Alien Spacecraft Rumours Around 3I/ATLAS End as Bengali Scientists Confirm It Is a Natural Interstellar Comet

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Kolkata: More’s the pity, since the last few months, a lot of gossip on an object has been on the incredibly unlikely possibility that it could be an alien spacecraft. But ultimately a team of Bengali scientists dispel that speculation and their radio observations confirm interstellar comet 3I/ATLAS is a natural object.

The observations were conducted by a dedicated team of three Bengali scientists, comprising Dr. Sabyasachi Pal from The Midnapore City College, alongwith his scientific colleagues Mr. Arijit Manna and Dr. Tapas Bag from the Satyendra Nath Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences. Their critical findings have been published in the Astronomer’s Telegram on January 2, 2026.

From Alien Rumours to Evidence: What 3I/ATLAS Really Is

After on July 1,2025 astronomers at the Asteroid Terrestrial-impact Last Alert System (ATLAS) detected this interstellar object 3I/ATLAS, space-fans are having some rumours of Alien Spacecraft! But they confirmed it’s a comet. There’s no scientific evidence that life has been detected anywhere in the universe beyond earth. Still, imagining aliens is sometimes fun!

Lots of scientific focus has been shifted towards that object to get more of it. On October 24, 2025 Observations by the MeerKAT radio telescope in South Africa reported its first radio detection, received from that interstellar object 3I/ATLAS, when it was just 3.76 degrees from the sun in the sky. Researchers confirmed that it’s the third interstellar object they’ve detected after 1I/’Oumuamua (noted in 2017) and 2I/Borisov(noted in 2019).

Speculation about aliens still continues! Researchers dedicated to the Robert C. Byrd Green Bank Telescope, the largest fully steerable telescope in the world, at the Green Bank Observatory in West Virginia, previously asked that there’s no technosignature from that object, so that it couldn’t be an alien spacecraft. A technosignature is any observable signature or physical evidence, that’s a detectable sign of artificial technology, such as artificial radio signals, unusual light patterns, unnatural planetary emissions. That may indicate the presence of an intelligent extraterrestrial civilization. But there’s nothing to examine. It’s clear that 3I/ATLAS is a natural comet.

NASA asked before that the comet poses no threat to Earth and it will remain at a distance of at least 1.6 astronomical units (about 150 million miles or 240 million km). Still the mysterious movement of that comet creates huge curiosity among space enthusiasts. It’s true, there was no solid evidence behind the story of being an alien spacecraft; even regarding this matter there was no serious research and no publications in the serious science journals.

bengali scientists confirm 3i atlas natural interstellar comet

Bengali Scientists Capture First Radio Image of Interstellar Comet

These three Bengali scientists have done the first ever confident detection of radio continuum emission from interstellar comet 3I/ATLAS at meter wavelengths using data from the upgraded Giant Metrewave Radio Telescope in Pune, India. The interstellar comet 3I/ATLAS reached its closest approach to Earth on 19th December 2025, at a distance of about 1.8 astronomical units. They conducted low-frequency radio observations of the comet using the upgraded Giant Metrewave Radio Telescope (uGMRT) Band-5 at a central frequency of 1239 MHz on the day of the closest approach and two days before and two days after. The preliminary data analysis suggests the successful detection of comet 3I/ATLAS on 17th and 19th December 2025, with a significance greater than 10σ with flux densities on 17th and 19th December of 3.86 ± 0.38 millijanskys and 0.81 ± 0.05 millijanskys, respectively. Millijansky (mJy) is a unit used in astronomy to measure the flux density (brightness) of celestial objects—especially in radio, infrared, and sub-millimeter observations. Interestingly, the comet was not detected on 21st December 2025.

They find that comet 3I/ATLAS was significantly bright before its close approach (17th December) and became considerably faint at the closest approach (19th December), followed by a non-detection afterwards (21st December). This study represents a key step toward probing cometary radio emissions at meter wavelengths. The detection confirmed the presence of measurable radio continuum emissions, likely arising from dust-related emissions and/or plasma processes associated with the interactions between the cometary environment and solar wind.

Team leader Dr. Sabyasachi Pal informed, if an object were artificial or technological in nature, its radio emission would be expected to show specific patterns, signals, or anomalous features. But these observations clearly demonstrate that the radio emission from 3I/ATLAS is entirely consistent with natural cometary behaviour. Such detection confirms that it is an active natural comet capable of producing radio emission via known physical mechanism, thereby resolving speculation about unusual or non-cometary behaviour while it opens up new questions about the dominant emission processes.

Dr. Pal added, this research not only dispel misconceptions about 3I/ATLAS but also opens a new window for understanding future interstellar objects. This story sets up strong instincts that such objects can be studied effectively in the radio domain. The detectable radio emission from that comet suggests that dust production, plasma environments, and solar-wind interactions in extrasolar comets may be broadly similar to those in solar system comets, implying common physical mechanism during planet formation across stellar systems.

uGMRT Observations Confirm 3I/ATLAS Behaves Like a Natural Comet

Still the interpretation of the emission mechanism should be treated cautiously as the analysis is currently continuum only. Spectral line diagnostics are still in progress. Plasma and dust contributions can not yet be fully disentangled. There are multiple follow up observations or missions like multi-epoch radio monitoring across frequencies, spectral line searches, coordinated campaigns for future interstellar comets, they have to prioritise.

Despite having so many nuances, confidently taking a radio image of an interstellar comet for the first time is undoubtedly a huge gift for us. This study marks a significant advancement in our ability to detect and characterize visitors from other star systems, steering the conversation from speculation to solid science. Dr. Pal is also very optimistic, Studying such comets is essentially a quest for our own origins. The answers to where Earth, Water, and Life began may lie hidden within these tailed cosmic visitors.

Proof of Citizenship? Amartya Sen and Millions in Bengal Face ‘Doubtful’ Voter Scrutiny

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Kolkata: Nobel Laureate Amartya Sen, Indian fast bowler Mohammed Shami, actor and Trinamool Congress MP Dev Adhikari, former Kolkata Police Commissioner Prasun Mukherjee and his son Ranajit, acclaimed actor Anirban Bhattacharya, veteran poet Joy Goswami, actor-couple Laboni Sarkar and Kaushik Bandyopadhyay, and former Left Front minister Kanti Ganguly have all received hearing notices under West Bengal’s ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

They are among lakhs of voters in Bengal—including senior citizens, migrant workers and ordinary residents—who have been summoned by election officials over alleged discrepancies in voter records, raising serious questions about the legality, intent and scale of the exercise.

