Home Blog Page 6

Beyond Gaza: ‘Apartheid in Delhi, Housing Apartheid in South Kolkata,’ Says Saira Shah Halim

0

Kolkata: There is apartheid going on not only by Israel in Gaza but also in India’s own national capital Delhi and in West Bengal’s capital Kolkata, claimed activist and CPM leader Saira Shah Halim.

Speaking at the launch of Indian Muslims’ Tryst with Democracy: Challenges and Opportunities, Saira — considered a moderate voice in political circles — spoke at length about the challenges Muslims face in Bengal, across India, and globally.

Saira Shah is the wife of doctor and politician Fuad Halim, daughter and sister of army veterans Zamiruddin Shah and Mohammed Ali Shah, and niece of acclaimed actor Naseeruddin Shah. A well-known face on television news debates, she has fought two elections on the CPM ticket — one for the Lok Sabha and another for the West Bengal Assembly, where she contested against Babul Supriyo.

Homogeneity is a Big Fallacy

She began by dismantling what she called the “myth of Muslim brotherhood.”

“The ongoing genocide in Palestine and Gaza has made it clear that there is no brotherhood among Muslims, as it would have not gone so far,” she said.

Bringing the point home to India, she added, “Indian Muslims are divided by language, sub-sects, and castes as well. There is no Ummah (Muslim brotherhood) existing in practice among Muslims today. There is no homogenization either. Indian Muslims are divided on caste lines like Hindus, and also along sectarian lines.”

Housing Apartheid in South Kolkata

The “moderate” leader then took a firm stand on discrimination in housing.

“People say about Israel’s apartheid, but there is apartheid in Delhi. It is not so much in Kolkata. But there is housing apartheid in South Kolkata. Be a Muslim and try to get a house in South Kolkata, you will not get it. People say Muslims are getting ghettoized, but do Muslims have a choice? We are still facing the ghost of partition of 1947,” she said.

Saira was equally clear about why she is outspoken.

“People also say, why are you so political? Point is, is there any choice? Today, if a Muslim does not raise the voice, he or she is being complicit in the crime against Muslims — not only in India but globally.”

Her more than half-hour-long speech touched on Umar Khalid still being in jail, the lynching of Muslims, and arrests over tweets. She also criticised MPs elected on minority votes but silent on critical issues:

“Muslims are almost 30 percent in Bengal, but do we ever think that our representing MPs — who may not be Muslim but secular — are remaining absent when the Anti-CAA Bill was debated, when Article 370 was revoked?” she asked, hinting at TMC MPs who skipped key sessions on Muslim concerns.

Education and Healthcare Neglect

Professor Abdul Matin of Jadavpur University drew attention to how micro-level changes could uplift Muslims and other marginalised groups.

“It is often said that Muslims are lagging behind in education. And it should improve. But how will it be improved? When Muslims are earning 8 to 10 thousand a month, how will they send their sons and daughters to private schools? They will go to government schools — and these have deteriorated so much that, after studying there, the community’s children will not rise,” he said.

Matin added that the problem is not confined to rural Bengal but also exists in major Muslim areas of Kolkata — Metiabruz, Khidirpur, Topsia, Park Circus, and Raja Bazar.

“Kolkata Municipal Corporation used to run schools, which no longer function,” he noted.

The public education system in Bengal, he said, has not been strengthened, affecting all low-income groups — with Muslims among the worst hit. Political interference, past and present, compounds the problem: “If you are not part of this or that political party, it will…” he left the sentence hanging, implying systemic bias.

Healthcare, he added, is equally grim. “People from rural Bengal travel from far away and queue from midnight to see a doctor or get admitted. We should stress on local mohalla schools and clinics.”

‘Jo BJP Nahi Kar Paya, Wo TMC Ne Kar Dikhaya’

Prof Matin also accused so-called secular parties of fusing politics and religion.

“I am against any government dole for religious activities. But now Mamata Banerjee’s government has not only built a temple in Digha with government funds but spent billions on its advertisement to invite devotees. The government even used the Public Distribution System (PDS) to distribute Prasad. This has not even been done by any BJP government so far,” he remarked.

Education Over Religion

Former Rajya Sabha member and bureaucrat Jawhar Sircar stressed that education — not religious symbolism — was the path to advancement for Muslims.

“Muslims must not be allowed to be used as vote banks and must boldly join the democratic, secular forces who are fighting to restore the plural India we were born into,” Sircar said.

He also urged patience over the caste census. “Caste Census can be a game changer for Muslims too, so wait for 2026 and let the Census report get released,” he advised.

Declining Representation

Prof Maidul Islam of CSSSC (Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta) noted that Muslims are democratically conscious due to their vulnerability but face systemic barriers. He pointed to a sharp decline of Muslim representation in Lok Sabha started from 1980 and in Bengal assembly from 2011, saying political parties deliberately exclude them from candidacy — a practice Ambedkar had warned about.

He also linked the lack of progressive leadership to the community’s woes and criticised Hindi cinema for stereotyping Muslims as gangsters with clichéd appearances.

Why This Book Matters

The book’s author, Prof Syed Ali Mujtaba, explained why he felt compelled to write it and said the future actions outlined were grounded in solid research.

Activists Imran Zaki and Manzar Jameel also offered their insights, while Humaira Jawed moderated the session.

Illusions of Progress: How Kolkata’s Muslim Schools Traded Purpose for Power

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n the lanes of Topsia, Rajarhat, Howrah, Mallickpur, and Baruipur, imposing school buildings have emerged—some with glass facades and fancy gates. To the casual observer, these structures reflect the progress of the Muslim community. On social media and in community meetings, they’re flaunted as symbols of “moving forward.” But behind these walls lies a troubling story: a drift away from educational purpose, masking itself as “world-class education.” The illusion of empowerment is, in fact, detrimental to the community—especially when it is financially unsustainable, pedagogically shallow, and ethically questionable.

A few years ago, a reputed English-medium Muslim-managed school in Kolkata invited a senior academic—formerly from La Martiniere—to serve as Principal. During his visit to the office, he noticed two chairs placed behind the desk. When he asked why, the management replied, “One is for the Principal, one for our representative. Both work together.” The academic quietly walked away. “If even the chair must be shared, the leadership is hollow,” he told a colleague. This wasn’t an isolated case. It reflects a widespread issue in Howrah, Garden Reach, Khidderpore, and Belgachia—where professional autonomy https://linklist.bio/slot88ku/ is eroded in the name of “community ownership.”

Power Without Pedagogy

Muslim-managed schools around Kolkata generally fall into three types:

  1. Aided Schools: Usually Urdu-medium, affiliated with state or madrasa boards, government-aided but community-managed.
  2. Unaided English-Medium Private Schools: Often newer institutions, sometimes affiliated with national or international boards, or none at all.
  3. Unrecognised Community Schools: Typically pre-primary or feeder setups, operating on donations and located in underserved localities.

