Troll language reaches new parliament, BJP MP calls Muslim MP ‘Mullah Terrorist’

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Delhi: Exactly, three months back when Prime Minister Narendra Modi was asked in the United States what steps he will take to improve the rights of Muslims in India? PM Modi India responded by saying that India is a democratic nation and democracy is in the DNA of both India and the US. Whether it is caste, creed and religion, our government does not discriminate on any such basis, he had asserted. But on September 21, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s Member of Parliament Ramesh Bidhuri, used hate speech against Kunwar Danish Ali inside the new parliament building and showed to the world that Indian Muslims are facing hate speech everywhere – right from the road to the parliament house.

BJP MP Ramesh Bidhuri can be heard calling MP Danish Ali a “Bharwa (pimp),” “Katwa (circumcised),” “Mullah (slang used for Muslims)” “Atankwadi (Terrorist)” and “Ugrawadi (militant)” in the Sansad TV video (On Record,). During the Lok Sabha speech Ravi Shankar Prasad and Harsh Vardhan sitting next to him can be seen laughing. Bidhuri was speaking on the recent Moon mission by the ISRO.

Earlier, such slurs were used in social media by the BJP IT cell members against Muslims activists and journalists.

Hate speech inside parliament

Danish Ali wrote to Speaker Om Birla for action against Bidhuri.

bjp mp ramesh bidhuri terrorist muslim danish ali

However, even after BSP MP seeking action and widespread outrage after the video went viral, the only action the Speaker took was that he ordered the sponging of the words and warned Bidhuri not to repeat such language in future.

On Friday, when Kunwar Danish Ali was asked by NDTV reporter Saurabh Shukla about the hate speech used against him, a visibly upset MP just said, “I could not sleep the entire night…” He broke down and did not speak further to the reporter.

For the last two years, several hate speeches have been used against Muslims by right wing groups and Hindutva leaders. Some were arrested but later got bail. The Supreme Court also ordered the police to take suo moto cognizance in such speeches and register cases on their own.

bjp mp ramesh bidhuri hate speech inside parliament danish ali
Danish Ali with Rahul Gandhi

But when a ruling party MP speaks inside the parliament, the police and judiciary do not have much of a role to play inside the ‘temple of democracy’.

A special parliament session was called as India got a new parliament building and during the session hate speech was used by the BJP MP to snub the minority leader.

On Friday evening, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi met Danish Ali at his residence in Delhi and expressed his solidarity with him. “Rahul Gandhi visited me to tell me I am not alone in this situation. All the opposition is with me. It is also not an attack on me alone, but on the Constitution of India and Indian democracy,” Danish Ali told media persons.

Has specialized medical and research establishment of BMHRC’s approach to Bhopal gas victims failed?

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Bhopal: At 8:30 clock one morning, during the monsoon season of 2023, Aqeel Ahmed (43) with the support of a walking stick arrived on the premises of the Bhopal Memorial Hospital Research Centre (BMHRC), Bhopal, India. Even though he used a walking stick, Aqeel limited his walk. He watched his steps to evade any accident. He was not doing this, particularly on Monday, but he follows the same alertness and routine thrice a week (Monday, Thursday and Saturday) during his visit to the BMHRC. And that’s the routine he has been following for the last two decades to undergo dialysis.

There is a connection between his disorder and his situation. His family were like the many other families who on the intervening night of December 2 and 3, 1984, came in grip of approximately 40 tonnes of methyl isocyanate, one of the most toxic gasses leaked from the factory in Bhopal owned by the US chemical giant Union Carbide Corporation (Union Carbide India was taken over by Dow Chemical, which recently merged with Dupont to create DowDupont).

The exposure to lethal gas left a lethal impact on his family members. He lost his elder brother within six months after the Bhopal disaster, he unknowingly began surviving on one kidney and his parents struggled to fix the weaknesses and breathing problems.

The direness of the situation hit him when he arrived at a healthcare facility for a consultation that ended with some tests in 2006. His primary care doctor detected the formation of stones in his urinary tract and noticed a dead kidney and improper functioning of one other kidney.

“I had no symptoms. I felt nothing.” To address his situation, the doctors advised him to undergo dialysis which he is continuing to this date. “Earlier I had to undergo dialysis twice a week (between 2006-2012). Now, with the progress of kidney disease (muscle twitches, muscle weakness and cramps) my nerves are becoming weaker,” says Aqeel who now undergoes dialysis thrice a week.

Now his life is a connection between home and the Bhopal Memorial Hospital Research Centre (BMHRC). He is one among the estimated 170,000 gas victims who have regularly sought treatment at the BMHRC ever since it was founded in the year 2000.

For Aqeel and hundreds and hundreds of gas victims, BMHRC is considered to be the ‘temple of hope’ that emphasises the constitutional mandate of extending benefits for gas victims and creating other benefits with more advancement.

As per the Hon’ble Supreme Court’s directions, a “specialised medical and research establishment with the best of expertise” and “with the best equipment and facilities” in the form of BMHRC was set up in Bhopal in July 2000.

The Supreme Court directive was to the US multinational to establish a full-fledged hospital with a bed strength of at least 500 beds with the best of equipment for free treatment of the victims of the Bhopal gas tragedy. The present strength of the hospital has been confined to 260 beds, in defiance of the Supreme Court ruling.

BMHRC has always been surrounded by controversy soon after it was set up as a super speciality hospital in 2001. 

In the year 2006, the hospital faced its worst time, when 17 people lost their lives when hospital staff went on a strike in support of their various demands.

One another shocking and disgraceful episode at the hospital came to light in 2008 when secret drug trials were illegally conducted on gas victims at the BMHRC between 2004-2008. All efforts were taken to shield the culprits after the matter came into the public domain.

Moreover, in the last eight years (2006-2014), nearly 300 employees (including specialists) out of a total staff of 650 of the Bhopal Memorial Hospital and Research Centre (BMHRC) have resigned in protest against the arrogant and careless attitude of the management maintains representatives of organisations working among the gas victims.

Since BMHRC was the best hospital in Central India in the year 2000, pressure was mounted on BMHT to render treatment at BMHRC to private patients (non-gas-victims) on a payment basis – a proposal that BMHT had accepted.

Slowly but surely, priority for specialized treatment at BMHRC was effectively given to privately paying patients. Soon, needy gas victims found it extremely difficult to obtain specialized treatment.

Meanwhile, the BMHRC undoubtedly set the tone for the future of the basic structure doctrine for private players. Attractive packages managed to lure several consultants, super specialists, and other doctors resulting crippling of services in the BMHRC. Even the country’s apex court highlighted the vacant posts.

In its order dated 09.08.2012 in W.P.(C) No.50 of 1998, the Hon’ble Supreme Court in para 35(10) directed as follows:

“We are informed that there are a large number of vacancies of doctors and supporting staff in the hospitals and allied departments. In the BGTRRD, 80 per cent of specialists and 30 per cent of doctors are lying vacant. Some posts are also lying vacant in the Fourth Grade staff. Thus, we direct the concerned authorities to take appropriate steps in all respects not only to fill up these vacancies but also to provide such infrastructure and facilities that the doctors are not compelled to or prefer to resign from BMHRC employment and its various departments, due to inadequate facilities.”

By the year 2010, several private super-speciality hospitals had come up in Bhopal and since they offered higher emoluments, several super-specialists and consultants quit BMHRC to join such private establishments. This hurts the quality of treatment for the large number of patients visiting the said hospital.

At the end of 2019, BMHRC once again landed in controversy and received global attention. Charges were levelled against the BMHRC for not treating Abdul Jabbar, a leading activist for survivors of the Bhopal gas tragedy victims and convenor of Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Udyog Sangathan well. Jabbar, a gas victim himself was shifted from the BMHRC to the Kamla Nehru Hospital meant for the gas victims.

According to a news report written by senior journalist Ashutosh Shukla in the Times of India two days before Jabbar’s death, the two hospitals could not provide the required treatment to Jabbar. Chief Medical and Health Officer (CMHO) of Gas Relief, Ravi Verma admitted to a shortage e of expert doctors in the various Gas Relief hospitals and added that Jabbar had been admitted to a private nursing home and the total expenditure on his treatment would be borne by the Gas Relief Department, the news report said. Gas victims warmly remember his relentless fight, his first victory in the Supreme Court and talk about almost all the judicial interventions and mass agitations that have resulted in the gas victims getting compensation, houses, hospitals, stitching and zardozi works.

Barely three months after Jabbar’s death, BMHRC once again came into the national limelight after the Union Government announced a complete nationwide lockdown in March 2020. The Madhya Pradesh government decided to turn the Bhopal Memorial Hospital and Research Centre into a state-level COVID-19 treatment facility forcing patients to shift to other hospitals.

And once again, the government order made gas victims feel cheated, betrayed and panicked.

However, during this period patients like Aqeel, the late Tulsi Yadav and several others like them received wholehearted support from members of civil society, NGOs like Bhopal Gas Peedith Mahila Udyog Sanghathan (BGPMUS), Bhopal Gas Peedith Sangharsh Sahayog Samiti, Bhopal Group for Information and Action (BGIA), Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Stationery Karmchari Sang, Bhopal Gas Peedit Nirashrit Pensionbhogi Sangharsh Morcha, Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti, Madhya Pradesh Vigyan Sabha, Eka Bhopal and from several other organisations (though, all of them work differently covering vast areas under different capacities however, their sole aim is to provide better life to every living being). This was the time when the very idea of our common humanity was expressed across the globe by many individuals, groups, and organisations. 

An attempt has been made to develop BMHRC as a teaching institution by obtaining the consent of affiliation for a few PG courses offered at BMHRC from the Madhya Pradesh Medical Sciences University (MPMSU), Jabalpur.

In a letter written in October 2022, Member of Parliament Digvijaya Singh addressing Dr Mansukh Mandaviya, Union Minister for Health and Family Welfare, and Chemical Fertilizers requested to convene an early meeting of all concerned parties to upgrade the status of BMHRC to that of an autonomous, premiere institution as par with AIIMS by elevating the stature of BMHRC.

However, such a meeting is yet to take place.

The process is too slow and it may take decades before BMHRC is turned into a full-fledged teaching institution with the requisite faculty. Even then, there is little chance that BMHRC would ever be recognized as a premier national institution that would attract the best talent in the country.

Already about 39 years have elapsed since the Bhopal disaster took place and the gas victims are in no position to wait any longer to receive proper treatment. The government can ensure fruitful cooperation if not merger between BMHRC and AIIMS, Bhopal, to provide the best possible treatment to the gas victims – a step that they have failed to take.

Another concern is about more than 4.5 lakh registered gas victims seeking medical care at BMHRC. Broadly, many of the second and third generation of the survivors are battling a spectrum of disabilities. Many of them need an attendant as they are immobile, and cannot sit, wash, eat and even defecate. Another alarming fact is that even after over two decades medical records of nearly 17% of the total number of 4.5 lakh registered gas victims have been computerized.