SIR Sparks Political and Legal Storm

Reacting sharply, Ranajit Mukherjee, member of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) and son of former Police Commissioner Prasun Mukherjee, said the notices exposed the arbitrary nature of the process.

“The most famous Bengali, Amartya Sen, has received an SIR notice over discrepancies in his mother’s age. But it can be easily corrected, so there was no need to serve notice. In my case, I was a candidate for the Lok Sabha in 2019, and scrutiny was done by the Election Commission itself. They can easily go through my Aadhar details and get every information, but they did not,” Ranajit told eNewsroom.

The father-son duo are scheduled to appear for hearings on January 14 and 15.

‘Why No BJP Leader Got Notice?’ Congress Alleges Bias

“We will appear, but the entire exercise is needless and public exchequer are being spent on it,” he said.

Raising a pointed political question, Ranajit said:

“Interestingly, almost all the political party leaders got notices in Bengal, except the BJP. Whether it is technical (read AI) or human error, how did it not impact them? The Congress questioned and claimed, ‘It is a political exercise.’”

Celebrities to Migrants: Voters Flagged ‘Doubtful’

The SIR notices have not been limited to political figures. Among those summoned are Mohammed Shami, Anirban Bhattacharya, Joy Goswami, and several senior citizens and migrant workers.

The inclusion of such diverse groups has intensified fears that legitimate voters are being indiscriminately flagged as “doubtful”.

SIR Has No Legal Basis Under Election Law

Former IAS officer and ex-Chief Election Officer (CEO) of West Bengal Jawhar Sircar raised fundamental objections to the process.

“As I have insisted, there is no legal sanctity for ‘Special’ Intensive Revision as the law (Registration of Electors Rules 1960) authorises only ‘Intensive Revision’,” Sircar told eNewsroom.

Explaining further, he said: “So many of the instructions being issued by ECI under SIR are beyond its remit and highly questionable. Rule 8 of the 1960 Rules says, ‘Information to be supplied by occupants of dwelling-houses.—The registration officer may, for the purpose of preparing the roll, send letters of request in Form 4…’”

“No citizen has been issued Form 4, and instead they have been compelled to fill in an Enumeration Form, which finds no mention in the Rules. Based on the ECI’s data and discrepancies thereof, citizens are being summoned like offenders before AEROs, just because the ECI so desires. Dr Sen is one such victim of ECI’s arbitrariness.”

“If Bharat Ratna Amartya Sen Must Prove Citizenship…”

Social activist Yogendra Yadav, who opposed SIR from its inception, said the notice to Amartya Sen exposed the deeper danger of the exercise.

“In a way, I am glad that the SIR notice was served to Amartya Sen, because it highlights the plight of an ordinary citizen. If a Bharat Ratna has to prove his citizenship, and that too because of a dubious and secretive software that enjoys no legal standing, then we can understand what it would be like for an ordinary citizen, the poor woman. The kind of people prof Sen has spoken for.”

Yadav recalled that when SIR began in Bengal, he had warned that the second phase—notice and hearing—would be very dangerous for the state, alleging the exercise was designed for Bengal, not for Bihar or any other state.

Crores Dropped from Draft Rolls, Democracy at Risk

More than 90 lakh voters in Bengal are yet to receive—or are expected to receive—hearing notices before the final roll is published in February.

Across 12 Indian states, over 7.5 crore voters out of an estimated 53 crore have been removed from draft electoral rolls during the ongoing SIR. While some names may return to the final lists, critics warn the scale signals a serious threat to voting rights.

“The election commission should clarify the reason why such a large number of voters got removed. They need to cite the reason. In the world’s largest democracy, voters are losing their rights, without ECI giving any specific reason. It is so outrageous,” said a Kolkata-based researcher.

Questioning the stated objective of SIR, Ranajit Mukherjee said: “I and my father will attend the hearings. We have no fear or tension. But the larger question is about common people. It is a political exercise, billions are being spent, yet few infiltrators are found. Through SIR, widespread harassment is done to legitimate voters.”

14 Bengali-Speaking Indians Pushed Into Bangladesh, No Trace for Weeks

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Kolkata: Harassment and torture on allegations of being Bangladeshi are not limited to natives of West Bengal working outside the state. Even families who left Bengal nearly 70 years ago and settled elsewhere are now facing similar persecution. In a shocking incident, 14 members of a family from Odisha were allegedly pushed into Bangladesh by the Border Security Force (BSF) on suspicion of being ‘Bangladeshi’ in December.

The incident occurred on Friday, December 26, 2025, when the 14 individuals were reportedly pushed across the Gede border in West Bengal’s Nadia district. More than a week later, the whereabouts of the family remain unknown during this chilly winter.

From a Two-Year-Old Child to a 90-Year-Old Woman, in No Man’s Land

According to relatives, those pushed into Bangladesh include four children, five women, and five men. They have been identified as Gulshan Bibi (90); Sheikh Jabbar (70); and his four sons—Sheikh Hakim (45), Sheikh Ukil (40), Sheikh Raja (38), and Sheikh Banti (28). The group also includes Sheikh Ukil’s 11-year-old daughter Shakila Khatun; Sheikh Raja’s three children—12-year-old daughter Nasrin Parveen, 11-year-old son Sheikh Touhid, and 2-year-old son Sheikh Rahid; and Alkum Bibi (65), Samseri Bibi (40), Sabera Bibi (35), and Meherun Bibi (25).

All of them are residents of Ambika village under Ersama police station in Odisha’s Jagatsinghpur district.

Indian Citizens With Aadhaar, Voter IDs, Birth Certificates and Land Deeds Branded ‘Bangladeshis’

Sheikh Jabbar and his family have been living in Odisha for decades and are registered voters there. Several of his children were born in Odisha. The family possesses valid Aadhaar cards, voter ID cards, ration cards, PAN cards, birth certificates, and old land records. Despite this, they were allegedly branded as ‘Bangladeshis.’