Despite these structural differences, a common thread runs through them—centralised managerial control, often by a single family or trust. Professional educators are consulted during setup, but later sidelined. Decision-making becomes opaque.

In the pursuit of modernity, schools invest in branding—air-conditioned classrooms, smart boards, digital attendance, and CCTV surveillance. Yet these investments rarely extend to pedagogy, teacher welfare, or student support. Basic, foundational learning is neglected.

Many schools outsource their vision to consultants from Southern India, who offer NEP-aligned content and free “academic services”—with a catch: schools must purchase their books and digital material. In one such partnership across Kolkata and South 24 Parganas, madarsa students were shifted to the NIOS curriculum under a grand plan. Teachers were well-paid, yet the initiative collapsed within a year. The local partner schools bore the financial fallout, scrambling to retain both students and staff.

Some institutions claim to be “community funded.” And indeed, they are—land is donated, buildings financed through zakat, sadaqah, or crowdfunding. Parents pay modest fees. Local entrepreneurs support them. Yet genuine community ownership is absent. Parents are excluded from School Management Committees. Teachers are kept on insecure one-year contracts. Senior staff have little say in academic matters. Exploitation thrives in this opacity.

Parents are often forced to buy books, uniforms, and even shoes from https://psiapps.medialabufrj.net/ a single, school-approved vendor. “My daughter’s annual books cost Rs 5,200,” said a father in Tiljala. “The same books cost Rs 3,000 in the local market—but the school didn’t allow outside purchase.” These monopolies are defended as “quality control,” but more often serve private gain.

Teachers Underpaid, Overworked, Undervalued

In several schools across Kolkata, Hooghly, Howrah, and North and South 24 Parganas, teachers are fined for late arrivals, tracked obsessively through biometric systems, and burdened with hours of unpaid overtime. Meetings spill into weekends. Academic planning is often done after school hours. Yet most teachers earn between Rs 5,000 and Rs 15,000 per month—less than what a rickshaw-puller earns on good days. This skewed structure breeds silent resentment.

Perhaps the most tragic outcome of this model is cultural alienation. In trying to become “modern,” some schools in Kolkata’s Muslim belts have ended up mimicking elite Christian institutions—without understanding their deeper purpose. The adapted version of the Lord’s Prayer is recited in morning assemblies. Singing, dancing, and drama classes are introduced without cultural relevance. This isn’t modernisation—it’s mimicry. Imitation without critical thought leads to loss of cultural identity and confidence.

We must ask: What is the purpose of our schools? Is it merely to produce English-speaking clerks, or to nurture confident, ethical citizens rooted in their identity? While private schools burn holes in pockets, government-aided Muslim schools—especially in areas like Garden Reach, Zakaria Street, Belgachia, and Park Circus—continue to offer free education. These institutions are lifelines for the poorest families. However, they too face crises. With poor infrastructure, a shortage of teachers, and declining prestige, they are steadily losing students to nearby English-medium private schools—even when the latter charge far beyond what families can realistically afford.

Losing Identity, Losing Purpose

The question looms large: How long will they survive in the shadow of private giants?

This article is not a condemnation. It is an invitation to pause, to reflect, and to reimagine. Kolkata and its neighbouring districts carry a proud legacy of Muslim educational activism. From the pioneering madrasas of Park Circus to the quietly determined reformist schools of Garden Reach, the region once echoed with a deep commitment to upliftment through learning. But somewhere along the journey, purpose gave way to power, and sincerity was eclipsed by spectacle. It is time we return to the roots—not just to celebrate them, but to rebuild from them.

We don’t need fancy chairs — we need firm backbones. We don’t need supply shops wrapped in monopoly and kickbacks — we need transparent, community-driven systems that prioritise affordability over commissions. And above all, we don’t need institutions that mimic someone else’s model — we need schools that emerge from our realities, rooted in integrity, justice, and the collective aspirations of the community they serve.

But before we rebuild, we must confront uncomfortable questions. As we pass the shiny facades and scripted school assemblies, can we honestly say we are solving the problem of educational deprivation — or merely disguising it? Are we offering children a meaningful future — or just air-conditioned illusions of progress? Are we empowering the community — or pacifying it with appearances? Until we find answers rooted not in branding but in values, these schools will remain buildings of hope — but not yet homes of learning.


Rahul Gandhi Warns of ‘Digital Dacoity’; Is the ECI Failing India’s Democracy?

[dropcap]R[/dropcap]ahul Gandhi’s exposé of electoral malpractices demands serious answers from the Election Commission of India. It is rare for a mainstream Indian politician to present such painstakingly gathered evidence and explain it in detail at a press conference. The questions he has raised on duplicate voters and other discrepancies—termed “Vote Chori” by the Leader of Opposition—cannot be dismissed as mere allegations.

This is the kind of work the media should have been doing persistently, on a campaign basis. Unfortunately, much of the media has been reduced to a public relations arm for Hindutva politics in India. It has become a caricature of journalism, with most so-called anchors and reporters content to magnify the BJP’s PR work.

Voter lists have always been manipulated. This is not new — but now it is the work of an organised “management.” In the past, we heard of “booth capturing.” Today, it is “digital dacoity.” With data at their fingertips, entire communities can be shifted from one constituency to another. Constituency boundaries have been changed many times without voters even knowing.

The Congress Party and the INDIA block must approach the Election Commission formally. They can also move the Supreme Court, though I have little faith in it so far. Perhaps public pressure is the only real answer. Everyone must be vigilant at polling booths and counting centres. Even there, booth agents of many parties are absent. Congress today lacks enough volunteers to monitor every booth across the country. The assault on the democratic process comes from multiple sides, and the entire opposition must join hands to protect it.

I do not believe in electoral boycotts. They achieve nothing unless they become a nationwide outcry. The BJP still commands a significant vote share — not everything is due to manipulation. Frankly, our minds are being manipulated. Political leaders have no ideological commitment; they can shift to the BJP overnight. And we cannot ignore the deep polarisation across the country.

The opposition must fight the Bihar elections with full strength and engage in sustained political dialogue among all INDIA bloc partners. This is a political battle, and Rahul Gandhi must engage politically as well as through research. He also needs to be extremely careful with his words, because his opponents — within his party, outside it, in government, in the bureaucracy, and in industry — will try to trap him. Already, there are a large number of cases against him in various courts, and the BJP has found ways to tie him up in legal battles. There is no doubt Rahul Gandhi is, at present, the only politician who fully understands the Narendra Modi government’s economic mismanagement. He remains a thinking leader, but his delivery is not always effective, and he must guard against avoidable missteps.

The election study Rahul Gandhi has conducted should be examined and verified by the Election Commission of India. The Congress Party should take it to the Commission officially and also file a case in the Supreme Court. Civil society organisations such as ADR could also use the data to petition the court.

As for speaking on affidavit, Rahul Gandhi rightly noted that politicians do not do this — otherwise, the BJP would have to file affidavits for everything it has said about Nehru, Gandhi, Indira Gandhi, and other opponents. No politician would have dared to challenge Rajiv Gandhi had the government made it mandatory to speak on oath.