One of the major objectives that the computerisation and digitisation of the gas victims would be that it will create a national and state-level database of registered victims that would help in updating other databases resulting in efficient delivery of not only medical care but also public services and social benefits. The database would provide information that could be updated in the National Population Register, linked to Aadhaar Numbers, ration cards, passport, electoral rolls and other databases at the national level.

So, if the authorities maintaining other databases require information on a victim, it is possible to design a system wherein the data flows to their databases daily or even on a real-time basis from the BMHRC–level database.

The main issue from a public health perspective is that a ‘patient’ has not been defined anywhere under Indian Law. However, the term covers those people who receive healthcare services from doctors or medical professionals. The center as well as state governments must provide healthcare services and improve public health. Moreover, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the National Human Rights Commission released the Charter of Patient Rights. It enumerates 17 rights that all patients in India are entitled to. Understandably, Bhopal gas victims too come under the ambit of the NHRC Charter of Patient Rights.

The Bhopal disaster has highlighted the significance of tailoring health care to the specific needs of victims exposed to a tragedy. It is a remarkable opportunity for the BMHRC to tell their stories in their vocabulary, using a framework of their choice to forefront their work on a global platform. And happily, no one is going to stop them.

 

Anup Dutta is a fellow of Vikas Samvad Constitution Fellowship 2022.

चार बच्चियों की तालाब में डूबने से मौत, कर्मा पूजा के लिए बालू लाने गई थी

गिरिडीह: पचम्बा थाना इलाके के हंडाडीह में मंगलवार को दर्दनाक हादसे में एक साथ चार बच्चियों की मौत तालाब में डूबने से हो गयी। एक की जान बच पाई।

मृतकों में ओमप्रकाश राणा की 17 साल की बेटी संध्या कुमारी और 14 साल की दिव्या कुमारी समेत दो और शामिल हैं। संध्या और दिव्या दोनों पढ़ाई में अच्छी थी। संध्या ने दसवीं पास किया था इस साल और दिव्या नौवीं में थी। दो अन्य बच्चियों ममता कुमारी (7) और श्रृष्टि कुमारी (5) दोनों सगी बहनें, पिता नरेश यादव, मजदूरी का काम करते हैं। जबकि एक बच्ची पूजा कुमारी खुद को किसी तरह बचाने में सफल रही। जिसका इलाज जिला अस्पताल में चल रहा है। एसपी दीपक शर्मा ने चार बच्चियों की सोना महतो तालाब में डूबने से मौत की पुष्टि की है।

जानकारी के अनुसार हंडाडीह गांव की पाँच बच्ची पचम्बा के सोनरा आहार में करमा पूजा का बालू लाने के मकसद से तालाब में स्नान करने गई हुई थी। बरसात के कारण तालाब पानी से लबालब भरा हुआ था। इसी क्रम में एक बच्ची गहरे पानी में डूबने लगी। पहली को डूबता देख दूसरी बच्ची, फिर फिर तीसरी और फिर चौथी गयी बचाने और डूबती चली गयी। इसी क्रम में बच्चियों ने सहयोग के लिए चीखने-चिल्लाने भी लगी। इस दौरान किसी तरह स्थानीय लोगों को घटना की जानकारी मिलने पर स्थानीय लोगों समेत परिजन भी तालाब पहुँचे। किसी तरह पाँचों को तालाब से बाहर निकालकर तत्काल अस्पताल ले गये, जहाँ चार बच्ची को इलाज के क्रम में मृत घोषित कर दिया गया। एक अन्य खतरे से बाहर पूजा कुमारी का इलाज चल रहा है।

गिरिडीह विधायक सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू को जानकारी मिलने के बाद वह भी घटनास्थल पहुँचे। वहाँ पंचायत के मुखिया महताब मिर्जा उर्फ डब्लू के साथ सभी चारों बच्चों के परिवारों से मिलकर उन्हें सांत्वना दी तथा ग्रामीणों के साथ बैठकर उन्हें पोस्टमार्टम के लिए मनाया, ताकि परिजनों को आपदा कोष से 4-4 लाख रुपये की मदद दिलाने में सहूलियत हो। फिर मृतका के परिजन राजी हुए।

जानकारी के अनुसार दो मृत बच्ची दिव्या कुमारी और संध्या कुमारी धनवार के लाल बाजार के रहने वाले ओमप्रकाश राणा की बेटी थी। अपने मामा बजरंगी शर्मा के घर कर्मा पूजा के लिए हंडाडीह आई हुई थी। इधर दोपहर में चारों बच्चियों का पोस्टमार्टम कर शवों को परिजनों को सौंप दिया गया।

तालाब में सौंदर्यीकरण का काम जारी, पीड़ित का कहना सही से नहीं हो रहा काम

चार बच्चियों की मौत के बाद, पीड़ित परिवार के लोगों ने ये भी कहा कि तालाब में सीढ़ी का निर्माण सही नहीं हुआ है जिससे ये हादसा हुआ। पीड़ित परिवार के एक सदस्य ने नाम न बताने की प्रार्थना के साथ कहा कि तालाब में सौंदर्यीकरण का काम सही से नहीं होने की वजह से ये हादसा हुआ और सरकार को इसकी जाँच करानी चाहिए ताकि आगे और किसी की जान नहीं चली जाए।

The Fragile Fourth Pillar: FIR Against Editors Guild Highlights Challenges to Press Freedom

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he working conditions for journalists in India is getting difficult with every passing day in ‘New India’. The latest development in the ongoing struggle is the FIR (First Information Report) against the fact-finding team members of the Editors Guild of India (EGI), an association of editorial leaders committed to safeguarding press freedom, journalistic ethics, and the rights of media professionals. The FIR is a highlight of difficulties encountered by journalists in the country and raises serious concerns about the state of press freedom.

On September 3 (Sunday), Manipur police registered two FIRs against EGI president Seema Mustafa and three members of the fact-finding team- Seema Guha, Sanjay Kapoor, and Bharat Bhushan for examining media reportage on ethnic violence in Manipur occurring since May 2023. The first FIR was registered under various sections of the Indian Penal Code including promoting enmity between different groups and using it as a true declaration knowing it to be false. The complainant N Sarat Singh alleged the EGI report of miscaptioning the photo of the Forest Department official as Kuki house.

EGI, however, regretting the error updated their report released on September 2. The second FIR was registered by Imphal resident Sorokhaibam Thoudam Sangita.

The EGI team visited Manipur, spanning four days from August 7th to August 10th. They arrived at a significant finding attributing responsibility to the N Biren Singh government for taking sides during the conflict.

According to the report’s conclusion, “There are clear indications that the leadership of the state became partisan during the conflict. It should have avoided taking sides in the ethnic conflict but it failed to do its duty as a democratic government which should have represented the entire state.

This directly affected governance which was also seen as partisan. The net result is that the executive, its instruments (the police and other security forces of the state), and the bureaucracy are today divided along ethnic lines. There is a Meitei government, Meitei police and Meitei bureaucracy in Imphal and the tribal people living in the Hills have no faith in them.”

freedom of press in india free journalists

The Chief Minister of State N Biren Singh on September 4 stated that the state government has filed an FIR against members of the Editor’s Guild who created more clashes in the state of Manipur. The Executive Committee of the Editors Guild of India in reaction to the FIRs and intimidatory remarks by the Chief Minister released a statement, also demanding the withdrawal of FIRs against its members.

“The Guild is extremely disturbed that rather than respond to the concerns raised in the report in a meaningful way, the state government has registered FIRs invoking multiple provisions of the IPC. The Guild has already acknowledged and corrected an error that was pointed out regarding a photo caption, and we remain open to further discussion.

However, the chief minister’s labelling of the journalist’s body as ‘anti-state’ and ‘anti-national’ is deeply disturbing, especially given the way the union government has emphasized the country’s democratic credentials as well as the spirit of freedom of speech at the global stage for the upcoming G20 summit,” the statement reads. 

Notably, the Supreme Court of India on Wednesday (September 6) protected all four members of EGI from arrest stating that no coercive steps shall be taken against the petitioners in connection with two FIRs lodged by Imphal Police Station and Porompat Police Station. On Monday (11 September), the Guild informed the Court that their members visited Manipur at the invitation of the Indian Army.

“We did not volunteer to go there. It is the Army that requested us. This is a very serious matter. Please see the letter of the Army to the Editors Guild. This is an invitation by the Army to the Editors Guild saying see what is happening there – unethical, ex-parte reporting by the vernacular media. It is at their invitation that we went,” Supreme Court Senior Advocate Kapil Sibal said while appearing for the Guild.

The Court has granted protection to the members from arrest till September 15.

Nonetheless, there is an interim relief from the Apex Court, FIRs raise questions about the ability of journalists and media organizations to conduct unbiased investigations into important issues. It also threatens to damage the Guild’s credibility, which plays a crucial role in upholding journalistic standards in India.

 

free press in india freedom journalism

On World Press Freedom Day (May 3), the global media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF) released their annual report, ranking India at 161st position out of 180 countries. This marks a decline of 11 places compared to the previous year’s ranking at 150th position. The report highlights that the situation has gone from ‘problematic’ to ‘very bad’ in India where media takeovers by oligarchs close to Prime Minister Modi have jeopardized pluralism.

“The violence against journalists, the politically partisan media, and the concentration of media ownership all demonstrate that press freedom is in crisis in “the world’s largest democracy”, ruled since 2014 by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the embodiment of the Hindu nationalist right,” the report states.

“With an average of three or four journalists killed in connection with their work every year, India is one of the world’s most dangerous countries for the media,” the report further emphasizes. Norway, Ireland, and Denmark were ranked first, second, and third position in the Press Freedom Index 2023.

Manan Gulzar Dar, Nilesh Sharma, Aasif Sultan, Abdul Aala Fazili, Fahad Shah, Gautam Navlakha, Irfan Mehraj, Rupesh Kumar Singh, and Sajad Gul continues to face imprisonment for doing their duty as a journalist.

BJP-led Modi government had questioned the methodology of Reporter Without Borders claiming that India has a vibrant free press. On December 22, 2021, Union Minister of Information and Broadcasting Anurag Thakur expressed the Central government’s disagreement with India’s rank on the 2021 index. He claimed in a written reply to the Lok Sabha that the RSF report was based on a small sample size giving little or no importance to the “fundamentals of democracy”.

In October 2020, Kerala Journalist Siddique Kappan was arrested while he was on his way to report the Hathras gang rape case. Kappan was released on bail in February 2023. He was charged under PMLA (Prevention of Money Laundering) and UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act). In a conversation with eNewsroom, Kappan said that a free press is important for a healthy democracy which is a critical stage in India. The government is in full control of the media. “There were trumped-up charges against me. They registered an FIR against a fact-finding team of EGI, I was a small journalist they imposed huge cases like UAPA against me. This speaks much about the challenges for journalists in India,” said Kappan.