Family members said the local police vandalised their homes and detained all 14 members on December 8. They said the family had been under detention and movement restrictions for weeks prior to that. A relative of Sheikh Jabbar told eNewsroom that the family had been detained nearly one-and-a-half months ago.

“The police did not listen to us despite us showing all the documents. Instead, we were threatened. We were not informed where they were being kept or what was happening to them,” the relative said.

Another relative, Sheikh Akram, mentioned: “We later came to know through media reports that they had been pushed into Bangladesh through the Gede border on the evening of December 26. This was an illegal pushback by the Odisha administration and the BSF.”

Family members said Sheikh Jabbar’s forefathers were originally from Namkhana in South 24 Parganas district of West Bengal and had migrated to Odisha around 70 years ago for work. Jabbar and his forefathers own land in their names in South 24 Parganas. Over time, the family obtained all official documents in Odisha, and the younger generations were born there.

Another relative, Saiful Ali Khan, told eNewsroom: “They are all valid Indian citizens. They were detained simply because they speak Bengali. For nearly one-and-a-half months, there is no information on the family’s whereabouts. When we went to the police station, we were threatened with being put in lock-up. The police refused to even look at our documents.”

He added: “On December 27, we suddenly saw news reports that they had been sent to Bangladesh. There are four children, five women, and five men among them. We have no way to contact them, and the administration is not cooperating. We are completely at a loss.”

Bangladesh Did Not Accept ‘Pushback’ by BSF

According to a report by leading Bangladeshi daily Prothom Alo, Lieutenant Colonel Md Nazmul Hasan, commanding officer of the 6 BGB Chuadanga Battalion, confirmed the incident. He claimed that on the night of December 26, 2025, taking advantage of dense fog, the BSF opened the Darshana Nimtala border gate and pushed in 14 Indian citizens, including children and elderly persons.

He said all 14 are non-Bangladeshis and have no relatives or acquaintances in Bangladesh. He further stated that the BSF had earlier attempted to push them into Bangladesh through the Kushtia border on December 23, but the attempt failed. The Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) has lodged a protest over the incident, and discussions have taken place between senior officials of the BGB and BSF.

“After completing necessary procedures, they will be sent back to India,” he said.

Rahul Gandhi letter on Odia Bangla speaking Muslim Bangladeshi push
WB Congress President Subhankar Sarkar’s letter to Rahul Gandhi

Political Outrage and Legal Action Planned

Meanwhile, West Bengal Pradesh Congress Committee president Subhankar Sarkar has expressed grave concern over the incident. He has written to Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, highlighting what he described as a pattern of attacks on Bengali-speaking migrant workers, particularly in BJP-ruled states.

In his letter, Sarkar cited the alleged push-in of the 14-member family from Odisha and also referred to the killing of Bengali-speaking migrant worker Jewel Rana in Sambalpur, Odisha, after locals accused him of being Bangladeshi.

Human rights organisation Indian Justice Forum has termed the incident a “gross violation of the Constitution.”

Its chairman and advocate, Asfak Ahammed, told eNewsroom:

“This incident is a blatant violation of constitutional rights. These people have been treated inhumanely simply because they are Muslims. How can valid citizens of an independent country be pushed into another nation by branding them as ‘Bangladeshis’? The police and the BSF have completely disregarded Supreme Court guidelines. We have already informed the highest administrative authorities, and if no action is taken, we are preparing to move the Odisha High Court.”

We tried to reach out to BSF officials, but yet to get any response.

The Gangster Model? What Maduro’s Capture Means for Global Law

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The American attack on Venezuela violates all international laws that the collective West claims to “swear by.” Consider the European Union’s response: “We are monitoring the situation.” WhatsApp gossipers may look at this as a “great” act of “bravery,” but what kind of bravery is this when you intimidate a neighbour that is neither large in size nor strong in military power? The American act resembled a typical gangster operation, which kidnapped the president of an independent and sovereign state Nicolus Maduro. Increasingly, this has become the model adopted by the United States and the West, including Israel, for which they have remained unaccountable. With enormous corporate power, they control global resources. As their own resources deplete, they are now eyeing smaller countries rich in rare earth minerals and energy reserves.

A Gangster Model of Power: How the US Treats Sovereign States

The Nobel Peace Prize Committee will have to respond on whether it supports the American attack on Venezuela, as it indirectly provided legitimacy to such aggression by awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to an individual who openly advocated US bombing of Caracas and promised her country’s natural resources at the altar of American corporate oligarchs. This is clearly a war to capture natural resources and control economies, as the US appears to be losing economically to China and militarily to Russia.

If anyone doubts why the US or Donald Trump are so keen to “stop the war” in Ukraine, they should observe his style of functioning. He is using Gaza in the same way. After genocide, Gaza is being handed over to American corporations, many of them linked to Trump’s associates. Israel’s recognition of Somaliland and American bombing in Nigeria connect the dots—suggesting that Iran could be next. It is evident that Trump and his team pose one of the gravest threats to world peace. In the name of ending wars, Trump is openly pushing a business-first agenda. He failed in the Russia–Ukraine war because of Russia’s power position, and had Russia not possessed nuclear weapons, the US and Europe would have finished it long ago.

From Gaza to Venezuela: War as a Corporate Business Plan

If we look at US military interventions under various pretexts, they are essentially aimed at eliminating the leadership of a country and installing less ambitious leaders who function as vassals of the United States. All of this is done in the name of “democracy” and the “rule of law.” Donald Trump even mocks Putin for taking too long in Ukraine, because the American pattern is familiar: carpet bombing, eliminating top leadership, and installing a compliant regime. America has rarely cared about the countries it bombed; its primary objective has always been securing resources for its corporate oligarchs. The attack on Venezuela will boomerang. Latin America is neither the Middle East nor Afghanistan. Bombing a country and capturing its leader may be easier for American power, but it does not guarantee acceptance in Latin America. On the contrary, this will likely fuel protests against the United States and increase its global isolation. Trump will not make America great again—he will isolate it again.