In fairness to Rahul Gandhi, he made this courageous intervention on a day of historic significance. August 7, 2025, marked the 35th anniversary of the acceptance of the Mandal Commission Report in Parliament by then Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh. Today, few remember VP Singh and his monumental work, which gave millions of marginalised citizens a voice in Indian politics. In his own way, Rahul Gandhi reaffirmed that democracy is by the people, for the people, and of the people — and Mandal redefined who those “people” were, and how they should share in power.

Sadly, political parties have forgotten these milestones. Most now only celebrate their own mahapurush and neglect people’s real issues. Perhaps the people themselves have forgotten too — but this is not a healthy sign for democracy.

We now await the responses of political parties, Rahul Gandhi’s colleagues in the INDIA bloc, and our institutions. The issues he has raised deserve answers.

The Brazil-India Tariff Trap: Trump’s Megalomania Meets Modi’s Diplomatic Faux Pas

[dropcap]A[/dropcap] leftist Lula and a rightist Modi have invited the highest tariff from Trump’s America. Brazil could not have done anything different, given the US President’s impossible demand, but India had honourable options to escape a megalomaniac’s ire.

President Trump’s 25% additional tariff yesterday raised the total US tariff against India to 50 percent. The only other country which faces such an exorbitantly high tariff (50% and above) from Trump’s USA is Brazil. So two leading countries of the Global South are on the firing line of President Trump.

Well, India and Brazil are two contrasting cases as far as the USA is concerned. The US has a whopping $56 billion trading deficit with India, whereas the world’s biggest economy enjoys a trading surplus of $7 billion vis-à-vis Brazil.

Why are both countries placed in the same (worst) category in the US trade offensive? The answer is obvious: for President Trump, the trade war is not an economic tool; it’s a political weapon.

Brazil’s leader, Luiz Lula, is a self-proclaimed ‘leftist leader’, a term anathema to President Trump. For him, leftists are the scum of the earth. He likes the rightist Jair Bolsonaro, the former Brazilian president, who somewhat represents his mirror image. Bolsonaro considers Trump his hero, his role model. Both lost re-election — President Trump in 2020 and President Bolsonaro in 2023 — but both claimed that the elections were rigged and both mobilised the criminals among their supporters to storm their respective national capital buildings to prevent the winners from assuming office.

But just see the difference in the democratic foundations of the two countries: In the US, the judiciary buckled under pressure; Trump didn’t face jail for a single day; he returned to power four years later. Bolsonaro is facing prosecution because the judicial spine in Brazil is intact; the rabble rouser is under house arrest and is likely to be convicted and spend long years in prison.

Trump has imposed a 50% tariff on a country with which the US has a positive trade balance only because his demand to the Brazilian authorities to release Bolsonaro and drop charges against him has not been heeded. “Mr Trump perhaps does not know that here in Brazil, the judiciary is independent”, has been the forthright response of President Lula.

That explains President Trump’s ire.

Take the other case:  Prime Minister Modi is cut from the same cloth as President Trump: both are rightists. Both are ideological twins; both preside over plutocratic regimes. Then why is Trump firing on all cylinders against Modi’s India? That’s because of the Modi government’s fatal miscalculation, post-Operation Sindoor ceasefire, when India refused to acknowledge President Trump’s role in mediating a cessation of hostilities between the two warring nations — India and Pakistan. An enraged Trump is using all pretexts (Russian oil is a red herring) to punish India.

Could there be a way out? In Brazil’s case, it was an impossible demand to concede: to abjure all judicial processes to release a criminal and drop charges against him would have been suicidal for the country’s sovereignty.

But, in India’s case, it was a sheer diplomatic faux pas. It was uncharitable on our part not to state that the Trump team was engaged in talking to both India and Pakistan during Operation Sindoor. That President Trump announced the ceasefire decision on May 10, almost half an hour before India and Pakistan did, makes it clear to the world that the US mediated the peace process. Such an acknowledgement would not have diminished India’s stature, had it been phrased in a diplomatically savvy manner.

India could have very well said: the US carried the message to us that Pakistan was desperate to cease hostilities, and we should consider it; we did because destroying terror camps was our aim, not a war with Pakistan, and we had achieved that goal. That way, we would have diplomatically held our heads high; President Trump would have been suitably appeased as well.

Modi’s India became a prisoner of the Cold War rhetoric — that of no mediation by any third party in the Indo-Pak conflict. Even after the Cold War ended, India was stuck with it. It could get away with all these years with this because the previous US presidents were not keen to shout from the housetop to claim credit. President Clinton had intervened in the Kargil war and chastised Pakistan to back down. Even President Trump, during his first term, had prevailed upon Pakistan to release the Indian fighter pilot Abhinandan Varthaman, whose plane had crash-landed in the enemy territory during the Balakot strike. But the US president then had not gone to town seeking endorsement. But this time, in his 2nd term, President Trump is insistent that he be credited with facilitating a rapprochement between the two warring countries so that he could claim his dream trophy: the Nobel Peace Prize.

India paid a big price for refusing to grant President Trump his due.

Faith Can’t Be Built on Rubble: How Mass Tourism Is Killing the Himalayas

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he devastation brought by the massive flash flood of 2025 at Khirganga Gad in Dharali is heartbreaking. Once a peaceful village nestled just off the highway with serene access to the Bhagirathi, Dharali stood as a gateway to the majestic Harsil Valley, surrounded by snow-clad peaks and breathtaking vistas. Numerous small streams in the region, including Khirganga—a natural gad or mountain stream—flowed gracefully into the Bhagirathi, shaping the landscape and sustaining life.

The village, just 6 km from the more well-known Harsil, often left a deeper impression on visitors. A small market here served as a resting point for pilgrims headed to Gangotri Dham. Nearby stood the ancient Kalp Kedar temple on the riverside, quietly testifying to the region’s spiritual and cultural depth.

But now, all that beauty is scarred. The same Khirganga stream, usually quiet and harmless, turned furious—its natural flow obstructed by years of unchecked construction and concrete encroachment. History has shown us repeatedly that the greatest devastations in the Himalayas come not from rivers, but from these seemingly minor gads and gaderas. Their space is increasingly stolen by buildings, roads, and resorts, built in haste to meet the unrelenting demands of mass tourism.

Blinded by Development, Ignoring the Warnings

The pressure of the Char Dham Yatra has long overwhelmed the fragile ecosystems of Uttarakhand. Tourists, who now travel not as pilgrims but as consumers, demand cheap, comfortable accommodations—replicas of their urban conveniences in the remotest Himalayan corners. Many even claim that they are the lifeline of Uttarakhand’s economy, justifying the ever-expanding infrastructure.

But at what cost?