Kappan has to travel thousands of Kilometers every month from Kerala to Lucknow and Delhi for Court hearings. “I visit four times a month to Lucknow for appearings in Court. Earlier, I was in jail and now I am in open jail where I am not in a position to work as a journalist and live with my family. The judiciary is not running properly because of a strike due to a conflict between lawyers and police in Uttar Pradesh. I had to argue for myself for the bail application today and the judge did not even listen to my side. I am not afraid but in a democratic country judiciary must play fair. Otherwise, how will a common man think about getting justice?” he asked.

freedom of press in india free journalists editors

A full-page advertisement was taken out by the Washington Post by CPJ (Committee to Protect Journalists) and its partners on June 21, during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the United States. The ad carried the photos of six Indian journalists currently incarcerated in jails- Asif Sultan, Gautam Navlakha, Sajad Gul, Fahad Shah, Rupesh Kumar Singh, and Irfan Mehraj. It raised concerns about the dangerous state of media in the world’s largest democracy India. “Press freedom is under increasing threat, with journalists facing physical violence, harassment, bogus lawsuits, and hate campaigns on social media,” the report said. Significantly, out of six journalists, four are rooted in Kashmir. 

In its annual prison census report, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) revealed that as of December 1, 2022, a total of 363 journalists worldwide had been arrested. This figure represents a 20% increase over the previous year’s record of 293 arrests in 2021. The report criticized India for detaining seven journalists, specifically for using the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act to keep Aasif Sultan, Fahad Shah, and Sajad Gul in jail despite court-ordered bail in separate cases.

The International Press Institution (IPI) collected data on press freedom violations in India between April and September 2022. IPI identified 83 press freedom violations in India- journalists faced physical attacks, legal harassment, arrests, and censorship during the six months. The majority of press freedom violations were related to online censorship, and internet and communication shutdown.

As per IPI data, 20 journalists were arrested during the period with Kashmiri journalists facing legal harassment and intimidation on a pattern under the draconian anti-terror law UAPA (Unlawful Activities Prevention Act).

According to a Delhi-based think tank Rights and Risks Analysis Group (RRAG), a total of 194 journalists, including seven women, were targeted in various incidents across India during 2022 by state agencies to non-state political actors and criminals, as well as armed opposition groups (AOGs).

Among the different regions in India, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) saw the highest number of journalist targets with 48 cases, followed by Telangana with 40, Odisha with 14, Uttar Pradesh with 13, Delhi with 12, West Bengal with 11, Madhya Pradesh and Manipur with 11, and several other states and union territories with varying numbers of cases.

Of the incidents, 103 journalists were targeted by state actors, while non-state actors, including political activists, targeted 91.

A report by Newslaundry revealed that there have been 44 instances of media crackdown by state authorities since 2018. These cases encompass a range of agencies, with 16 linked to the Enforcement Directorate (ED), 9 to the Income Tax (IT) department, and 20 to the National Investigation Agency (NIA). A few noteworthy incidents include Income Tax raids on Dainik Bhaskar’s office in July 2021 for their coverage of Covid mismanagement, and tax surveys conducted at the BBC office in February 2023 following the release of the critical documentary “India: The Modi Question,” focused on Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Weeks ago, a Srinagar-based news portal The Kashmir Wallah was taken down by the server at the request of the central government including their social media pages. Fahad Shah, the founding editor of The Kashmir Wallah has been in jail since February 2022.

The Freedom of the Press in India is guaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution which guarantees the right to freedom of speech and expression. However, this right is subject to certain restrictions listed in Article 19(2) including the interests of national security, sovereignty and integrity of India, public order, decency and morality among others. India’s ruling dispensations define these restrictions according to their suitability. In recent times, spreading fake news, hate and anti-Muslim propaganda did not get any condemnation from BJP led government in center and states. But, some media organization or journalist, if they try to do journalism, and ask truth to power, they will be abused, threatened, jailed and even murdered in ‘New India’.

The FIR against the Editor’s Guild of India is a concerning example of the growing difficulties journalists confront in India. It not only threatens the reputation of a respected institution but also highlights more extensive worries regarding the state of press freedom within the nation.

Jawan SRK does everything he could to fight the dark times

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Hundreds of films are made, therefore many become heroes. A lot of them become popular but only a handful scale the height needed to carry the entire industry on his shoulders. Still less become so big as to influence not just the industry but the society he breathes in, the country he lives in. Even then hardly anybody uses that influence to do what should be done for the country at a given point in time. Shah Rukh Khan is that rare artist. He has used every drop of his aura in Jawan to give the message that had to be given in this dark age of Indian history. Since he has shown so much courage, let me show some as well and declare: this is not a one-time watch. This will find its place among the iconic films of Bollywood. If India does survive the current onslaught, the name of this film by Atlee will be uttered in the same breath as Mehboob Khan’s Mother India, long after I am gone and everyone reading this article is gone.

No, this is not what a film buff would call a masterpiece. Jawan has no intention to go down that road. There is not a single shot that stays with you once you leave the cinema hall. Like every other song-dance-action formula film, cars fly and the hero beats up twenty people on his own. If you detest all this and can’t manage to believe it for just three hours (which is called ‘willing suspension of disbelief’ in literary criticism), then this film is not for you. It belongs to the genre where all of it is believable. All that producer Gauri Khan-Shah Rukh and director Atlee want to do here is put their message across. To do that, they have used the film language that they know best and common people of India have known for generations. Then what is so special about this film that prompts me to say it belongs alongside the iconic films of Bollywood? I will come to that now. I could see at least four levels of message within Jawan, and I will discuss those one by one. However, a more discerning mind could well find more levels.

Level 1: Manifesto

Not much needs to be written about this level. A clip went viral on the day of the release where SRK is seen laying out the basics of a democracy, which many thought worked against the current dispensation in New Delhi. But that is not all. Jawan is a political film to its core. We have forgotten that politics does not begin and end with political parties. Director Atlee and SRK have forced the audience to think about all kinds of politics ruling our everyday existence. From gender politics to environmental politics – everything is a subject in this film.

It is no mean feat that in the age of neo-liberalism, when crony capitalism is enjoying its best years in post-independence India, a film boasting of the most popular hero of the world’s most popular film industry has shown an industrialist as a villain. Kali Gaikwad (Vijay Sethupathi) flouts all environmental laws to set up his factories and does not shy away from murder if somebody does not give desired approval. Atlee goes on to show 50-odd factories being shut down by the government as they were found harming the people of the respective localities. This is a wish fulfilment for many in different parts of India. Jawan could be termed historic just for this reason.

Many have pointed out that all this exposes BJP but there is something nobody is saying: this film does not spare Congress. The Bhopal gas tragedy of 1984 is discussed quite clearly and shady defence deals are very much part of the plot. It is for the moviegoer to decide if Bofors is being suggested or Rafale.

I will discuss the finer politics in the next levels. For now, it would suffice to say that probably an SRK film could not have become so political had he not chosen a Tamil director. Courtesy OTT platforms and worldwide release with Hindi dubbing, nowadays we know that it is natural for Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam films to deal with politics either as a motif or as the central theme. Be it a Rajinikanth routine or more serious films like Jai Bhim (2021) and Kantara (2022). Jawan is dipped in this virtue of South India’s popular cinema.

Level 2: Unity in diversity

People from the northeast do not look like ‘us’, therefore ‘they’ are not Indians. This idea is deep-rooted in many of us. That is why they have to hear the word ‘chinky’ even in the country’s capital. People are more polite in Kolkata. Therefore, they don’t say it before people from the northeast, but keep it for close gatherings. Besides, the central government has normalised the otherization Manipur. One NRI BJP leader on record said that Manipur is to India what Scotland is to the United Kingdom.

Under these circumstances, Jawan begins in Arunachal Pradesh, close to the Chinese border. The hero was all but dead when he was spotted and carried home by a small boy and his mother. Light years away from the modern health system, he survives because of ancient tribal treatment. In a country where people of every faith are being forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and being killed for not doing so, here the hero rises from the dead almost as a blessing of Buddhist god Mahakal, who many Indians don’t even know. He rises to save the villagers from the marauding Chinese army. Perhaps it is the last bit that pacified the nationalist censor board. So much so that they did not mind whatever they would have objected to in other films. But what is important here is the film’s intent to bring a marginalized community to the centre of the story.

This is something that continues to happen right through the film. A resident of that Arunachal village plays a very important part. Everyone close to SRK in this film is from some minority or marginalised community: Muslims, Sikhs, someone from a poor farmer’s family, somebody from the northeast etc. Before Babri Masjid was razed, it was almost a norm in Bollywood films that if the hero is a Hindu, the best friend or one of the close friends would be a Muslim. That changed after December 6, 1992. Since then, Muslims in Hindi cinema have either been terrorists or overly patriotic army/police personnel. Jawan has brought that common Muslim back. Muslims are on both sides of the divide here.

Obviously, women are among the most endangered communities in today’s India. Not only has rape, molestation become the new normal in many parts of country, but the basic social rights of women acquired over centuries are being denounced. If A objects to them wearing jeans, B says eating chow mein is a sign of characterlessness. Any woman saying remotely disagreeable things on social media is trolled as badly as possible in an organized way. There have even been cases of imaginary online auction of Muslim women. In this regressive atmosphere, where toxic masculinity is celebrated every day, SRK does his superhuman act with the help of a gang of girls. Aishwarya (Deepika Padukone), one of his two heroines, beats him in a wrestling bout. Narmada (Nayanthara), the other heroine, is a single mother who became pregnant before marriage. She walked out of the relationship because having a child was more important to her than having a father for it. In a country where shouting ‘Bharat mata ki jai’ is proof of patriotism, the film has intelligently used the idea of mother to counter Islamophobia. I’ll not say how because that would be a spoiler.

Bollywood has long forgotten this kind of ‘mile sur mera tumhara’ movie and chances are high that it would never happen again. SRK, the star who can unify Kashmir to Kanyakumari even at the age of 57, has at least done it for one last time.