Trump came to power promising to resolve domestic crises, not to involve the US in unnecessary external conflicts. American taxpayers have paid a heavy price as national resources are spent abroad in the name of protecting “American interests,” which essentially means corporate interests upheld by the two corporatised political parties. Internationally, except for Europe, Americans are increasingly unwelcome. China, Russia, India, and Turkey will fill the vacuum and become more relevant to the Global South. One thing is certain: the Global South will begin organising itself into formal alliances. This will also lead to more military alliances and, inevitably, more attempts to acquire nuclear technology.

Nuclear Weapons as the Only Shield Against Regime Change

When the United States bombed Iran, many felt that had Iran possessed nuclear power like North Korea, the Americans would have thought twice.

This brings us to the question of nuclear deterrence. Are countries safer with nuclear weapons? The answer increasingly appears to be yes. Anti-nuclear campaigns never demanded that the big five dismantle their arsenals; instead, they sought to punish weaker nations for pursuing nuclear capabilities. If the US or any other power can fly into another country, capture its head of state, and try him in their courts, then every nation will aspire to possess nuclear missiles.

History offers a stark reminder. You condemned Stalin, Khrushchev, and others. You celebrated the fall of the Soviet Union. But as long as the Soviet Union existed, America thought twice before engaging in direct conflict. A Stalin or Khrushchev would have taken the conflict to America’s backyard, as seen during the Cuban Missile Crisis of October 1962, which ultimately forced the US to stay away from Cuba, despite repeated CIA attempts to assassinate Fidel Castro. Though the Soviet Union no longer exists and Russia is preoccupied with Ukraine, Trump has created a crisis for the United States. His actions have united much of South America against growing American hegemonic ambitions.

Two developments puzzle observers. First, the Chinese delegation’s meeting with President Nicolás shortly before his capture by American elite forces. Second, whether Russia—or Vladimir Putin—had prior knowledge of the operation. Powerful nations often know events in advance. Russia’s muted response to Iran, limited to foreign ministry statements, has not inspired confidence. This raises the question: have Trump and Putin struck a tacit deal—allowing Russia territorial gains in Ukraine while the US tightens control over South America? Though this seems unlikely, especially given attempts to target President Putin, the speculation persists.

Venezuela and the Birth of a New Global South Resistance

This brings us to the core question: what happens after such a blatant violation of international law? Will the International Court of Justice issue an arrest warrant against Donald Trump? Will American-style regime change become the global norm? Can Russia replicate this in Ukraine or Europe? Can China do so in Taiwan? Could India attempt such an adventure in its neighbourhood?

These are not easy questions. But we are undeniably inching toward a global crisis. Stronger international mechanisms are urgently required to resolve conflicts. You cannot claim to be a peacemaker while bullying those who disagree with you. Venezuela will be a test case. People are on the streets protesting this misuse of power. The coming days will be crucial in shaping a new world order. Let us hope people’s power prevails and national sovereignty is not reduced to a subsidiary of powerful neighbours. The world must rethink and reform the United Nations to restore justice, peace, and stability—otherwise, uncertainty will only pave the way for violence and war, which must be avoided at all costs.

SIR in Bengal | They Voted for Decades, Now They Must Prove They Are Indian

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Poet Joy Goswami, 91-year-old Ashalata Bhattacharya, and 80-year-old Bela Chakraborty are today standing in the same line, trying to prove that they are citizens of this country. Their names should have been on the voter list in the 2002 elections. For unknown reasons, their names are missing. Now the responsibility lies on them to prove who they are.

This is not limited to just these three people. Poet and singer Anirban Bhattacharya has also been summoned for a hearing by the Election Commission. No one knows who will receive a notice and who will not. Every day, someone gets a call from their Booth Level Officer (BLO). They are told that some “illogical discrepancy” has been found in their name, and therefore they must appear at a designated hearing centre with documents to prove they are Indian citizens.

Although Election Commission rules clearly say that people above 85 years of age should be visited at home for voter verification, many elderly citizens are still being harassed. The most shocking reality is that people who have voted in this country for decades are now being forced to stand in queues and prove their existence with documents.

Many argue that the problem has arisen because current records do not match the 2002 voter list. But no one asks the most important question: citizens did not create these errors. These mistakes were made by the Election Commission itself. So why should ordinary people bear the burden?

During the hearings, the Election Commission issued a notification admitting that the technology used to digitise the 2002 and 2025 voter lists was faulty, which resulted in incomplete data and widespread errors.

Why Elderly Indians Are Being Asked to Prove Citizenship Again

The fear of losing citizenship is clearly visible on people’s faces. Despite enormous difficulties, they are still trying to reach hearing centres. Some are hiring ambulances with their own money. Some are being brought on stretchers. Others are somehow managing to come.

Sabita Naskar, who works as a cook in the Jadavpur area, has been asked to appear at the District Magistrate’s office in Raidighi, South 24 Parganas, her native place. She must take at least one day off work, but her employers are unwilling to grant her leave.

For a long time now, many have argued that the problem is not voter list revision itself. The real issue lies in the process, which introduces two unnecessary and unprecedented conditions:

  • Filling special enumeration forms
  • Mandatory submission of citizenship documents

Because of these requirements, anyone can be called for a hearing. If these two conditions are removed, voter list revision would not result in mass disenfranchisement.

Election Commission Admits Tech Errors Behind Missing Voter Names

The situation becomes clearer if we look at Bihar. When the draft voter list was published there, people were shocked to see 65 lakh names removed. After the Supreme Court intervened to control the damage, the final number came down to 44 lakh deletions.

In West Bengal, when the draft list was published, it showed 58 lakh voters as dead or migrated. Many people felt relieved that their own names were still present. But as time passed, it became clear that people were now being selectively picked from this draft list and called for hearings.

In Bihar, many explanations were offered. Some said there were too many duplicate or migrant voters. Others blamed administrative incompetence that inflated the voter list. Some believed that mistakes happened because Bihar was the first state to undergo this Special Intensive Revision (SIR).

However, after the Bihar election results, it became clear how the process was used. The same mechanism that removed voters in Bihar is now being given legal backing through Special Intensive Revision in states like Maharashtra, Haryana, and Delhi.