Scientists have disputed the cloudburst theory in this disaster. According to The Times of India, there was no significant rainfall in Harsil, Mukhba, or Gangotri. Experts suggest the possibility of a Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF), among the most dangerous threats in the region. The report notes that there are 1,266 glacial lakes in Uttarakhand—13 of which are classified as high risk.

dharali cloudburst in uttarakhand mass tourism eco-sensitive zone himalayas
A hotel in Dharali, erected along with a mountain terrain (file picture)

We have been here before. The glacial burst near the Nanda Devi massif not long ago triggered massive destruction at the Rishi Ganga-Dhauliganga confluence near Reni—the birthplace of the Chipko Movement.

Currently, reports are also emerging of an artificial lake forming near the Harsil army base—also impacted by the recent flash floods. The Army has stepped in for rescue operations despite challenges posed by terrain and continuing disasters. Dharali is now completely cut off. Rescue teams are stuck, landslides are rampant, and the National Highway has collapsed in multiple locations.

Resistance Ignored, Nature Responds

In 2024, the government approved the widening of the Gangotri Highway between Harsil and Gangotri—despite protests and violations of environmental norms. Thousands of Deodar trees were marked for felling. The Hindustan Times (August 29, 2024) documented local resistance:

“The entire road widening project in the eco-sensitive zone violates the Ravi Chopra Committee’s findings. BRO claims these areas are not eco-sensitive. How is that possible? We want better roads, yes, but not at the cost of our forests. This region is extremely prone to landslides,” said Pushpa Chauhan, former gram pradhan of Bhatwari.

This region—stretching 135 km from Uttarkashi to Gaumukh—was declared an Eco Sensitive Zone (ESZ) by the central government in 2010. A final notification came in 2012. Politicians called it “anti-development.” Yet today, the same “development” threatens the region’s existence.

dharali cloudburst in uttarakhand mass tourism eco-sensitive zone himalayas apples
Apple sellers in Uttarakhand | VBR

The Supreme Court recently warned that Himachal Pradesh might vanish from the map if corrective steps aren’t taken. Uttarakhand faces a similar fate. Rapid urbanisation, tourist influx, and mushrooming of stay-homes, hotels, and resorts—mostly owned by businessmen from cities like Delhi and Chandigarh—have burdened locals without offering sustainable employment.

Local workers do the heavy lifting during the yatra season, while profits fly elsewhere.

Lawless Growth, Predictable Disaster

Years ago, the Supreme Court and NGT had barred construction within 50 meters of rivers in hilly terrain, designating it as a Prohibitory Zone, and up to 100 meters as a Regulatory Zone. Yet violations continue. The National Green Tribunal (NGT) made it clear in 2017 and reiterated in 2021: no construction on floodplains, no development on riverbeds. But just visit towns along the Ganga in Uttarakhand—you’ll find resorts and hotels standing on riverbeds. Who permits them?

Every time a disaster occurs, we call it a “wake-up call.” And then we go back to sleep.

Concretisation, hydropower projects, tunnel drilling, unchecked mass tourism in the name of Chardham and Kanwar Yatra—these are breaking the Himalayas. The pilgrimage has turned into a religious picnic, where reverence for nature is replaced with selfies and shouting.

Kedarnath was built to host 1,000 people. Now it hosts 20–30 times that number on peak days, crumbling under the weight of faith turned frenzy.

We understand the need for development. But we also need protection. The Himalayas are not just mountains. They are borders, ecosystems, and sacred spaces. They feed our rivers. They nurture us in life, and they liberate us in death.

Yet we treat them like a market.

No construction on riverbeds. Enforce NGT orders. Regulate the yatra. Protect forests. Stop building roads through landslide-prone zones. These are not radical demands. They are necessities for survival.

Dharali’s tragedy should not be just another news item. It must be the moment that compels policymakers to act.

We extend our deepest condolences to those who https://estudiosociologicos.org/portal/ lost their loved ones. A heartfelt salute to the brave soldiers, NDRF, and SDRF teams who are risking their lives to save others. The people of Uttarakhand deserve better—not just sympathy, but a sincere and sustainable plan that respects their land, their lives, and their legacy.

Let’s hope Dharali becomes the last wake-up call.

Mohammed Siraj Didn’t Just Win Matches—He Fought Stereotypes

[dropcap]E[/dropcap]ven today, that final scene from Shah Rukh Khan’s film Chak De! India brings tears to my eyes. After returning victorious with the women’s hockey team crowned world champions, when “Kabir Khan” (played by Shah Rukh) returns to his old home with his mother, a teenager is seen wiping off the word “traitor” scrawled on the wall. Once labeled a traitor for losing a match to Pakistan, how many years did it take for that Indian hockey star to earn the right to have that scar scrubbed clean?

Mohammed Siraj, who was branded a ‘traitor’ by the so-called troll army after catching Harry Brook only for the ball to cross the boundary, took five wickets and led India to a historic victory. Has he now managed to wipe off that ‘traitor’ tag? Time alone will answer that. But as an Indian Muslim, I understand exactly why Shimit Amin, the director of Chak De!, included that powerful scene. Why is it that Mohammed Shami, Mohammed Siraj, or even players from the previous generation like Zaheer Khan and Mohammad Kaif must constantly prove their patriotism?

Why do they have to repeatedly declare that wearing the Indian jersey fills them with pride and that they gain honor only by winning for India?

Even after 78 years of independence, Indian Muslims continue to face this crisis — they are still asked to prove their loyalty to the nation. And perhaps Siraj has just done that once more, on English soil.

A Wicket for Every Wound

As Mohammed Siraj dismantled England with five wickets and sealed a six-run victory for India, one had to wonder — which India are we living in?

We live in an India where a propaganda film like The Kerala Story, a movie laced with Islamophobia, receives a National Award. And the award is given by none other than Ashutosh Gowariker, filmmaker of masterpieces like Lagaan and Jodhaa Akbar, and now chairperson of the jury board.

In the same India where The Kerala Story is celebrated, Bengali Muslims are regularly branded “Bangladeshi,” and the Bengali language itself is often dismissed as “a language of Bangladeshis.” The rich legacy of Syed Mujtaba Ali, Syed Mustafa Siraj, and Abul Bashar is thus blatantly denied, with Bengali language and culture painted as foreign.

More Than Just a Cricketer

In such a hostile landscape, when a Muslim like Mohammed Siraj single-handedly destroys England and brings India victory, it holds a different, deeper meaning.

Let’s not forget the humiliation and racism Siraj has endured — the slurs hurled at him while fielding in Australia, the sneers after dismissing Travis Head. The boy who rose from the gullies of Hyderabad, whose father Mohammad Ghaus drove an auto-rickshaw, was likely taught that humiliation must be answered on the field — that’s the only way one can pass the test of being Indian.

Maybe Siraj has passed that test — for now.

But we can’t forget what Mohammed Shami faced when he failed to take wickets against Pakistan. No matter that Prime Minister Narendra Modi embraced him after the World Cup final — Shami had already felt the sting of India’s saffron troll brigade. He, like many others, knows exactly how Hindu-supremacist politics and hyper-nationalist rhetoric see a Muslim player in today’s India.