Level 3: Tribute to the best of Bollywood

Jawan has used the latest technology, prosthetic make up and shining sets but the soul of the film is that of Nehru era Hindi films. Films that not only entertained but also gave a broad political message on the need to make a nation that is democratic and provides equal opportunity for all.

jawan movie srk shahrukh khan bollywood

It is important to note that the era of Hindi films was ruled on screen by Raj Kapoor, Dilip Kumar and Dev Anand who were close to Jawaharlal Nehru. Besides there were people like Balraj Sahni, Prithvi Raj Kapoor, Sahir Ludhianvi, Kaifi Azmi, Salil Chowdhury in the industry who had links with the Communist Party of India (CPI). An exhaustive list of artists of that era who were either party members or members of the Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA) and/or Progressive Writers’ Movement would read like a who’s who of the Mumbai film industry. In effect, the industry was run by Nehruvian socialists and communists. The situation started to change once CPI tore itself apart in 1964. Indian leftists, for some reason best known to themselves, became prisoners of an unscientific idea: whatever is popular is necessarily bad. Since Hindi films are the most popular, they are the worst of course. Therefore, leftists never understood the importance of Bollywood as an influencer of common Indian minds. However, the overall agenda of Indian politics was still left or left of centre. A few people with leftist leanings were there in Bollywood. That is why one could see Amitabh Bachchan holding the hammer and the sickle on the poster of Coolie even in 1983.

By the time SRK burst onto the scene, those influences were gone. Indian politics had also taken a right turn. Nehru’s own party dumped his socialism in 1991 and ushered in a market economy. SRK’s debut film Deewana was released in June next year. Babri Masjid was demolished six months later. Middle class and poor heroes gradually vanished from Bollywood. Their place was taken by super rich heroes who live in mansions, drive expensive cars, even own helicopters. Some of them are NRIs but all of them are obedient followers of ancient Indian culture. They don’t marry a girl without the consent of her father; can’t fall in love with a girl who wears trousers but can fall head over heels once she becomes more ‘feminine’. That kind of hero does not lose respect for a father, who drives him out of home for wanting to marry a girl from a lower class. SRK played all those roles in his prime. Today, after spending more than three decades in the industry, he has earned the right to act in the kind of film he likes. And what does he come up with? A film of Nehruvian essence. The hero here is a marginalised individual at birth and soon loses his mother to become an orphan. It is no surprise that this film utilizes two songs from that era – ‘beqarar kar ke humein yun na jaiye’ from Bees Saal Baad (1962) and ‘ramaiya vastavaiya’ from Shree 420 (1955).

But the tribute goes farther. If your memory serves you right, you will discover some iconic Bollywood films in Jawan. You will find SRK’s predecessors in his character. It should not be difficult to find Raj Kapoor of Jis Desh Mein Ganga Behti Hai (1960), Rajesh Khanna of Aradhana (1969), Shashi Kapoor of Deewar (1975), Amitabh of Shahenshah (1988). Those who have already watched the film must have noticed the obvious traces of Sholay (1975), too. Needless to say, SRK has reminded the audience of his own romantic era with those inimitable expressions. However, more telling is the era left out: this millennium.

The last middle class idealist police officer hero of a Bollywood film was Manoj Bajpayee in Shool (1999). This millennium has only given us trigger-happy police officers. Those are the characters that normalised encounter killings (thereby the rule of the bulldozer). Nana Patekar of Ab Tak Chappan (2004); Sanjay Dutt, Suniel Shetty and Arbaaz Khan of Shootout at Lokhandwala (2007) do not care about the law or the courts. Then there is Salman Khan of Dabangg series and Ajay Devgn of Singham series. But the police officer in Jawan has nothing in common with them. He is more like the on-screen policemen of the last century. Incidentally, the rights of Shool are with Red Chillies Entertainment. Of course, there is one Vikram Rathore in this film who does not think twice about killing somebody, but he is not a police officer like his namesake in Akshay Kumar-starrer Rowdy Rathore (2012). Is that a signal from old man SRK, armed with the skills of a young director, about the kind of films he does not approve of?

As I have already said, leftists failed to understand the importance of Bollywood but right-wingers did not. They have been at their game since the 1990s and are now ready for a complete takeover of the industry. The Vaccine War is following in the footsteps of The Kashmir Files and The Kerala Story. If BJP comes back to power in 2024, Bollywood will definitely become unrecognizable. The importance of Jawan will increase manifold if that happens because then it will become a singular film that documents what Bollywood used to be as a unifier of this vast and diverse country. This is where one must mention the only possible failure of Jawan: its songs. Unforgettable songs are an essential element of a Bollywood film but all the songs in this film are forgettable. Music director Anirudh Ravichander fails big time on that count.

Level 4: The man behind the mask

Thus far I have not mentioned SRK by the names of the characters played by him in Jawan. One reason behind that is of course avoiding spoilers but that is not the only reason. Much bigger reason is the film itself. Shah Rukh Khan, the individual, has excited the characters a number of times. Everyone already knows from the viral clip that he almost directly addresses the audience in a speech towards the end of the film. But well before that, a song is played in the background more than once when the camera catches him up close. The song has too much music for the lyrics to be fully audible but you can clearly hear “King Khan”. Khan, mind you, is not the last name of the character played by SRK.

Since he has brought the man behind the mask to the fore like this, it is impossible not to think his personal life has been used as the ink to write the script of Jawan. Many people know and those who do not can watch his interview below to know that SRK’s father Mir Jan Muhammad Khan was a freedom fighter and General Shah Nawaz of Azad Hind Fauj was a relation.

Let me now say what I have held back so far with some struggle. One of the characters played by SRK in Jawan is called Azad and he forms a woman-only militia. The aim of this is to do good things for the country. In a way, you can call it Azad Hind Fauj. Interestingly, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was the first in this country to form a woman-only brigade in an armed force (Rani Laxmibai Brigade) even though they were not used in combat roles. I will not spell out the other obvious resemblance to Azad Hind Fauj because that would be a great spoiler.

Fans have been telling everyone that the dialogue “Bete ko haath lagane se pehle baap se baat kar” is SRK’s retort to the system, which arrested and kept his son Aryan in custody for charges it could not prove later. That could well be the reason behind writing that dialogue. However, if you listen to the above interview taken by Farida Jalal, it seems more likely that Jawan is SRK’s tribute to his father. In the last 3-4 minutes of the interview, he details what his father used to tell him about India and freedom. There you can find the makings of Jawan. At a later stage in the film, The Lion King (1994 & 2019) is referred to. It is done as a joke but those who know SRK lost his father at an impressionable age would feel that the joke has been used to hide a few drops of tears. As if SRK has fulfilled his wish of fighting wrongs with his freedom fighter father, courtesy the skills of the scriptwriters. In these dark times, he has poured out everything he learnt from his father for the audience.

Only an artist can do so. What else can an artist do?

Rs 5.26 per day is what Bano Bi, a Bhopal gas victim gets as compensation

Bhopal, Jabalpur, New Delhi: Imagine a street corner in Bhopal full of victims of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy of 02/03 December 1984, who received compensation: chatting, laughing, exchanging notes on the price rise affecting their pockets. Imagine footpaths spilling over with old and young survivors of the tragedy watching the world go by as they sip tea, discuss about grand children, cricket and the latest blockbuster.

The reality is: there is no such public space in Bhopal. Not even in the changing skyline of the City that came in the grip of deadly cloud of toxic gases from the Union Carbide Plant on the intervening night of 2-3 December 1984, enveloping the many small hutments and shanty colonies around the factory site. You can spot a woman in a gown or in not ironed salwar suit covering their heads with a chunni buying vegetables next to a young woman headed to a college or work, dressed in a spaghetti top and jeans. The social diversity is evident from Karond Chouraha to JP Nagar, from Shahjehanabad to Sindhi Colony to Bhopal Railway Station, at Ibrahimpura, Bhopal Talkies, Hamida Road, Bharat Talkies, where the old crumbling wooden and rock slab panel houses are giving way to swanky new buildings. The post-Bhopal Gas Tragedy generation did not witness the closure of the Union Carbide Plant.

Another reality is the Supreme Court orders dated 14/15 February 1989 that awarded compensation to a limited number of next of kin of the dead and to a small section of the survivors. One such character is Bano Bi who and her husband (late Akbar Khan, a hotel manager) received compensation of Rs 75,000 following the said 1989 Supreme Court order.

“The compensation was nothing against the loss we had to suffer because of the tragedy. I and my late husband permanently became allergic to many things and we were never able to lead a normal life that we and one of our siblings enjoyed earlier,” says Bano Bi who lives in a rented accommodation, close to Chirayu Hospital in old Bhopal’s Shahjahanabad locality.

A huge portion of the compensation amount was spent on medical and health care, she said by adding that “the amount was not enough to buy a small house for the family”. Over 39 years, that amounts to a measly and unjust Rs 05.26 a day is what the family of Bano received. (1984-2023 = 39 years. 39 years X 365 days = 14235 days.  Rs 75.000 divided by 14235 days = Rs 05.26 per day). With every passing day, the average amount available a day would fall proportionately.

To understand the words of Bano Bi, let us first read the Supreme Court order. On February 15th, 1989, the Supreme Court allowed the Union Carbide Corporation (UCC) and Union Carbide India Limited (UCIL) to resolve the dispute (through full and final settlement of all claims) on payment of $470 million to the Union of India.. The order said: “this court, considered it a compelling duty, both judicial and humane, to secure immediate relief to the victims.”  Some argue that the settlement amount was very little and some others argue that the opportunity to seek adequate compensation from the Union Carbide Corporation and Union Carbide Corporation India Limited was lost.

However, the decision was welcomed by the then Madhya Pradesh Government headed by the Congress Party, now in opposition both in the State and at the Centre. “Motilal Vora, the Chief Minister, or top elected official, of Madhya Pradesh state, of which Bhopal is the capital, said he welcomed the ruling,” wrote The New York Times in its news report titled ‘Bhopal Payments by Union Carbide set at $470 million’, published on February 15, 1989.

But his political opponents told Press Trust of India that the Government had ”surrendered before the multinational company”.

Surprisingly, the apex court order left behind several unanswered questions. Why were the concerns of Bhopal Disaster victims, who demanded adequate compensation for those who died and for those chronically ill survivors, with no hope of recovery, overlooked? Why were representatives of gas victims not consulted regarding the terms of the settlement? The larger issue is that the court order was met with widespread protest from within and outside Bhopal. The images and graphic accounts of the adverse impact of the disaster were horrific and have spread across the country and the world. Ordinary people joined protests against the Bhopal Disaster, from Goa to Guwahati, from Srinagar to Trivandrum, demanding justice, holding placards, singing “hum honge kamyaab, maan mein hai vishwas”, the widely acclaimed anthem of Indian civil rights movement which fought for equality, justice peace and harmony.

These may seem small, helpless peaceful gestures but they all mattered; as every silence amplifies the harm and the horror left behind by the disaster. And in this context, a call to observe National Protest Day was given on 19 April, 1989 and the order was challenged by way of review and writ petitions.

In March-April 1989, owing to widespread public protests, the Supreme Court decided to review the settlement. After admitting the review and writ petitions against the settlement that were filed in March 1989, the Supreme Court in order dated 04 May 1989 offered an explanation to justify the basis of the settlement.  0n 04the May 1989, the Supreme Court revealed that the settlement  was based on the assumptions that the number of deaths due to the disaster was just about 3,000 and that the number injured totaled only around 105,000.