From Bihar to Bengal, How Voter Lists Are Being Quietly Shrunk

Across the 12 states where SIR is ongoing, nearly 6.5 crore voters have already been removed from earlier voter lists. More deletions are clearly on the way.

A closer analysis of the draft voter lists shows that these deletions have no real link to migration. States like West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh, from where large numbers of people migrate for work, have seen fewer deletions than states like Gujarat and Goa, where voter lists have shrunk sharply.

Large-scale deletions have occurred both in states where the number of registered voters was already lower than the adult population (such as Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh) and in states where voter registration was relatively high (such as Tamil Nadu).

The data also shows that women have been the worst affected. After this process, the gender ratio in voter lists has declined in every state.

Why Assam Lost Zero Voters While Other States Lost Millions

Many people ask whether voter list revision could have been done differently, without excluding so many citizens. The answer lies in Assam.

Assam is the only state where SIR was not implemented. Instead, officials carried out door-to-door verification, without making forms or citizenship documents mandatory.

Assam began the revision with 2.52 crore voters. About 10.56 lakh names were removed, while 10.55 lakh names were added. As a result, the final draft list still contains 2.52 crore voters. Assam is the only state where the net deletion is zero percent. In other major states, deletions range from 8 to 19 percent.

This clearly shows that when voters are not forced to prove citizenship through documents, disenfranchisement does not occur. Where such pressure exists, voters are being excluded—and that is the core problem.

Importantly, the Election Commission has never explained why this SIR was not carried out in Assam. There, voter lists were verified by visiting homes, which remains the only fair method of adding or removing names.

Those who ask, “What is the problem with showing documents?” must answer one question: if documents were not required in Assam, why were they made compulsory elsewhere?

The only possible conclusion is that the design of the SIR itself is flawed. By shifting the burden of proving citizenship onto ordinary people, it is inevitably leading to exclusions.

Today, while disturbing images of harassment continue to emerge, political parties have chosen an uneasy silence. The BJP argues that if people can go out to vote, why can’t they attend hearings? But if the Election Commission wants to conduct such an exercise, why should citizens bear the financial and physical cost?

This is ultimately about dignity and self-respect. Questioning the citizenship of a 70-year-old person is deeply humiliating. Expecting empathy from BJP representatives may be unrealistic.

Voting is a right, not an obligation. A person may choose not to vote. But forcing someone to prove citizenship is an insult. Even at this age, people are being made to prove that they are not Rohingyas or illegal migrants, but Indian citizens.

The same people were once forced to stand in endless bank queues during demonetisation, facing inhuman suffering. Did demonetisation bring back black money? Back then too, people were told that if soldiers could guard borders in the cold, citizens could stand in line. The same logic is being repeated today.

Again and again, ordinary people are being made to suffer.

The BJP may openly support this process. But other political parties claim to oppose it—at least on paper. So why are they silent? The Trinamool Congress demanded that political party representatives be allowed during hearings. The Election Commission refused.

As a result, not just poet Joy Goswami—any citizen can be excluded.

From Churches Under Siege to Mob Lynching: India’s Failure to Protect Minorities Exposed

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Christmas celebrations across India witnessed deliberate attempts to disrupt events by various affiliates of the Sangh Parivar, with little to no visible intervention from the police or the administration. Ironically, Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended a Christmas mass at a historic cathedral in New Delhi, yet neither he nor his colleagues offered a single word of condemnation for the attacks and intimidation faced by Christians elsewhere in the country. As has become routine, once such issues gain wider attention, the response oscillates between raising the bogey of “mass conversion” or conveniently dissociating from the very organisations responsible for the disruptions.

The violent hatred being promoted in India against racial, linguistic, and religious minorities is a matter of grave concern. Indian news channels, along with many vocal social media users, speak loudly about incidents outside the country—often rightly so. However, it is deeply troubling that many who express outrage over the mob burning of Deepu Chandra Das in Bangladesh are the same people who justify killings or even celebrate mob lynchings within India.

A similar hypocrisy was evident in the reaction to the dismantling of a statue of Lord Vishnu by the Thai military during recent clashes between Thailand and Cambodia. Suddenly, India’s foreign ministry woke up to issue a statement expressing “hurt sentiments” over the alleged desecration. What was overlooked is that this incident occurred in the context of an armed conflict between two countries disputing territory. Both Thailand and Cambodia are Buddhist-majority nations, and Hinduism has deeply influenced the history and culture of Southeast Asia. While war between the two nations is undesirable, it is disingenuous to frame this incident as a deliberate attack on Hinduism.

Selective Outrage and the Collapse of Moral Authority

This raises a fundamental question: does India today hold the moral high ground to speak about communal harmony and the protection of minorities, when the world has witnessed what unfolded across the country on Christmas Day? Such incidents cannot be dismissed as isolated. Following mob lynching in Kerala, another such incident has emerged from Sambalpur in Odisha.

Another deeply disturbing case comes from Dehradun, Uttarakhand, where a young MBA student from Tripura, Angel Chakma, was murdered by four youths who allegedly harassed him with repeated abuses and racial slurs—mocking him as Nepali, Chinese, “chinky,” or “momos.” That this happened in Uttarakhand is particularly painful. As a Pahadi myself, I have faced similar prejudices elsewhere. There is a strong cultural similarity between Uttarakhand and the northeastern states—shared attitudes, practices, and values. In fact, all Himalayan states share common cultural traits. Yet racial prejudice and caste pride are increasingly visible in Uttarakhand.

Violence at Home, Silence from Power

The deeper problem is that over the last decade, instead of introspection and social reform, a large section of youth has been fed hatred, communal polarisation, false pride, and contempt for others. These sentiments are now being openly vented in public spaces.

The hypocrisy becomes even starker when one recalls protests against the killing of minorities in Bangladesh held in several Indian states, including Uttarakhand—often led by the same groups that intimidate minorities within their own regions. They demand minority protection in Bangladesh but deny minorities their rights at home. The youth cannot be blamed entirely; they are acting according to a well-oiled WhatsApp-driven narrative, competing for political patronage from the top leadership of the Hindutva ecosystem.

New revelations have also emerged in the Ankita Bhandari case in Uttarakhand. Her mother continues to fight for justice, yet many who claim to champion minority rights in Bangladesh have remained conspicuously silent on Ankita’s case. They seem to have no time for it. This silence exposes the selective outrage and moral bankruptcy at play.