These accusations of being a “traitor” — do people understand how deeply they wound? It’s like being stripped bare and paraded in Connaught Place or Dharmatala. We, Indian Muslims, understand. And that’s why Siraj’s words, his success, stir us deeply.

Everyone makes mistakes — Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, Christian — all of us. But the festering wounds of Partition and Jinnah’s two-nation theory continue to breed hate. If an Indian Muslim makes a mistake, it becomes a “double mistake.” In our everyday lives, even a minor slip feels like Siraj’s boundary-line mishap.

The Unspoken Burden

This burden of being Muslim has been made heavier by the saffron troll brigade — the same people who won’t even acknowledge Bengali as a language. To them, Syed Mujtaba Ali’s discipleship under Tagore means nothing, Syed Mustafa Siraj’s literary genius rooted in Murshidabad’s soil is irrelevant, and Abul Bashar’s tales of Bengali Muslim life carry no value. They simply refuse to accept us as Indian, as Bengali.

Yet ironically, people like Amit Malviya, in rejecting the entire Bengali https://www.meridianpint.com/touchless-menu/ identity, may have unintentionally opened new avenues for Hindu-Muslim solidarity. Perhaps if he hadn’t dismissed the Bengali language entirely, we wouldn’t have begun to place both Sunil Gangopadhyay and Syed Mustafa Siraj on the same literary pedestal.

In these turbulent times — with Donald Trump issuing threats and Netanyahu carrying out what can only be described as human sacrifice — Siraj’s success shines bright. It lights a torch of hope in our hearts. It re-ignites our spirits.

And perhaps, from Hyderabad — the same city that gave us Mohammed Azharuddin — or from some other corner of India, a Muslim teenager will now find the courage to dream of cricket. Siraj’s journey will give them that belief, that assurance.

Siraj is not just a name. In today’s India, he is a symbol — of excellence, of Indian identity, and of the power to erase the traitor label repeatedly slapped on us.

From Lalu’s Lalooland to Gorakhnath’s Legacy: Nalin Verma Tells India’s Untold Stories

0

[dropcap]A[/dropcap] good reporter can smell a story from a distance. A great one writes it with a flair that lingers long after the print fades. Nearly four decades ago, I saw in Nalin Verma such a storyteller—someone who knew that journalism wasn’t just about facts, but also about textures, atmosphere, emotion. He could transform the most prosaic assignment into poetry on newsprint.

I remember sending him to report from the field. What came back wasn’t just a routine dispatch but a story that began with the lyrical description of a tree under whose barren branches an accused was tied, for the police station had no lock-up.

A tree, a prisoner, and an almost surreal stillness—Nalin gave us not just information but atmosphere. The only hiccup? Photographer AP Dubey’s picture revealed the tree was completely leafless, quite at odds with his leafy prose. The story had to be edited. But even then, it stood out—not for the error, but for the imagination that fuelled it. It was a mistake only a writer could make.

Between Facts and Feelings: A Journalist’s Journey to Fiction

That literary impulse has now found a new and striking expression in Nalin’s latest foray into fiction, Lores of Love, after his The Greatest Folk Tales of Bihar. Coming after decades as a journalist, biographer, columnist, and teacher, this book reads not as a debut but as the fruit of long and deep engagement with storytelling—not just in form, but in spirit. This is not reportage disguised as fiction; it is fiction with the depth of lived experience, oral traditions, and cultural intimacy.

It’s not often that journalists retain their idealism past the deadlines and cynicism that newsrooms breed. Many fade out, bitter or burnt out. Nalin is not one of them. He has, if anything, become more prolific, more curious, more daring—with no airs or pretensions about him.

Twenty years ago, I had the pleasure of having him on a reporting trip through North Bihar. That journey, which took us through Siwan—his home district—gave me a glimpse into the rich oral culture, inter-religious harmony, and colourful personalities that shaped his worldview. He spoke lovingly of his parents, fondly of friends, and knowledgeably about Islamic customs picked up not from books but from lives lived side by side.

He introduced me to a farmer in his bare minimal dress who turned out to be Lalu Prasad Yadav’s brother. We later visited Chief Minister Rabri Devi’s ancestral home, where I interviewed her formidable mother—thanks to Nalin’s deft interpretation. The result was my essay “Three Days in Lalooland”, which KC Yadav found good enough to include in an anthology on Lalu.

It wouldn’t have been possible without Nalin’s eye for setting and his deep network of trust across caste and creed. He knew the texture of Bihar’s soul—its contradictions, its laughter, and its scars.

Syncretic Soul of Bihar and the Gorakhnath Legacy

It is this same texture that permeates Lores of Love. The book is anchored in the Gorakhnath tradition—now widely known for its association with Uttar Pradesh’s Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. But this book does something remarkable: it peels away the layers of political appropriation to reveal a rich, syncretic past.

As the authors write in their introduction, “Historical accounts suggest that Asaf-ud-Daulah, the Nawab of Awadh, donated over 52 acres of land to Baba Roshan Ali, a fakir and devotee of Gorakhnath, in the eighteenth century, which helped rejuvenate the temple and enhance its glory and grandeur.”

This is not the tale we hear today, when the temple is projected as a monolithic symbol of Hindu might. Instead, Nalin and Lalu present a world where the Gorakhnath tradition welcomed both Hindus and Muslims, Sufis and Siddhas.

On a visit to the Gorakhnath Temple in Gorakhpur after Yogi Adityanath came to power, I was surprised to find, among other things, a Dosa stall within the premises and a glass room filled with busts of the temple’s past heads. Verma’s book brought alive this legacy for me in a way that was not dryly academic but richly narrative.

In Gorakhpur, I tried in vain to meet a Muslim woman who defeated the BJP candidate in the municipal constituency that included the temple complex. It was a symbolic body blow to the reigning political narrative—and a reminder that history is more complex than we are often led to believe.

The strength of Lores of Love lies not in its polemics but in its passions. This is a book of folktales, yes—but also of longing, of sensuality, and of spiritual transcendence. Nalin doesn’t merely retell stories; he reimagines them, lending flesh and fire to characters that are often confined to moral parables or rustic jokes.

In his hands, carnal love is neither a sin nor a distraction. It is the thread that connects the sacred and the profane. The mythic and the real collide in tales where gods fall in love with mortals, sages burn with anger, and lovers soar—literally—in aircraft “that land and fly without noise.” These are not tales to be dissected but to be experienced. As the narrators remind us, “This is the mortal world. People here are bound by greed. They commit sins to fulfil their greed and desire.”

And yet, love here is also a form of rebellion, a transcendence over worldly decay. Consider the story of Sorthi, who is found floating on a river, like a desi Moses. There’s both tenderness and wonder in such tales. And the authors know how to mine them for pathos, without veering into melodrama.

Nalin is one of the rare writers who applies equal aesthetic attention to both men and women. In his pages, men are not mere action figures or foils. One character is described thus: “He is very handsome. His forehead glistens like the moon. He has robust arms and well-rounded thighs like banana tree trunks. I haven’t seen a more handsome man in my life.”