However, it took 14 years for the 40 Claim Courts to complete the process of adjudication of all the claims, which numbered over 1,000,000. . By March 2003, the awarded death claims stood at 5,295 (over 10,000 death claims were awarded compensation only for injuries although it was acknowledged that the victims were actually dead), while the awarded injury claims stood at 5,53,015. In other words, the actual number of dead and injured were five times more than the assumptions on which the settlement was based.  In other words, the compensation amount of 470 million US Dollars (then Rs.705 crores) that was to be disbursed among 105,000 victims was actually disbursed among 570,000 victims! In other words, each gas victim on an average received less than one-fifth of the claim amount each victim was awarded as per the terms of the settlement.

Navendu Mishra, the Labour MP for Stockport, UK, has drawn attention of the global public to the gross injustice that had been meted out to the Bhopal gas victims through the unjust Bhopal settlement. Urging the British Government to support an investigation into the Bhopal gas explosions, Mr Mishra, in his address to the House of Commons on 22 November 2022 said:

“The $470 million agreed resulted in 93% of claimants being awarded the equivalent of £380 each for what, in reality, are life-changing injuries. Over 38 years, that amounts to a measly and unjust 5p a day. The victims were not consulted during the settlement discussions and, understandably, many felt cheated by the compensation.”

“Although it may seem far-fetched, it appears that corporations value a Bhopali survivor’s life 100 times less than the life of an Alaskan seabird, because in 1989 —the same year as the partial settlement—Exxon spent $51,000 on the rehabilitation of each bird affected by its oil disaster” added Navendu Mishra who has been an MP continuously since 12 December 2019.

The SC order seemingly dial up or down the capability of modern corporate giants who have ability to flatten a city in moments, contaminate the environment for decades and the effects of toxic gases and toxic waste are felt for generations. There are over 200,000 victims in Bhopal still suffering from the after-effects   of the 2-3 December 1984 disaster.

The spurious claim that too much compensation has been paid to the gas victims totally mischaracterises the untold sufferings that the gas victims have been forced to undergo all these years.

Ten years back, in 2013, noted senior lawyer and Rajya Sabha MP Ram Jethmalani questioned the reason behind reducing the compensation claim for the Bhopal gas victims and said the new package announced by the GoM was a “pittance”.

“I want to know who decided that the claim of USD 3.3 billion should be reduced to half a billion. I ask how did you (government) settle the USD 3.3 billion demand of compensation to just USD 470 million,” he said. Mr Jethmalani’s point was that when the Government decided to quantify the claims of the victims, it should have arrived at the figure after careful calculation and competent advice. But the compensation package provided by Union Carbide belied all expectations, he said, demanding action against the individual who instructed reducing the claim.

Moreover, apart from 500-odd flats built for 500-odd widows of gas victims, there are no state funded residential flats were built for needy gas victims. No public schools were built to provide free education to children of gas victims. Moreover, designated hospitals for  gas victims lack adequate  supply of essential medicines apart from the problem of poor diagnosis and treatment due to acute shortage of consultants and super-specialists.

Though there is a strong, sensible and logical case for the victims of such disasters to be adequately compensated, sadly in India, the right to compensation is not an enforceable right. In our country, the right to compensation rests only at the judge’s discretion. The citizens, who are killed in accidents, unlawfully arrested, detained, tortured, and even killed while in police custody are not guaranteed  the right to compensation. And in that lies great danger for the constitutional order. Your honour, my lord, sir… are you there… listening?

 

Anup Dutta is a fellow of Vikas Samvad Constitution Fellowship 2022.

রাগিং দুর্নীতির হানি নিয়ন্ত্রণে: সেন্সিটাইজেশন এবং ‘মি টু’ প্রস্তুতি প্রয়োজন

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কলকাতা: 11 সেপ্টেম্বর সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে বাংলায় এবং বাইরে একাধিক র‌্যাগিং সম্পর্কিত মৃত্যুর পর যাদবপুর বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে একটি র‌্যাগিং-বিরোধী সম্মেলন অ্যান্টি-রাগিং কনভেনশন অনুষ্ঠিত হয়েছে।

একটি অ্যান্টি-র‌্যাগিং পিপলস কনভেনশন প্রিপারেটরি কমিটির দ্বারা আয়োজিত এই কনভেনশনে যাদবপুর বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের র‌্যাগিং-আক্রান্ত স্বপ্নদীপ কুন্ডু এবং আইআইটি-খড়গপুরের ফয়জান আহমেদের প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক হত্যার বিচার দাবি করা হয়েছিল এবং খুনিদের দৃষ্টান্তমূলক শাস্তি দেওয়া হয়েছিল। এছাড়াও উল্লিখিত ছাত্রদের হত্যার তদন্ত প্রতিবেদন প্রকাশ করা।

এই কনভেনশনের মূল আহ্বান ছিল- জনগণের সচেতনতা গড়ে তোলা এবং শিক্ষা প্রতিষ্ঠান থেকে চিরতরে এই প্রথা নির্মূলে ঐক্যবদ্ধ হওয়া।

সম্মেলনে বক্তাদের একটি দীর্ঘ প্যানেল ছিল।

প্রফেসর অনুপম বসু, এনআইটি দুর্গাপুরের প্রাক্তন ডিরেক্টর এবং প্রাক্তন আইআইটি-খড়গপুর বলেন যে চলমান র‌্যাগিং সংস্কৃতি আমাদের সামাজিক মূল্যবোধের অবক্ষয়ের প্রতিফলন। তিনি উল্লিখিত খসড়া প্রস্তাবের প্রথম দফাকে সমর্থন করেন। সম্মেলনের সভাপতিত্বও করেন তিনি।

“ব্রিটিশ আমল থেকে র‌্যাগিং একটি আধা-সামন্ততান্ত্রিক উপায় হিসাবে অব্যাহত রয়েছে। আর তা প্রতিরোধ করতে পারে একমাত্র সংগঠিত ছাত্র আন্দোলন। বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের কর্তৃপক্ষ এটি রোধ করতে নারাজ। শিক্ষার্থীদের সাথে লাইভ যোগাযোগ গড়ে তোলা এবং তাদের মধ্যে সংবেদনশীলতার একটি ক্রমাগত প্রক্রিয়া তৈরি করা কর্তৃপক্ষের জন্য অত্যন্ত প্রয়োজনীয়। এই প্রথা বন্ধ করতে সমস্ত ধারার ছাত্রদেরও ঐক্যবদ্ধভাবে এগিয়ে আসা উচিত,” যাদবপুর বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপক কুণাল চট্টোপাধ্যায়।

anti ragging convention jadavpur university iit
যাদবপুর বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অ্যান্টি র‌্যাগিং কনভেনশনে বক্তারা

রঞ্জিত সুর, একজন মানবাধিকার কর্মী র‌্যাগারদের বিকৃত মানসিকতা সংশোধন করার জন্য প্রচেষ্টা করার উপর জোর দিয়েছেন। ছাত্র ইউনিয়নের দ্বারা সুস্থ সামাজিক-রাজনৈতিক সংস্কৃতির চর্চা খুবই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ। তিনি আরো বলেন, রাজনৈতিক দলগুলো শুধু এই ইস্যুতে হাঙ্গামা করছে।

নীলাঞ্জন দত্ত, একজন মানবাধিকার কর্মীও শিক্ষার্থীদের সংবেদনশীলতার উপর জোর দিয়েছিলেন এবং এ বিষয়ে প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক কর্তৃপক্ষের যথাযথ ভূমিকার জন্য অনুরোধ করেছিলেন।

রঞ্জিত, একজন মানব নেতা র‌্যাগার্ড সুরক্ষিত বিকৃততা সংশোধন করার জন্য প্রচেষ্টা করার উপর জোর দেন। ছাত্রদের দ্বারা সামাজিক-রাজনৈতিক সংস্কৃতির চর্চা গুরুত্বপূর্ণ। তিনি আরো বলেন, দলগুলো শুধু এই ইস্যুতে হাঙ্গামা করছে।

নীলাঞ্জন, একজন মানবাধিকার নেতাও মান্যতা সংবেদন তার উপর জোর দিয়েছিলেন প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক দত্তের ক্ষেত্রে সক্রিয় এবং সক্রিয়তার জন্য প্রয়োজন।

যাদবপুর বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপক সঞ্জীব আচার্জি ডঃ অর্ণব সেনগুপ্তের দৃষ্টিভঙ্গির সাথে মতামত দেন এবং বলেছিলেন যে সংশ্লিষ্ট কর্তৃপক্ষের উচিত তাদের তাদের জায়গায় এই প্রথা নির্মূল করার যোগ্য করে তোলা এবং অন্যান্য বড় প্রশাসনিক ও রাজনৈতিক উদ্দেশ্য থেকে জাবি-এর একাডেমিক শ্রেষ্ঠত্ব এবং স্বায়ত্তশাসনকে বাঁচানোর উপর জোর দেওয়া। সত্তা

যাদবপুর বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপক মানাশ ঘোষও এই র‌্যাগিং অনুশীলনকে একটি অমানবিক এবং আধিপত্যবাদী সংস্কৃতি হিসাবে দেখেছেন যা একটি সংবেদনশীল প্রক্রিয়ার মাধ্যমে মোকাবেলা করা উচিত কিন্তু ক্যাম্পাসে প্রাক্তন সামরিক কর্মীদের স্থাপনের মতো একটি পাল্টা-আধিপত্যবাদী পদ্ধতি দ্বারা নয়।

anti ragging convention jadavpur university iit faizan ahmed
সম্মেলনে শ্রোতারা

প্রবীণ সাংবাদিক ও লেখক প্রণয় শর্মা বলেন, এটা তাদের সম্প্রদায়ের ছাত্রদের সমস্যা। কোনো বহিরাগত সংস্থা এই সমস্যা সমাধানের জন্য উপযুক্ত নয়, তিনি যোগ করেন।

ইনিউজরুমের সম্পাদক শাহনওয়াজ আখতার তার বক্তৃতায় ফাইজান আহমেদের মামলা এবং র‌্যাগিংয়ের বিরোধিতা করার কারণে কীভাবে তার বিরুদ্ধে একটি জঘন্য অপরাধ সংঘটিত হয়েছিল তা তুলে ধরেন। মামলাটি নিবিড়ভাবে পর্যবেক্ষণকারী আখতার দর্শকদের সামনে মামলার বেশ কয়েকটি দিক তুলে ধরেন।

পরে ফাইজানের মা রেহানা আহমেদ ফোনে কথা বলেন এবং ন্যায়বিচারের লড়াইয়ে জনগণের সমর্থন কামনা করেন। তিনি দাবি করেছিলেন যে আইআইটি কর্তৃপক্ষ যেভাবে আমার ছেলের মামলার বিরোধিতা করছে এবং এটি শেষ হতে দিচ্ছে না, মনে হচ্ছে তারা কাউকে বাঁচাচ্ছে।