India’s political and media class celebrates Diwali at the White House and 10 Downing Street, but resists the idea of decorating Rashtrapati Bhavan or governor houses for minority festivals. Across the world, festivals are celebrated as part of a shared cultural heritage. Here, however, Hindutva politics thrives on perpetual hostility towards minorities. This mindset inevitably affects India’s foreign policy and global standing. India was once a shining example of multiculturalism, where different faiths coexisted and together strengthened the idea of nationhood.

It is also deeply troubling to see ISKCON groups participating in protests outside churches and Christmas celebrations. ISKCON is a global organisation that enjoys religious freedom and wide support in liberal democracies such as Washington, London, New York, and Paris. For its followers to deliberately perform kirtans outside Christmas venues in India is shameful. ISKCON must clarify whether it endorses such conduct. This is not religious freedom; it is deliberate provocation and unbecoming of a religious body that benefits from pluralism in the West.

Majoritarian Politics and the Failure of Rajdharma

While ordinary people may carry prejudices, what matters most is the role of the political executive, judiciary, media, and political parties. Violence against minorities and the marginalised cannot be brushed aside as “internal issues.” If that logic were applied consistently, India would have no right to comment on human rights violations anywhere in the world.

It would have made a meaningful difference had the Prime Minister, chief ministers, and senior leaders spoken out clearly, condemned these incidents unconditionally, and ensured strict action against the perpetrators. Unfortunately, that is unlikely. The ruling party has yet to learn how to behave like a party in power. Instead of upholding Rajdharma, it continues to function as a perpetual opposition, creating divisions rather than seeking reconciliation.

It is time for the government to reflect seriously. The Prime Minister and chief ministers must send an unequivocal message to their cadres that criminal violence will not be tolerated. The larger question, however, remains: do they possess the moral courage to speak for peace and non-violence when their political journey has so often been built in opposition to those very ideals? Can the top leadership finally speak out against organised violence targeting minorities and instruct officials to act decisively against those responsible?

From Banerjee to ‘Byneerjnzee’: AI Errors in Old Voter Rolls Haunt Bengal’s Electors

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Kolkata: A 58-year-old domestic worker in central Kolkata today worries less about her precarious livelihood and more about her citizenship.

Working as a maid in a residential building, she has received a notice from the Election Commission asking her and her son to appear for a hearing on January 3 as part of the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in West Bengal.

“I was born in the Kasba area in 1967. My father had migrated from Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh,” she said, requesting anonymity. “I lost my father when I was 18 or 19. Later, my mother also passed away in her native village. These days, I live in constant tension.”

Her anxiety is rooted not in doubt over her nationality, but in the absence of documents—many of which she says were lost to circumstances beyond her control.

“About 25 years ago, we shifted to Ghutiari. My husband, who struggled with mental illness and alcoholism, went missing from Chittaranjan Hospital during treatment. Six months later, my son died in a railway accident. He was only 17,” she said.

That year, Kolkata witnessed severe flooding. “We lived in a kachcha house. Many documents related to my parents and husband were destroyed. At that time, survival mattered more than papers,” she said.

She added that in recent years, repeated cyclones—including Amphan—further worsened their situation. “I do not have old documents linking my parents. But I have all my personal records—PAN, Aadhaar, voter ID, ration card.”

Her case reflects a larger, unfolding concern in West Bengal, where large sections of voters now face scrutiny in multiple phases of the SIR exercise.

Bengal’s Voter Revision: Who Is Under Scrutiny and Why

According to official figures, 58 lakh voters were deleted in the first draft of the electoral rolls in West Bengal. Additionally, 1.67 crore electors who remain in the draft are expected to receive notices for verification.

Of these, the Election Commission has identified:

31 lakh electors whose records lack mapping, and

1.36 crore electors with what it terms “logical discrepancies.”

In the first phase alone, around 10 lakh electors have already been issued notices for hearings, The Indian Express reported.

Unlike Bihar—where deletions were confined largely to the first draft—West Bengal’s voter verification process will continue through second and third phases, meaning that inclusion in the first draft does not guarantee retention in the final roll.

Election officials have so far issued around 32 lakh notices through Booth Level Officers (BLOs) for discrepancies. The remaining notices—covering the bulk of the 1.67 crore voters—will be issued directly by the Chief Election Officer (CEO).

Why Voters Are Getting Notices in Bengal’s Roll Revision

According to officials, notices are being issued in three broad categories:

Cases where voters are linked to grandparents instead of parents

Instances where a father is listed as having six or more children

Age-related inconsistencies, such as a father being less than 15 years older than a child, or more than 55 years older

However, voters and researchers argue that many discrepancies stem from administrative and technological errors rather than voter misrepresentation.

Old Rolls, New Errors: How AI Translation Triggered Voter Notices

A significant number of notices trace back to the 2002 voter list, which was originally prepared in Bengali and later translated into English using artificial intelligence tools.

In several cases, names were distorted during translation. For instance, a voter named Nimai Banerjee reportedly received a notice after his father’s surname was altered to “Byneerjnzee.” Similarly, the father’s surname of another voter, Rana Banik, was changed to “Vanek,” triggering a discrepancy notice.

Voters are now being asked to explain or correct errors that were neither created nor controlled by them.

Experts Warn Second Phase Poses Biggest Risk to Bengal Voters

Social activist Yogendra Yadav, who has raised objections to the SIR exercise before the Supreme Court, warned during a recent visit to Kolkata that the second phase would pose the most serious challenge for voters in Bengal.

A researcher tracking the process said, “The deletion of 58 lakh voters in the first draft was a ‘safe deletion’ carried out at the BLO level. Many people believe that the danger is over once their names appear in the draft. That assumption is incorrect.”

“The real test lies in responding to notices and satisfying the authorities. The question is how many voters—especially the poor, elderly, migrants, and disaster-affected—will be able to do that,” the researcher added.

He also flagged a critical concern: “If a voter’s name does not appear in the final roll, there is effectively no further forum available to prove citizenship or voting rights.”