The women, too, are sculpted with loving eyes: “The aroma of sandalwood is wafting from you. Your lips resemble a blossoming lotus. I can’t take my eyes off you. Your gaze has pierced my heart.”

It’s refreshing to read prose that is unapologetically sensuous, unafraid of beauty in a world that often hides behind irony or detachment. The stories here are grounded in flesh, fantasy, and faith—all at once.
The religious overtones of the Gorakhnath tradition are not ignored either. One of the most powerful lines in the book captures this mythic energy: “No fire can match the fire of a sage who has been meditating for years on the ground. Even Lord Shiva, Lord Vishnu and Lord Brahma can’t help against the wrath of Gorakhnath.”

This is a myth as a metaphor. The sage’s fire is not just spiritual—it is also political. In a world where power has become synonymous with violence, the book reminds us that spiritual power once meant something else—renunciation, discipline, moral fury.

A Defiant Celebration of Sensuality, Spirituality, and Story

A few years ago, when reports emerged that Lalu was dying, a Malayalam newspaper requested an obituary. I checked with Nalin, who laughed and said, “He’s unwell, but not dying yet.” I wrote the piece anyway, which may still be lying in the paper’s morgue. The irony is not lost on me that both Lalu and Nalin remain very much alive—and vital.

In many ways, Lores of Love is a tribute not only to the oral traditions of India but also to the strength of those who keep such traditions alive. It is a defiant book in a time of manufactured silences. Nalin writes of love in an age of hate. He celebrates syncretism in an era of polarisation. And he does it not with lectures but with stories.
I will not summarise the stories here. To do so would be to betray them. They deserve to be read in full, not digested in bullet points. They are stories that refuse to be fenced in—by genre, by religion, by realism. They are free, like love, like myth, like Nalin himself. In the end, the highest compliment I can pay this book is that it is utterly readable. At a time when prose is often tortured in the name of profundity, Nalin and Lalu offer us clarity, colour, and cadence.

To summarise, stories are stories, and one does not have to approach them clinically. They need to be read and appreciated. So read Lores of Love. Read it not just with your mind, but with your senses—and your soul.

जिनसे लड़े, उनके बच्चों को भी अपनाया; कार्यकर्ताओं को तराशा, बहू को सशक्त किया: शिबू सोरेन की सियासत कुछ अलग थी

[dropcap]झा[/dropcap]रखंड के सोरेन परिवार पर अक्सर वंशवाद का इल्ज़ाम लगता रहा है, खासकर भारतीय जनता पार्टी की तरफ़ से। लेकिन झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा (जेएमएम) के संस्थापक शिबू सोरेन ने सिर्फ अपने परिवार को नहीं, बल्कि पार्टी कार्यकर्ताओं और यहां तक कि ज़मींदारों के बेटों को भी आगे बढ़ाया—जिन ज़मींदारों के ख़िलाफ़ उन्होंने कभी ज़ोरदार आंदोलन चलाया था।

शिबू सोरेन के वालिद शोबरन मांझी, जो एक शिक्षक थे, की हत्या तब कर दी गई थी जब सोरेन आठवीं कक्षा में पढ़ते थे। ये हत्या ज़मींदारों ने की थी। इसके बाद सोरेन ने स्कूल छोड़ दिया और ज़मींदारी प्रथा के ख़िलाफ़ एक मज़बूत आंदोलन शुरू किया। उन्होंने गिरिडीह, धनबाद, बोकारो और जामताड़ा इलाकों में ‘धान कटनी आंदोलन’ चलाया।

ज़मींदारों से लड़े, लेकिन उनके बच्चों साथ खड़े रहें

धान कटनी आंदोलन काफ़ी तेज़ और टकराव वाला आंदोलन था। उस वक़्त ज़मींदार अब भी ताक़तवर थे और उन्होंने इस आदिवासी-आधारित किसान आंदोलन को कुचलने की भरपूर कोशिश की। लेकिन शिबू सोरेन की क़ियादत में आंदोलन दिन-ब-दिन मज़बूत होता गया। 1970 में उन्होंने ‘सानोत संथाल समाज’ बनाया और इस पूरे इलाक़े में अपनी पकड़ बना ली। धीरे-धीरे ज़मींदारों का दबदबा टूटता गया।

इसी दौरान एक ज़मींदार गुणधर दान ने शिबू सोरेन से मुलाक़ात की। उन्होंने कहा कि आंदोलन की वजह से उनका रोज़गार छिन गया है और अब वह अपने बच्चों को पालने में भी असमर्थ हैं। उन्होंने अपने बेटे संजीव को आगे की पढ़ाई के लिए बाहर भेजने की ख़्वाहिश जताई।

शिबू सोरेन ने उनकी बात सुनी और उन्हें भरोसा दिलाया कि वह उनके बेटे की मदद करेंगे। उन्होंने एलान किया कि वह संजीव कुमार को गोद लेकर पढ़ाई में मदद करेंगे।

धनबाद के टुंडी के मनियाडीह गांव के रहने वाले संजीव ने रांची यूनिवर्सिटी से बीएससी और दिल्ली यूनिवर्सिटी से एलएलबी किया। वह सुप्रीम कोर्ट में वकील बने और शिबू सोरेन के लगभग सभी केस उन्होंने ही लड़े। बाद में जेएमएम ने उन्हें राज्यसभा भेजा।

पार्टी कार्यकर्ताओं को भी आगे बढाया

झारखंड सरकार में मंत्री और जेएमएम नेता सुदिव्य कुमार याद करते हैं, “जब मैंने जेएमएम जॉइन किया और पूरा समय पार्टी को देने लगा तो मेरे पिता को मेरी फ़िक्र होने लगी। तभी पिरटांड डबल मर्डर केस दोबारा खुला और गुरुजी अक्सर गिरिडीह आने लगे। मैं ज़्यादातर वक़्त उनके साथ रहने लगा।”

“एक दिन वो हमारे घर आए, मेरे पिता से मिले और कहा कि मुझे उनके साथ रहने दिया जाए। उन्होंने भरोसा दिया कि वो मुझे बेटे की तरह गाइड करेंगे।”

इसके बाद सुदिव्य कुमार को विधायक का टिकट मिला, दो बार चुनाव जीते और आज मंत्री हैं।

पिछले पांच दशकों में जेएमएम की यात्रा के दौरान यह बात आम है कि गुरुजी ने कई समर्पित कार्यकर्ताओं को आगे बढ़ाया और उन्हें पार्टी और सरकार दोनों में अहम जगह दिलाई।

महिला सशक्तिकरण

शिबू सोरेन की बहू, कल्पना सोरेन, जिनका सशक्तिकरण भी गुरुजी की लगातार की गई मार्गदर्शना का हिस्सा रहा है। वरना किसी महिला के लिए 18 सालों तक गृहनी बनकर रहना फिर सक्रिय राजनीति में आना, एक अनुभवी नेता की तरह चुनाव प्रचार करना और पार्टी को दोबारा सत्ता में लाना इतना आसान नहीं होता।