জাবির ছাত্র ও আইসার সদস্য বর্ষা বড়াল বলেন, র‌্যাগিং সামাজিক নির্মাণ এবং ক্ষমতা প্রয়োগের অভ্যাসের সঙ্গে জড়িত। জাবি শুধু র‌্যাগিংয়ের জায়গা নয়, সারা ভারত থেকে আরও অনেকে এটা বহন করছে। জাবি কর্তৃপক্ষ এ সমস্যা সমাধানে যথাযথ পদক্ষেপ নেয়নি।

সৃজন সিনহা, একজন জাবি-ছাত্র এবং আরএসএফ-কর্মী বলেছেন যে সমস্ত অ্যান্টি-র্যাগিং সেটআপগুলিকে আরও কার্যকর করার জন্য প্রয়োজন।

কনভেনশনটি অ্যান্টি-র্যাগিং পিপলস ইনিশিয়েটিভ ফোরামের ছয় সদস্যের একটি কনভেনিং বডি (বর্ধিতযোগ্য) গঠনের মাধ্যমে সমাপ্ত হয়।

এটি যৌথভাবে নয়টি সামাজিক সংগঠন দ্বারা সংগঠিত হয়েছিল – অমর দেশ মেরা ওয়াতান আমার দেশ ফোরাম, প্রতিবাদী সাহিত্য ও সংস্কৃতি মঞ্চ, বন্দী মুক্তি কমিটি, এপিডিআর, নো এনআরসি আন্দোলন, পশ্চিম বঙ্গ গণ সংস্কৃতি পরিষদ, ভারত জোড় অভিজান, নেহাই এবং শ্রমিক কর্মচারি সংগ্রামী। যুক্ত মঞ্চ।

এই সম্মেলনের একটি কেন্দ্রীয় খসড়া প্রস্তাবও প্রস্তুত করা হয়।

একটি র‌্যাগিং-বিরোধী জনগণের উদ্যোগ গড়ে তোলা যা এই বিষয়ে ছাত্র, শিক্ষক, গবেষক, অশিক্ষক কর্মচারী এবং সংশ্লিষ্ট কর্তৃপক্ষ সহ সকল স্টেকহোল্ডারদের সাথে সমন্বয় করে র‌্যাগিং প্রথা নির্মূলে অর্থবহ বা সহায়ক ভূমিকা পালন করবে।

Sensitisation and Me Too like movement needed to control the menace of ragging

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Kolkata: An anti-ragging convention held in Jadavpur University after a series of ragging related deaths that have occurred in and outside Bengal in recent times, on September 11.

The convention which was organised by an Anti Ragging Peoples’ Convention Preparatory Committee demanded justice against the institutional murder of ragging-affected Swapnadeep Kundu of Jadavpur University and Faizan Ahmed of IIT-Kharagpur, and that exemplary punishment be given to the killer(s). Also making public the investigating reports of the killing of the said students.

The main call of this convention was — to build up peoples’ awareness and unite to permanently eradicate the practice from educational institutions.

There was a long panel of speakers at the convention.

Prof Anupam Basu, ex-director of NIT Durgapur and ex-prof IIT-Kharagpur said that the ongoing ragging culture is the reflection of our degradation of social values. He supported the very first point of the said draft proposal. He also presided over the convention. 

“Ragging has been continuing as a semi-feudal way since the British period. And only an organised student movement can prevent it. The university’s authority has been remaining reluctant to curb it. It is very necessary for the authority to build up live communication with the students and make a continuous process of sensitisation among them. The students of all streams should also come forward unitedly to stop this practice,” Prof Kunal Chattopadhyay of Jadavpur University.

anti ragging convention jadavpur university iit
The speakers at anti-ragging convention in Jadavpur University

Ranjit Sur, a human rights activist stressed to make efforts to rectify the distorted mindset of the raggers. A practice of healthy socio-political culture by the students’ union is very important. The political parties are only making turmoil on this issue, he added. 

Nilanjan Dutta, a human rights activist also emphasized for sensitisation of the students and sought for proper role of institutional authorities in this regard. 

As per Dr Sayantan Banerjee, AIIMS, Kalyani, ragging can be curbed and stopped by creatively involving the senior students in anti-bullying programs. The universities and institutions should come together to address this issue. He also pointed out that Me Too like movement is needed against ragging.

Dr Arnab Sengupta (HOD, Dept of Physiology, SSKM Medical College and Hospital) said that the ragging practice can be curbed if the concerned authority remains properly committed. The occurrence of ragging means the authority is reluctant, he said. In this JU case (Swapandip murder) — the authority, the students’ and the teachers’ organisations, none have followed their duties and responsibilities. He said.

Prof. Sanjib Acharjee of Jadavpur University opined with the view of Dr Arnab Sengupta and stated that the concerned authorities should make them eligible to eradicate this practice in their places and also stressed saving the JU’s academic excellence and autonomy from the intending other big administrative and political entities.

Prof. Manash Ghosh also from Jadavpur University viewed this ragging practice as an inhuman and hegemonic culture which should be addressed by a sensitisation process but not by a counter-hegemonic method like the installation of ex-military personnel on the campuses.

anti ragging convention jadavpur university iit faizan ahmed
Listeners in the convention | Picture: Arranged

Veteran journalist and writer Pranay Sharma said it’s the problem of students within their community. No external agency is suitable to solve this problem, he added. 

Shahnawaz Akhtar, Editor of eNewsroom in his speech highlighted the case of Faizan Ahmed and how a heinous crime was committed against him as he opposed ragging. Akhtar, who was closely monitoring the case, pointed out several aspects of the case before the audience.

Later Faizan’s mother Rehana Ahmed spoke over the phone and sought the support of the people in her fight for justice. She claimed that the way IIT authorities are opposing my son’s case and not letting it conclude, it seems they are saving someone. 

Barsha Baral, a student of JU and member of AISA said ragging is embedded in the social construction and a practice of applying power. JU is not only the place of ragging, rather many others from all over India are also carrying it. The JU authority has not taken proper steps to address this issue.

Srijan Sinha, a JU-student an RSF-activist said that all the anti-ragging setups are required to make them more functional.

The convention concluded with the formation of a six-member Convening Body (extendable ) of the Anti-Ragging Peoples’ Initiative forum.

It was jointly organized by nine social organisations — the Amar Desh Mera Watan My Country forum, Pratibadi Sahitya O Sanskriti Mancha, Bandi Mukti Committee, APDR, No NRC Movement, Paschim Banga Gana Sanskriti Parishad, Bharat Jodo Abhijan, Nehai and Shramik Karmachari Sangrami Jukta Mancha. 

 A central draft proposal of this convention was also prepared.

To build up an anti-ragging people’s initiative which will play a meaningful or supportive role in eradicating the practice of ragging by coordinating with all stakeholders including students, teachers, researchers, non-teaching staff, and the concerned authorities in this regard.

बोली और कहावतों के सहारे 100 प्रतिशत टीकाकरण करने वाली शाइनिंग कोरोना वारियर्स की “दर्द-भरी” कहानी

भोपाल। कोरोना की गंभीरता भले ही खत्म हो गई, लेकिन यह आम जनता का पीछा अब भी नहीं छोड़ रहा है। अमेरिका की फर्स्ट लेडी जिल बाइडेन से लेकर भारत के किसी न किसी हिस्से में आज भी एक न एक कोरोना मरीज मिल ही जाता है। हालांकि कोविड का असर और खौफ अब बीते जमान की बात हो गई है, लेकिन इससे निजात पाने की कहानी के अनंत किस्से और किरदार हैं।

“कोरोना की दूसरी लहर के अंतिम दौर में खुद बुरी तरह संक्रमित हो चुकी थीं, यह वही दौर था जब चौतरफा फील्ड-वर्कर्स के संक्रमित होने और मौत की सूचनाएं आ रही थीं। ये वही पेरा-मेडिकल हेल्थ स्टाफ था जो एक घर की चौखट से दूसरे चौखट, एक मोहल्ले से दूसरे मोहल्ले, एक गली से दूसरी संकरी गली, एक गांव से दूसरे गांव तक जाकर लोगों को वैक्सीन लगाने के साथ इसकी उपयोगिता समझा भी रहे थे। ये एक जंग थी कोरोना के खिलाफ, जिसमें कई साथियों ने अपना सर्वोच्च बलिदान दे दिया, ” ये कहती हैं 43 वर्षीय मंजू श्रीवास्तव जो नेशनल हेल्थ मिशन एमपी में एएनएम (ऑक्जिलरी नर्सिंग एंड मिडवाइफरी) के तौर पर भोपाल में पदस्थ हैं।

इससे पहले मंजू को कभी एहसास तक नहीं हुआ, न ही कभी बुरे सपने में और ना ही उस वक़्त जब पहली बार अस्पताल में एक कोविड पीड़ित महिला को सांस लेने में असीम तकलीफ झेलते और दम तोड़ते देखा। हालांकि खुद के संक्रमित होते ही बार-बार वही दृश्य उसके सामने आ खड़ा हो जाता।

मंजू को लगा जैसे उसका शरीर धीरे-धीरे-धीरे उससे छूटता जा रहा है। ये वही दौर था जब अपने जिन्दा रहने और कोरोना संक्रमण से बचे रहने को हर इंसान बड़े चमत्कार से कम नहीं मानता था। ये वही भयावह समय था, जब लगभग 50 एएनएम अपनी जान कोरोना से गंवा चुकी थीं और कई अन्य कोरोना से बुरी तरह संक्रमित हो जीवन और मौत के बीच झूल रही थीं।

अभी मंजू की रिकवरी हुई भी नहीं थी कि एक के बाद उनके परिवार वाले कोरोना की चपेट में आ गए। परिवार के 8 में से 5 सदस्य (पिताजी, माँ, भाई, भाभी) संक्रमित हो गए। यहां तक कि घर के बच्चे भी संक्रमण का शिकार हुए।

मंजू दुविधा में थी, वे अपने कोविड पॉजिटिव माता-पिता, भाई-भाभी या परिवार के बाकी मेंबर्स की सेवा करें या कर्तव्य को देखें? आखिरकार वे  परिजनों को कोविड प्रोटोकॉल, दवाओं और दुआओं के भरोसे छोड़कर वापस ड्यूटी पर जा पहुंचीं।

मंजू कहती हैं कि “दवाईयों और सिर्फ एक सोच के साथ मैं ड्यूटी पर वापिस आ गई, कि मुश्किल के इस दौर मेरा लोगों, मोहल्लों और गांवों तक पहुंचना बहुत जरूरी है।”