Notices Flood Booths as North and South 24 Parganas Hit Hard

Reports from the field suggest that as many as 100 voters in a single booth have received notices in some areas, with North and South 24 Parganas emerging as the most affected districts.

As hearings begin, the process has placed millions of voters in a state of uncertainty—particularly those whose lives have been shaped by migration, poverty, natural disasters, and administrative neglect.

For many like the 58-year-old domestic worker in Kolkata, the fear is not of being foreign—but of being unable to prove what they have always been.

Odisha Mob Attack Kills Bengal Migrant Worker, Family Alleges Identity-Based Lynching

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Kolkata: Odisha has once again witnessed attacks on migrant workers from West Bengal in a BJP-ruled state. In a shocking incident, migrant labourers from Murshidabad were allegedly subjected to a brutal mob lynching on suspicion of being “Bangladeshis,” resulting in the death of one worker.

The deceased has been identified as Jewel Rana (21), a resident of the Chak Bahadurpur area under the Suti police station in Murshidabad district. Two others—Atiyur Rahman and Sanowar Hossain, both also from Murshidabad—were seriously injured. The incident occurred on Wednesday night in the Sambalpur district of Odisha.

According to sources, Jewel Rana, along with a few other youths, had gone to Sambalpur on the 20th of this month in search of work. They were employed as masons. On Wednesday evening, Jewel, Atiyur Rahman, and Sanowar Hossain were cooking inside a room, while five other workers were in an adjoining room. Suddenly, a group of miscreants allegedly attacked them. The three workers were reportedly surrounded and mercilessly beaten. After the victims collapsed on the ground in a bloodied condition, the attackers fled the spot. Police reached the scene after being informed and rushed the injured to a hospital, where doctors declared Jewel Rana dead. His body is scheduled to undergo a post-mortem examination on Thursday. The other two injured migrant workers remain hospitalised in critical condition. Sambalpur police have initiated an investigation into the incident.

Branded ‘Bangladeshis’ for Speaking Bengali: Identity Suspicion Turns Fatal

Another worker, Arik, said that Jewel had arrived in Sambalpur about five days ago for masonry work. “On Wednesday night, the attackers suddenly came and asked for our identity. We showed them all our valid documents. Despite that, they refused to believe us and branded us as Bangladeshis. Just on suspicion, they started beating us brutally,” he alleged.

Family members claimed that Jewel Rana was assaulted the most. After he collapsed, the attackers abandoned him and fled. All three were taken to the hospital in a critical state, where Jewel later succumbed to his injuries. Jewel’s mother, Najima Bibi, broke down after receiving the news. “My son had many dreams. Everything is over. They beat him to death. I want the killers to be hanged,” she said.

Following the incident, Imani Biswas, Trinamool Congress MLA from Suti, visited the victim’s home. He stated that six accused have been arrested in connection with the case and assured the family of all possible assistance. “This is a deeply tragic incident. Arrangements are being made to bring the body home after the post-mortem. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, Abhishek Banerjee, and the entire Trinamool leadership will stand by the family in every possible way,” he added.

Meanwhile, Morful Sheikh, father of injured worker Sanowar Hossain, alleged that the attack took place solely because they spoke Bengali. He said, “My son went outside the state to earn a livelihood. He did nothing wrong. Then why was he lynched? I have been informed that he is critically injured and undergoing treatment.”

Reacting to the incident, West Bengal Minister of State for Power and Trinamool MLA from Raghunathganj, Akhruzzaman, strongly condemned the attack. “In double-engine government-ruled Odisha, Bengali Muslims are being persecuted. On Wednesday night, a migrant worker named Jewel Rana was beaten to death, while several others were seriously injured. The BJP is anti-Bengali, especially anti–Bengali Muslim. Muslims are being targeted. I urge everyone to think seriously so that no Bengali becomes a victim of harassment at the hands of the BJP,” the minister said.

The Incident at Brigade and Bengal’s Uneasy Turn

On December 7, the Sanatan Sanskriti Sansad organised a mass Gita recitation programme at Kolkata’s historic Brigade Parade Ground, claiming participation of five lakh voices. Many of the biggest faces of Hindutva politics were present. Although it was projected as a purely religious event, almost all senior BJP leaders from Bengal attended. Whether they sincerely recited the Gita or not is debatable, but their presence made it clear that the programme was far more political than religious.

Among those present at the ground that day was Riyajul Sheikh from Arambagh. Like he does at many large gatherings, Riyajul arrived early with his tin box, selling veg patties on one side and chicken patties on the other. He hoped for good sales at such a massive event. What he could not have imagined was that the Gita recitation would fade into the background and that he—and his chicken patties—would become the centre of a heated controversy.

When a Religious Gathering Becomes a Political Stage

The way Riyajul and another chicken patty seller were harassed by a section of self-proclaimed “Hindu defenders” was something Bengal had never witnessed before. While the rest of the country has sadly become accustomed to such incidents, seeing this happen in Bengal felt unimaginable. Over the past decade, whenever minorities have been attacked outside Bengal for selling meat, people here would often say, “This is nothing new.” Bengal has had occasional debates over vegetarian-only rules during Hindu festivals or in housing complexes, but nothing like this. Surveys show that nearly 98 per cent of Bengalis consume non-vegetarian food. It is therefore important to ask whose sentiments were really hurt by a chicken patty—and why—especially when many of the attackers themselves may consume meat privately.

Some may frame this as a debate on cultural pluralism or personal food choices. But the issue is no longer that simple. Those who believe that eating meat makes someone “impure” are not driven by religious sentiment alone; this is about political authority. Radical Hindutva politics does not believe in pluralism. Over the past 11 years, Narendra Modi’s India has repeatedly shown how personal offence is used to justify violence against others. Bengal had so far resisted this trend. The incident at Brigade suggests that even Bengal is slowly being pulled into this model, raising fears that attacks over meat-selling could become routine here as well.

Food, Faith and the New Lines of Exclusion

If the matter had ended with just the assault on Riyajul, it would still have been serious—but it did not. Since Bengal has not fully embraced Hindutva politics yet, there was some opposition to the incident, mostly limited to statements and social media. A CPI(M) lawyer even filed an FIR. By then, the identities of the attackers were known, yet it remains unclear why a firm FIR was not filed against them. Kolkata Police acted swiftly, arresting the accused late at night. However, within two days, the accused were produced in court, where a large number of lawyers appeared to seek their bail. The police failed to keep them in custody even for 24 hours.