एक पारिवारिक शख्स

81 साल की उम्र में शिबू सोरेन के इंतिकाल के बाद झारखंड सरकार ने तीन दिन का राजकीय शोक घोषित किया है। सोशल मीडिया पर कई लोग मांग कर रहे हैं कि यह शोक अवधि सात दिन की होनी चाहिए क्योंकि उनका निधन झारखंड के लिए एक बहुत बड़ी क्षति है।

शिबू सोरेन के परिवार में पत्नी रूपी सोरेन, तीन बेटे—दुर्गा, हेमंत और बसंत—और एक बेटी अंजलि हैं। वो ज़िंदगी भर शाकाहारी रहे और कभी शराब नहीं पी।

अब कई लोगों की मांग है कि ‘दिशोम गुरु’ को भारत रत्न दिया जाए—एक ऐसा नेता जिन्होंने भारतीय सियासत के लगभग हर बड़े मंच पर अपनी मौजूदगी दर्ज कराई, झारखंड के तीन बार मुख्यमंत्री रहे और केंद्रीय मंत्री भी बने।

He Lost His Father to Zamindars—Then Gave a Zamindar’s Son a Future

0

[dropcap]J[/dropcap]harkhand’s Soren family has often been accused by opposition parties, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party, of engaging in dynasty politics. However, Shibu Soren, the founder of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, also promoted party cadres—and even the son of a Jamindar (landlord), against whom he had once waged a fierce battle to eradicate the Zamindari Pratha in his region.

Shibu Soren’s father, Shobran Manjhi, a teacher, was murdered by Jamindars when Soren was in Class VIII. He dropped out of school and launched a movement against the landlords. He led the Dhan Katni Andolan (Reap the Crop Movement) across the Giridih, Dhanbad, Bokaro, and Jamtara regions.

Fought Against Jamindars, But Uplifted Their Families

The Dhan Katni Andolan was a violent movement. The landlords, then still powerful, used every means to suppress the uprising by poor peasants, mostly tribals. However, the movement grew stronger under Soren’s leadership. He formed the Sanot Shanthal Samaj (SSS) in 1970 to take control of the region. The landlords’ grip crumbled.

One such landlord, Gunadhar Dan, once approached Sibu Soren slot online in despair. He told Soren that his people had destroyed his means of livelihood and that he now struggled to raise his children. He wished to send his son away for higher education. Soren assured him of help and declared that he would adopt and support Dan’s son, Sanjiv.

A resident of Maniyadih, Tundi (Dhanbad), Sanjiv went on to complete his BSc from Ranchi University and LLB from Delhi University. He became a practising lawyer in the Supreme Court and fought nearly all the legal cases filed against Shibu Soren. Later, the JMM nominated him to the Rajya Sabha.

Uplifted Party Cadres

“When I joined the JMM and began dedicating myself to it full-time, my father grew worried about my future,” recalled Sudivya Kumar, now a minister in Hemant Soren’s cabinet. “Around that time, the Pirtand double murder case was reopened, and Guruji began visiting Giridih frequently. I was spending most of my time with him.”

“One day, he came to my house, met my father, and requested him to let me stay with him and work for the party. He promised to guide me like a father.”

Kumar later became a district president, got a party ticket, won the MLA seat twice, and is now a minister with key portfolios.

Over JMM’s five-decade journey, it is widely said that Guruji mentored and elevated several party workers, placing them in influential roles within both government and party ranks.

A Family Man

On the death of the 81-year-old leader, the Jharkhand government has declared three days of mourning. Some netizens are demanding a seven-day mourning period, arguing that Soren’s death is a monumental loss for the people of Jharkhand.

Sibu Soren is survived by his wife, Rupi Soren, three sons—Durga, Hemant, and Basant—and a daughter, Anjali. He was a lifelong vegetarian and a teetotaler.

There is now a growing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on the Dishom Guru, who not only represented nearly every house in Indian politics but also served as Jharkhand’s chief minister three times and was a Union minister.

किताबों से निकले, जंगलों में लड़े, संसद तक पहुंचे—शिबू सोरेन की ज़िंदगी एक पाठशाला

[dropcap]सा[/dropcap]ल 2005 में जब झारखंड में पहली बार विधानसभा चुनाव हो रहे थे, तब झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा (JMM) ने गुरुजी—शिबू सोरेन—के लिए एक हेलिकॉप्टर किराए पर लिया था। एक हफ्ते की ताबड़तोड़ रैलियों के बाद जब पायलट मीर को विदा करने का वक्त आया, तो हम सबने साथ में एक कप कॉफी पी। बातचीत के दौरान मीर, जो पिछले तीन दशकों में देश के लगभग हर बड़े नेता को उड़ा चुके थे—एलके अडवाणी, लालू प्रसाद यादव, शरद पवार से लेकर जयललिता तक—एक बात कह गए जो हमें सोचने पर मजबूर कर गई।

उन्होंने कहा, “मैंने ऐसा नेता पहले कभी नहीं देखा।”

“हम समझ नहीं पाए कि वो क्या कहना चाहते हैं। हमें लगा, शायद गुरुजी की सादगी ने उन्हें प्रभावित किया होगा। मैंने हैरानी से पूछा—‘ऐसा क्या देखा आपने उनमें?’” ये बात गिरिडीह से JMM विधायक सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू ने याद करते हुए बताई।

एक ऐसा नेता जो लोगों को हंसाता नहीं, रुला देता था

पायलट मीर ने जवाब दिया, “सभी नेता ऐसी बातें करते हैं जिससे लोग हंसते हैं। लेकिन तुम्हारा नेता ऐसी बातें करता है जिससे लोग रो पड़ते हैं।”

यही गुरुजी की सबसे बड़ी ख़ासियत थी, सोनू कहते हैं।

“वो अपने संघर्ष की कहानियां सुनाते थे, झारखंड की लड़ाई में दिए गए बलिदानों को याद करते थे, शराब छोड़ने की सलाह देते थे, और शिक्षा की अहमियत बताते थे। उनकी बातें लोगों को अंदर तक झकझोर देती थीं। हम तो इसके गवाह थे ही, लेकिन बाहर के लोग आकर जब ये बताते थे, तब हमें समझ में आता था कि गुरुजी वाकई अलग थे।”

लेकिन गुरुजी सिर्फ भाषण देने वाले नेता नहीं थे।

शिबू सोरेन, जो पूरी ज़िंदगी नशे से दूर रहे, शाकाहारी रहे, 1970 के दशक में ही सामूहिक खेती करते थे, रात में बड़ों के लिए साक्षरता क्लास चलाते थे, और गांवों में झगड़े सुलझाने के लिए पंचायतें लगाते थे।