कोरोना वारियर्स और वैक्सीनेशन कोविड मध्य प्रदेश
कोविड की सेकंड वेव खत्म होने के बाद बाद निवाड़ी जिले के ग्रामीण अंचलों में घर-घर जाकर लोगों का वेक्सीनेशन करतीं एएनएम सुनीता अहिरवार

इसी दौर में, राजधानी से सैकड़ों किलोमीटर दूर ग्रामीण, पिछड़े और आदिवासी इलाकों में दूसरी तरह की जंग चल रही थी। यहां वैक्सीन को लेकर हिचकिचाहट दूर कर लोगों को जीवन के सूत्र में बांधने की दिशा में अलग ही प्रयोग हो रहा था। जनता के बीच पहुंचने के लिए लोकल लेवल पर प्रचलित बुंदेली भाषा और स्थानीय कहावतों के सहारे वैक्सीन को अपनाने की बात को लेकर कुछ एएनएम ने अलग ही अंदाज में जोर देना शुरू किया।

“हमारे इलाके के लोग वैक्सीन लगवाने को राजी ही नहीं थे। मैं अपने सेंटर पर दिन भर इंतजार करती औऱ इक्का-दुक्का लोग ही टीका लगवाने आते।”, लिहाजा आते-जाते लोगों को बुंदेलखंडी कहावत में ताना मारने लगी, जैसे-“रात भर पीसो, पारे से उठाओ” (याने लोगों को जितना भी समझाओ वो मानने को तैयार ही नहीं होते।)” , ये कहना है भोपाल से 350 किलोमीटर दूर बेहद पिछड़े कहे जाने वाले बुंदेलखंड अंचल के निवाड़ी जिले में आने वाली ओरछा तहसील में पदस्थ एएनएम उमा अहिरवार का।

उनके इस ताने पर लोग मजाक उड़ाते और वैक्सीनेशन की खामियां गिनाते, इस पर वे उसी ग्रामीण लहजे में पलटवार करतीं-” जे को काम ओई खों साजे, और करें तो ठेंगा पाजे,” मतलब जिसका जो काम है, वह उसी को करना चाहिए अर्थात वैक्सीनेशन पर नेगेटिव कमेंट मत करो, क्योंकि ये काम साइंटिस्ट, डॉक्टर्स और एक्सपर्ट्स का है।

ये बुंदेली कहावतें धीरे-धीरे असर करने लगीं। देखते ही देखते सेकंड वेव के दौरान ही जिले ने टीकाकरण में कीर्तिमान रच दिया। एक समय जो वैक्सीनेशन सेंटर खाली था, वहां लोगों की भीड़ को कंट्रोल करने के लिए हेल्थ डिपार्टमेंट को पुलिस बुलानी पड़ी।

ठीक उमा की तरह पदस्थ इसी ब्लॉक के कुलुआ सब सेक्टर में पदस्थ एएनएम सुनीता अहिरवार ग्रामीणों, विशेषकर महिलाओं के वैक्सीनेशन के प्रति अनदेखी को दूर करने का काम एक अलग ही अंदाज में कर रही थी।

कोरोना वारियर्स और वैक्सीनेशन कोविड मध्य प्रदेश
मंजू श्रीवास्तव – “कोविड वेक्सीनेशन पूरा होने के बाद भोपाल की एक आंगनबाड़ी में बच्चों और महिलाओं को स्वास्थ्य संबंधी सलाह देतीं एएनएम मंजू श्रीवास्तव

सबसे पहले उन्होंने गांव के लोगों से वहां की प्रचलित भाषा के जरिए संवाद शुरू किया। “अपने संबोधन में दाऊ, चाचा, मम्मा (मामा), फुआ (बुआ), नन्नी (नानी), अम्मा और बऊ (माताजी), माईं (मामी), भज्जा (भाई), बब्बा (दादा या बाबा) जैसे संबोधनो के साथ बात शुरू की और कहावतों के साथ समझाने की प्रक्रिया को आरम्भ किया। बातों ही बातों में वे अक्सर मीठी धमकी भरे लहजे में कहतीं – “जितेक के भजन नई, उतेक के मजीरा फूट जे हैं” (यानी कोविड होने पर घर परिवार बर्बाद हो जाता है)

कुलुआ सब सेक्टर में वाले अधीन झिंगोरा, धर्मपुरा, बरवाहा, कुलुआ और बरूआखिरत गांव में कोई वैक्सीनेशन का पहला डोज लेने तक को तैयार न था। पर सुनीता के सम्बोधन और गांव वालों से इस आत्मीय संवाद का असर होने लगा। इन पांच गांवों में कुल 5270 लोगों को कोविड वैक्सीन लगने थे। सुनीता ने इन दोनों सेक्टर में कोविड के दोनों डोज का 100 प्रतिशत वैक्सीनेशन कर दिया।

इतना ही नहीं ये इलाका यूपी की सीमा से सटा है लिहाजा यूपी के लोगों का भी टीकाकरण उमा और सुनीता ने किया।

निवाड़ी जिले के चीफ मेडिकल एंड हेल्थ ऑफिसर डॉ आरसी मलारिया के मुताबिक उमा और सुनीता जैसी वारियर्स के बलबूते ही उन्हें लोकगीत आल्हा के जरिए लोगों को समझाने का आइडिया भी आया। जिसके तहत लोगों को वैक्सीनेशन के लिए जागरूक करने की खातिर आशा कार्यकर्ताओं और पुरुष कर्मचारियों की टोलियां बनाई गईं, जो बुंदेली माटी की वीरता से जुड़े आल्हा गीत गाकर वैक्सीनेशन का संदेश देते थे। उनके मुताबिक खतरों से जूझने वाली एएनएम अगर रिस्क उठाकर काम नहीं करतीं तो इस पिछड़े इलाके में 100 फीसदी वैक्सीनेशन का आंकड़ा छूना असंभव ही था।

वहीं नेशनल हेल्थ मिशन मध्य प्रदेश के स्टेट वैक्सीनेशन ऑफिसर डॉ संतोष शुक्ला भी स्वीकारते हैं कि कोविड टीकाकरण के लक्ष्य को पूरा करने के लिए तमाम संसाधनों में सबसे ज्यादा अहम रोल एएनएम का ही था, जिनकी राज्य में कुल संख्या लगभग 14 हजार है और इनमें 98 फीसदी से ज्यादा महिलाएं हैं।

कोरोना वारियर्स और वैक्सीनेशन कोविड
उमा अहिरवार को उसके काम के लिए सम्मानित किया गया

एमपी में एएनएम की दो कैटेगरी हैं। पहली रेगुलर और दूसरी कॉन्ट्रैक्ट बेस्ड। दोनों श्रेणियों में इनकी संख्या लगभग 7-7 हजार है। रेगुलर एएनएम हेल्थ डिपार्टमेंट के अंडर मे आती हैं। इनकी पोस्टिंग सरकारी अस्पताल, सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केंद्र, प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केंद्र, सिविल अस्पताल और मेडिकल कॉलेज के हॉस्पिटल्स में होती हैं। ये अस्पताल परिसर के भीतर और यदा-कदा आस-पास के इलाके में जाकर स्वास्थ्य सेवाएं देती हैं। इधर, संविदा पर काम करने वाली एएनएम, नेशनल हेल्थ मिशन की कर्मचारी होती हैं और एक निश्चित इलाके में आंगनबाड़ी, स्कूल के अलावा घर-घर जाकर टीके लगाने का काम करती हैं। दोनों के बीच वेतन और सुविधाओं में काफी अंतर है। सरकारी एएनएम के मुकाबले एनएचएम की एएनएम को काफी कम वेतन मिलता है। कोविड से लड़ने के बाद अब एएनएम का तबका अपने हक की लड़ाई लड़ रहा है।

रेगुलर एएनएम को भले ही वेतन ज्यादा मिल रहा है, लेकिन उन्हें सालों से प्रमोशन नहीं मिला है। इसके खिलाफ वे सड़कों पर उतरकर और अपने बाल कटाकर विरोध तक जता चुकी हैं। स्टेट गवर्नमेंट ने 27 अप्रैल 2023 को कोरोना के दौरान इनकी असाधारण सेवाओं को देखते हुए आश्वासन दिया था कि जनरल नर्सिंग की डिपार्टमेंटल ट्रेनिंग लेने वाली एएनएम को स्टाफ नर्स बना दिया जाएगा, लेकिन ऐसा नहीं हुआ। रेगुलर एएनएम के हक की लड़ाई लड़ने वाले प्रगतिशील संयुक्त कर्मचारी कल्याण संघ की पदाधिकारी सूरजकला सहारे चेतावनी देते हुए कहती हैं कि अगर सरकार ने उनकी मांगों की तरफ जल्द ध्यान नहीं दिया तो सभी रेगुलर एएनएम काम बंद भी कर सकती हैं।

दूसरी तरफ संविदा पर कार्यरत एएनएम भी अपने वेतन और सेवा-शर्तों के भेदभाव को लेकर सालों से आवाज उठाती आ रही हैं। इन्हें रेगुलर एएनएम के मुकाबले लगभग आधा वेतन मिलता है। एमपी के मुख्य़मंत्री शिवराज सिंह चौहान लगभग एक माह पहले घोषणा कर चुके हैं कि सभी संविदाकर्मियों को रेगुलर पद के समान वेतन-भत्ते दिए जाएंगे, लेकिन ये घोषणा अब तक पूरी नहीं हुई। जिन शर्तों पर संविदा एएनएम को रेगुलर के समान वेतन देने की बात कही गई है, उस पर भी संगठनों को आपत्ति है।

मप्र संविदा अधिकारी कर्मचारी महासंघ के प्रदेशाध्यक्ष रमेश राठौर कहते हैं कि – “सरकार के फैसले को लागू कर भी दिया जाए तो संविदा एएनएम को ग्रेड पे के हिसाब से न्यूनतम वेतन ही मिलेगा। सरकार ने एएनएम को पे-बैंड के हिसाब से निचले ग्रेड-पे में रखा है, ऐसे में इन्हें न तो आर्थिक फायदा होगा और न ही सालों की सीनियरटी का लाभ मिलेगा। इधर, प्रदेश के स्वास्थ्य मंत्री डॉ प्रभुराम चौधरी खुद मानते हैं कि इन एएनएम जैसे रियल वारियर्स के बलबूते ही प्रदेश को कोविड फ्री किया जा सका और हर्ड इम्युनिटी डेवलप हो सकी।

हेल्थ मिनिस्टर आश्वासन देते हैं कि सरकार संजीदगी से सभी रेगुलर और संविदा एएनएम की समस्याओं का समाधान निकालेगी। एमपी में ये साल चुनावी है और नियमितिकरण का मुद्दा गरमाया हुआ है, लिहाजा मंजू और उनके जैसी सैंकड़ों एएनएम उम्मीद के साथ कहती हैं कि ” कर्तव्य की खातिर अपनी जान दांव पर लगा देने की कीमत तो सरकार को चुकानी ही चाहिए।”