In the aftermath, BJP leaders offered conflicting statements. While some tried to justify the attackers, others admitted that the incident exposed the party’s anti-Bengali character and harmed its image. Some observers even suspected an understanding between the Trinamool Congress and the BJP after the accused got bail. But what followed exposed an even more disturbing reality.

From Assault to Applause: Normalising Political Impunity

Soon after securing bail, the attackers were publicly garlanded and felicitated by Bengal’s Leader of the Opposition, Suvendu Adhikari, as if they had achieved something commendable. The scene immediately recalled a 2018 incident in Jharkhand, where then Union minister Jayant Sinha welcomed and honoured eight men convicted in the lynching of Alimuddin Ansari. Those men had beaten Ansari to death on suspicion of cow slaughter. Ironically, on the same day, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had said that killing in the name of cow protection was unacceptable.

Jayant Sinha had claimed he supported the convicts because he believed there was “no proof” they had killed anyone, despite their conviction. His actions were widely condemned. Leaders across the political spectrum, including Rahul Gandhi and Dipankar Bhattacharya, criticised him strongly, accusing the BJP of fuelling communal polarisation.

Today, when a poor patty seller is attacked at a Gita recitation in Bengal, the accused are released due to “lack of evidence” and then publicly honoured, serious questions arise. Why is there no strong condemnation from civil society or political leaders now? Has selling meat—or even chicken patties—become illegal in Bengal? Or has beating minorities become an undeclared rule?

This is no longer just a political issue. It cannot be resolved through legal battles alone. It has become a deep social problem, and that is why Suvendu Adhikari’s actions must be criticised. But criticism alone is not enough. The vegetarian–non-vegetarian debate must be taken to society at large. People must be made to understand that the BJP and RSS seek to impose uniformity, while India’s constitutional spirit is rooted in pluralism.

 

This piece was first published in Bangla.

‘Whoever Sets the Narrative Wins’: Khan Sir on Perception and Technology

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Kolkata: Speaking under an open winter sky at Umeed Global School, educationist Khan Sir delivered a speech that went far beyond classrooms, examinations, or competitive success. Education today, he warned, is no longer merely about degrees or jobs — it is about perception, power, and survival. In an age dominated by technology, social media, and algorithm-driven narratives, those who control perception shape society, while those left outside modern education remain defenceless.

The audience sat wrapped in shawls and sweaters as the cold intensified. Khan Sir himself appeared visibly affected by the chill, yet he did not shorten his address. What unfolded instead was a sharp, unsettling reflection on how education determines who gets heard and who is erased.

Khan Sir on Education, Perception and Power in the Age of Technology

“Nothing today is purely right or wrong,” Khan Sir said. “Everything depends on perception — and perception is created by those who control technology.” He argued that earlier generations fought battles on streets and in courts; today, battles are fought on screens, through narratives engineered by data, language, and digital reach. Without access to this ecosystem, he said, entire communities risk permanent marginalisation.

Drawing from his own journey as a teacher, Khan Sir recalled how civil services coaching was once restricted to the wealthy, with fees running into lakhs. For children who had grown up in poverty, such barriers silently buried ambition. “A poor child who has lived poverty — not read about it in textbooks — also deserves to sit on positions of power,” he said, stressing that lived experience is not a disadvantage but a qualification.

He challenged the idea of disability itself, insisting that the greatest disability is not physical limitation but mental surrender. Citing examples of students who overcame blindness, poverty, and social stigma to succeed in the civil services, he argued that education must be designed to liberate confidence, not merely deliver information.

Khan Sir also warned against dividing education into rigid compartments — religious versus modern, spiritual versus scientific. Such divisions, he said, weaken societies. Science, technology, economics, ethics, and faith must move together, particularly for communities historically denied access to institutional power. “Hope alone is not enough,” he said. “We have hoped for decades. Now we need institutions.”

How Umeed Turned Slum Children into Confident Speakers in Seven Years

As he spoke, the students of Umeed Global School quietly became the most powerful counter-argument to despair. One after another, children took the stage — speaking fluent English, Arabic, Urdu, and Hindi, anchoring the programme confidently, performing without hesitation, and engaging the audience with ease. Their confidence was not rehearsed for a night; it reflected years of preparation.

The ease on stage had a long backstory. Umeed Global School may have begun only last year, but its foundation lies in Umeed Academy, which started in 2018 with just three students. At the time, its founder Wali Rahmani was himself a teenager. Working with a small, committed team, he helped design an intensive 12-hour daily syllabus for children largely drawn from slums and underprivileged neighbourhoods.

The idea was radical in its simplicity: do not dilute education for poor children. Instead, strengthen it. Combine language, discipline, moral grounding, and academic rigour — and give students the time and attention they are usually denied. Over the last seven years, the results have quietly accumulated, culminating in an annual day that felt less like a performance and more like a declaration.

Khan Sir, despite the cold, stayed back to watch the entire programme.

Abdul Qadeer on Why Education, Not Ceremony, Builds the Future

Later in the evening, Abdul Qadeer of the Shaheen Group of Institutions addressed the gathering, placing Umeed within a larger historical context. He described institutions like Umeed as the fulfilment of a long-held dream — spaces where modern education and moral values coexist, producing not just achievers but contributors.

Recalling his own early struggles, Abdul Qadeer spoke of beginning with little more than belief, often facing ridicule and doubt. Today, the Shaheen Group educates tens of thousands of students. The journey, he said, reinforced one lesson: societies do not rise through speeches or slogans, but through sustained investment in education.

He urged families to rethink social priorities, openly criticising excessive spending on weddings and ceremonies while education remains underfunded. “Spend less on one night,” he said, “and more on a lifetime.” Education, he emphasised, must extend beyond one’s own children to include those standing at the margins.

As the night wore on, the cold deepened, but the audience remained seated. What held them was not comfort, but conviction. At Umeed, education is not treated as charity or symbolism; it is treated as strategy. In a time when perception decides power, that strategy may be the most quietly transformative act of all.