अपने आंदोलन के दौर में वो ज़्यादातर पैदल ही चलते थे—गिरिडीह, धनबाद, बोकारो और जामताड़ा के जंगलों से होकर।

81 साल के शिबू सोरेन, जिनका आज दिल्ली के गंगाराम अस्पताल में इंतक़ाल हो गया, आम नेताओं से बिल्कुल अलग थे। वो उन चंद नेताओं में थे, जिन्हें राजनीति में लाने वाले एक आईएएस अफसर थे और जिनकी तरबियत एक इंजीनियर-से-समाजसेवी-से-सांसद बने इंसान ने की थी।

दबे-कुचले लोगों की आवाज़ थे गुरुजी

गुरुजी की पकड़ झारखंड के आदिवासी समाज और शोषित तबके पर इतनी मज़बूत थी कि धनबाद से तीन बार सांसद रह चुके एक और बड़े नेता एके रॉय और वरिष्ठ वकील विनोद बिहारी महतो ने भी उनके आंदोलन को दिशा दी।

एमरजेंसी के दौरान एक DC ने बदला गुरुजी का रास्ता

लेकिन जिन्हें सबसे बड़ा क्रेडिट जाता है, वो थे धनबाद के उस वक़्त के डिप्टी कमिश्नर—आईएएस अफसर कुंवर बहादुर (केबी) सक्सेना।

यह वो समय था जब देश में इमरजेंसी लगी थी। उस दौरान बीसीसीएल (भारत कोकिंग कोल लिमिटेड) में काम करने वाले तारा बाबू मरांडी टुंडी के पोखरिया आश्रम में गुरुजी की मदद कर रहे थे। उन्होंने एक अजीब वाकया याद किया।

“एक आदमी साइकिल पर आया और कहा कि वो गुरुजी की बाइक ठीक करने आया है। मैंने कहा—बाइक तो चल ही नहीं रही। उसने पूछा—‘पैसे कौन देगा?’ मैंने कहा—‘गुरुजी देंगे।’ लेकिन उसने ज़िद की कि पहले वो गुरुजी से मिले। मैं उसे पारसनाथ पहाड़ी ले गया, जहां गुरुजी थे। वहां उसने पहचान बताई—वो था धनबाद का डीसी,” मरांडी ने बताया।

उस वक़्त गुरुजी ज़मींदारों के ख़िलाफ़ आंदोलन चला रहे थे और आदिवासी अधिकारों की बात कर रहे थे। डीसी सक्सेना ने उन्हें समझाया कि इमरजेंसी और बढ़ती हिंसा के बीच या तो वो मारे जाएंगे या ज़िंदगीभर जंगलों में छिपकर रहेंगे।

“गुरुजी ने डीसी की बात ध्यान से सुनी। सक्सेना ने कहा—कोर्ट में सरेंडर करो, जेल चले जाओ, फिर वैध राजनीति के रास्ते से आंदोलन को आगे बढ़ाओ। उसी दिन गुरुजी ने आत्मसमर्पण कर दिया,” मरांडी ने याद किया।

आंदोलन के साथियों की कहानियां

गुरुजी के विचारों से प्रभावित होकर मरांडी ने अपनी सरकारी नौकरी छोड़ दी। ऐसा ही किया शिक्षक छोटू राम टुड्डू ने। उन्हें ज़मींदारों ने कुदको दोहरा हत्याकांड के बाद इतना मारा कि उन्हें मरा समझकर छोड़ दिया—सिगरेट से चेहरा जलाया, जीप से घसीटा।

“मैं तो उस दिन शादी में था, जब घटना हुई। लेकिन लौटते ही मुझे उठा लिया गया और मारा गया,” टुड्डू ने कहा, जो अब 73 साल के हैं। उनके बेटे आज रांची में बीडीओ हैं।

1980 में जब गुरुजी दुमका से सांसद बने, तो अपने पुराने साथियों से मिलने पिरटांड़, गिरिडीह पहुंचे।

“वो हंसते हुए बोले—‘मैं बड़ा चपरासी हो गया हूं, विधायक लोग छोटे चपरासी हैं।’ हम सब हंस पड़े,” ये यादें हैं बाबू राम हेम्ब्रम की, जो धान कटनी आंदोलन के शुरुआती दौर से गुरुजी के साथ थे।

एक बचपन जो ज़ुल्म से बना, एक जीवन जो संघर्ष से चमका

आज जब कुछ नेता खुद को चौकीदार कहकर गर्व करते हैं, तो याद रखना चाहिए कि गुरुजी ने सबसे पहले ऐसा रूपक इस्तेमाल किया था।

उनका संघर्ष बचपन से ही शुरू हो गया था। उनके पिता शोबरन मांझी, एक शिक्षक थे, जिन्हें ज़मींदारों ने मार डाला था। उस वक़्त गुरुजी सिर्फ 13 साल के थे और आठवीं क्लास में पढ़ते थे। जब उन्हें यह खबर मिली, तो स्कूल से सीधे उस जगह पहुंचे जहां पिता की हत्या हुई थी। फिर कभी स्कूल नहीं गए। उसी दिन उनका जीवन बदल गया।

सत्ता उनके लिए कभी प्राथमिकता नहीं रही। वो तीन बार झारखंड के मुख्यमंत्री बने, लेकिन कभी एक भी कार्यकाल पूरा नहीं कर पाए। लेकिन उन्हें इसका मलाल नहीं था। शिबू सोरेन—जिन्हें लोग प्यार से ‘गुरुजी’ या ‘दिशोम गुरु’ कहते थे—जनता के नेता थे।

सत्ता से ज़्यादा उन्हें समाज की सुध थी

उन्होंने 1970 के दशक में ही आदिवासियों से शराब छोड़ने की अपील की थी। कहते थे—“शराब पीने से इंसान का इरादा कमज़ोर हो जाता है और ज़मींदार उसका फ़ायदा उठाते हैं।” दशकों बाद भी, जब वो चुनाव प्रचार में जाते थे, तो यही बात दोहराते थे।

पांच दशक की राजनीति में उन्होंने आठ बार लोकसभा, दो बार राज्यसभा और तीन बार विधानसभा की सदस्यता पाई। लेकिन विवादों से भी उनका नाता रहा। ज़मींदारों के ख़िलाफ़ आंदोलन के दौरान उन पर दो हत्याओं के आरोप लगे। बाद में, एक सचिव की हत्या और नरसिम्हा राव सरकार के दौरान वोट के बदले पैसे लेने का मामला भी आया।

फिर भी, शिबू सोरेन झारखंड की राजनीति के एक ऐतिहासिक किरदार बनकर रहेंगे—एक ऐसा शख्स जो जंगलों और गांवों से उठकर संसद तक पहुंचा, लेकिन हमेशा अपने लोगों के लिए जिया।

आज वो हमारे बीच नहीं हैं, लेकिन एक सच्चे आदिवासी नेता की ये कहानी आने वाली नस्लों को हमेशा हिम्मत और हौसला देती रहेगी।