वैक्सीनेशन मध्य प्रदेश
स्टेट वैक्सीनेशन ऑफिसर डॉ संतोष शुक्ला

बहरहाल, हेल्थ डिपार्टमेंट और एनएचएम के आंकड़ों के मुताबिक 14 में से 2 हजार एएनएम ऐसी थीं, जो कोविड के दौरान इन्फेक्टेड हुईं। हालांकि सरकार के पास इस तरह के कोई आंकड़े नहीं हैं कि इनमें से कितनों ने अपने परिजनों को इस दौरान खो दिया, लेकिन एएनएम कर्मचारी संगठनों का दावा है कि 14 में से 1 हजार से ज्यादा एएनएम के परिजन सेकंड वेव के दौरान मारे गए। सरकारी आंकड़ों के मुताबिक प्रदेश में कोरोना की दूसरी लहर में केवल 4100 मौतों का दावा किया जाता है, लेकिन इस पर भी हमेशा ही सवाल खड़े हुए। राजधानी भोपाल में तो कोविड की दूसरी लहर के दौरान केवल भदभदा श्मशान घाट पर ही 3811 शव जले थे, फिर भी सरकारी रिकॉर्ड आज भी यही कहते हैं कि प्रदेश में पहली और दूसरी वेव के दौरान केवल 10 हजार 786 मौतें हुईं।

आंकड़ों का सच जो भी हो, मंजू, उमा और सुनीता (इस अवधि में अपने बच्चों और परिवार से परे रहीं) प्रदेश की लगभग 14 हजार एएनएम में से हैं, जो इस चुनौतीपूर्ण दौर में परिवार और कर्तव्य के बीच संतुलन बनाकर वैश्विक महामारी के खिलाफ जंग जीतने में लोगों के बीच वैक्सीन लेकर पहुंचीं, नतीजतन, 2022 में मध्य प्रदेश में आबादी के अनुपात में सबसे ज्यादा वैक्सीनेशन हुआ। यूनाईटेड नेशंस की संस्था यूनिसेफ वैक्सीनेशन को बढ़ावा देने में अपनी भागीदारी बेहद सक्रियता से निभाती है। पिछले साल इस संस्था ने उमा और सुनीता समेत कई हेल्थवर्कर्स को एमपी के ओरछा में आयोजित मीडिया वर्कशॉप के दौरान सम्मानित किया।

केंद्र सरकार से हासिल आंकड़ों के मुताबिक मप्र में अब तक 13 करोड़ 39 लाख 40 हजार 192 कोरोना के डोज लगाए गए हैं। प्रदेश में 5 करोड़ 41 लाख 43 हजार 862 लोगों को पहला और 5 करोड़ 40 लाख 61 हजार 655 को दूसरा डोज लगा।

वहीं, सेकंड वेव (लहर) गुजरने के बाद 15 से 18 साल तक के 41 लाख युवाओं को पहला और 34 लाख युवाओं को सेकंड डोज लग चुका है। प्रदेश में 12 से 14 साल के किशोरों में से 24 लाख 10 हजार 961 को पहला और 16 लाख 98 हजार 670 को दूसरा टीका लगाया जा चुका है।

वहीं अगर हम बात प्रीकॉशनरी यानी तीसरी डोज की करें तो प्रदेश में 1 करोड़ 1 लाख 27 हजार 767 टीके 18 से 59 साल के आयु वर्ग को लगाए गए हैं।

इन आंकड़ों को देखकर सरकार और जनता दोनों खुश हैं। लेकिन इससे इतर “टीकाकरण के लिए जाने का समय तो तय होता था, लेकिन लौटने का नहीं”, सुनीता और उमा की ये बातें भी लंबे समय तक याद रहने वाली है।

 

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মুসলিম শিক্ষককে ছাত্র ট্রল: আপনি কি বোমা বানাতে শেখাচ্ছেন?

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কলকাতা: জাতি মুসলিম শিক্ষক দিবস উদযাপন করার ঠিক একদিন পরে, কলকাতার একজন শিক্ষাবিদ তার YouTube লাইভ ক্লাস চলাকালীন বারবার ট্রোলড হয়েছেন।

এস নওয়াজ টিউটোরিয়ালের মুসলিম শিক্ষক মোহাম্মদ শাহনওয়াজ, দাড়ি এবং মাথার খুলির টুপি পরে তার ছাত্রদের খরচ ও ব্যবস্থাপনা শেখাচ্ছিলেন। যখন একজন ছাত্র এই ধরনের মন্তব্য পোস্ট করতে শুরু করে: “আপনি কি বোমা বানাতে শেখাচ্ছেন?” “জয় শ্রী রাম”।

ভিডিওতে ওই মুসলিম শিক্ষক ছাত্রের মুখোমুখি হতে দেখা যাচ্ছে। তিনি বলেন, “আমি বোমা বানানো শেখাচ্ছি না, পরীক্ষায় কীভাবে ভালো করতে হয়। এই ধরনের কাজ করে রাম ও হিন্দু ধর্মের নাম নষ্ট করবেন না।” তিনি ছাত্রকে “মরিয়াদা পুরুষোত্তম রাম”-এর প্রকৃত শিক্ষা অনুসরণ করতে এবং শিষ্টাচার শেখা উচিত বলেও শোনা যায়, যা অনুসরণ করে তিনি বলেন, “আসুন আমরা সময় নষ্ট না করে ক্লাসে এগিয়ে যাই।”

একটি সোশ্যাল মিডিয়া প্ল্যাটফর্মে ভিডিওটি শেয়ার করার পর eNewsroom শিক্ষকের সঙ্গে যোগাযোগ করে। অনলাইন ক্লাস চলাকালীন এই প্রথম তিনি এমন ট্রোলিংয়ের মুখোমুখি হয়েছেন কিনা জানতে চাইলে তিনি বলেন, “এটা আমার জন্য নতুন কিছু ছিল। কিন্তু এর আগেও আমার কোচিং সেন্টারের অন্য শিক্ষকদের টার্গেট করা হয়েছে।”

তার লাইভ অধিবেশনকে উপেক্ষা করার পরিবর্তে এবং এগিয়ে যাওয়ার পরিবর্তে কেন তিনি উত্তর দিতে বেছে নিয়েছিলেন তা জানতে চাওয়া হলে, তিনি বলেন, “বেশ কয়েকবার আমরা মন্তব্যগুলি মুছে ফেলেছি এবং উপেক্ষা করা বেছে নিয়েছি। যাইহোক, এই লাইভ সেশনের সময়, আমি অনুভব করেছি যে এটি আর উপেক্ষা করা যাবে না এবং তাই মন্তব্যকারী ব্যক্তির সাথে এটি যুক্তি দেওয়ার চেষ্টা করেছি।”

তাহলে, খণ্ডন কি ট্রল বন্ধ করবে? “আমি খুব নিশ্চিত নই যে এটি তাকে বাধা দেবে কিনা। বর্তমান রাজনৈতিক প্রেক্ষাপট একটি নির্দিষ্ট মতাদর্শের লোকদের জন্য ‘অন্যদের’ টার্গেট করা সহজ করে দিচ্ছে। তবে, আমি মনে করি এই ধরনের অসহিষ্ণুতাকে উপভোগ করা উচিত নয়।”

শাহনওয়াজ, একমাত্র অনলাইন শিক্ষক নন, যিনি সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে টার্গেটের শিকার হয়েছেন। ইউপি-ভিত্তিক অনলাইন শিক্ষাবিদ অবদ ওঝাকেও তার রাজনৈতিক মতাদর্শের জন্য ট্রোলড করা হয়েছিল। এটিও তার একটি লাইভ সেশনের সময় করা হয়েছিল।

ব্রাসেলস-ভিত্তিক ইউরোপিয়ান সেন্টার ফর পপুলিজম স্টাডিজ দ্বারা পরিচালিত একটি 2022 সমীক্ষা অনুসারে, “সামগ্রিকভাবে, আমাদের বিশ্লেষণে দেখা গেছে যে ভারতে সভ্যতাবাদী পপুলিস্ট ডিজিটাল কর্তৃত্ববাদ সম্প্রতি আরও বিশিষ্ট হয়ে উঠেছে।” বিশ্লেষণে আরও যোগ করা হয়েছে, “ভারতে, ঘৃণাত্মক বক্তব্য, মিথ্যা খবর এবং সোশ্যাল মিডিয়ায় ভাগ করা ভুল তথ্য অ-হিন্দু ধর্মীয় গোষ্ঠীর প্রতি সহিংসতা এবং ঘৃণা বৃদ্ধির সাথে যুক্ত হয়েছে।”

স্কুল প্রাঙ্গনে বা অনলাইন ক্লাসের মধ্যে ঘৃণার কাজ করা হচ্ছে- এই বিষয়ে eNewsroom-এর সাথে কথা বলার সময়, সমাজ বিজ্ঞানী শিব বিশ্বনাথন বলেছেন, “ডিজিটাল পপুলিজমের যুগে আপনাকে স্বাগতম, যেখানে নিয়ম বা নিয়মের কোনো সম্মান নেই। সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে একাডেমিয়া তার নিয়ন্ত্রণ হারিয়েছে। শিক্ষকদের অবমূল্যায়ন করা হয়েছে এবং প্রায় যে কেউ যেকোনো কিছু দিয়ে পার পেয়ে যেতে পারে।” এরপর তিনি যোগ করেন, “এটি একটি বিপজ্জনক প্রবণতা, কারণ এখানে কোনো রেফারি নেই। যে কোনও জায়গা থেকে জনতাকে ডাকা যেতে পারে এবং এই ধরনের মামলা মোকাবেলা করার ক্ষেত্রে পুলিশকে সমানভাবে অজ্ঞাত বলে মনে হয়।”

তাই এই ধরনের প্রবণতা এখানে থাকার জন্য বা কীভাবে তাদের প্রতিহত করা যেতে পারে, তিনি বলেছিলেন, “আমরা ইলেকট্রনিক যোগাযোগ গভীরভাবে অধ্যয়ন না করা পর্যন্ত খুব বেশি কিছু করা যাবে না। ডিজিটাল যোগাযোগ আমাদের উপর যে বিপর্যয় সৃষ্টি করছে তা মোকাবেলা করার জন্য আমাদের যে নিয়ম ও আইন রয়েছে তা সেকেলে। এবং এটি মোকাবেলা করার কল্পনা আমাদের নেই।”

এবং সম্ভবত তার একটি বিন্দু আছে কারণ মাথার মুখোমুখি সংঘর্ষ ছাত্রটিকে শাহনওয়াজের ইনস্টাগ্রাম অ্যাকাউন্টে ফিরে আসতে বাধা দেয়নি এই বলে – “মাগার ভাই তুম বোল কিয়ু না দেয় (sic)”।