-क्रांति के दौर में ही भारत सरकार ने अपने देश में ही गेंहू की तर्ज पर ही कई अन्य फसलों की पैदावार बढ़ाने के लिए कृषि अनुसंधान को प्रोत्साहित किया और इसके लिए भारतीय कृषि अनुसंधान परिषद भी गठित की। लेकिन, यह संस्था गेंहू की प्रजाति की तरह धान आदि में भी ऐसी प्रजाति ढूंढ़ने लगी जो कृषि में इंटरनेशल बिजनेस मॉडल पर आधारित हो। कारण यह कि जो देसी किस्में खेती की लागत नहीं बढ़ा सकती हैं उनसे बाजार को लाभ नहीं होता। इसलिए ऐसी फसल की प्रजातियों को बढ़ावा दिया गया जो अधिक से अधिक और मंहगे कीटनाशक, रासायनिक खाद, पानी, बिजली और प्रौद्योगिकी मांगे जिससे खेती का धंधा फले-फूले।

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