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Meet the Kolkatans who stood behind the four Muslim doctors to stall their eviction

Kolkata: Muslims facing discrimination while renting a flat in most of the Indian cities no longer takes anyone by surprise. Even metro cities like Mumbai and Delhi have had cases where Muslims have alleged that they have been denied accommodation simply because of their religious identity. A number of cases have even been reported across India.

Kolkata too had been witnessing this kind of a trend, where people were refusing to rent out their apartments or flats to Muslim youths. Call it prejudice or an increasing trend of intolerance, a phenomenon now-so-common across India, was slowly beginning to grip the cosmopolitan, progressive bhodro Bengali culture.

“It’s pretty common – minorities, Muslims in particular, being denied accommodation in certain pockets of the city. The problem escalates, if one happens to be a single or an unmarried couple,” pointed out Dwaipayan Banerjee, founder of Sanhati Abhijan – a civil society for People’s Unity.

To ease out this discrimination, Sanhati Abhijan has even started a Facebook page called Open A Door, with single agenda – No room for housing discrimination and communal profiling in West Bengal. This citizen’s initiative intends to create a database of house or flat owners in Bengal and various other cities (at a later stage) that will never discriminate their tenants on the basis of their religion or marital status.

When four Muslim doctors were told to evict their flat, they had also posted on the Open A Door’s Facebook page and from where the matter had got highlighted. Later, Sanhati Abhijan did all the work and stand strongly behind the four doctors.

It is they only who had initiated talks to Durga Puja committee and sought their intervention. They had also directly interacted with the person who had an objection to having a Muslim tenant in his neighbourhood and resolved the issue.

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A participant during a meeting organized by Sanhati Abhijan

“We are not an NGO, as we are being termed, we are a people’s collective, which aims at reducing the communal divide, which has further deepened in the past few years,” added Banerjee, a research scholar at Centre for Studies in Social Science, Kolkata. He maintained that the organization is working towards uniting people.

“We want our society to give out a strong message – We don’t believe in the communal divide. We are a new organization have members from across the society, who believe in propagating unity, peace and love in the society. Since our collective’s inception, we have been organizing dramas, cultural programmes and a number of interactive meets to propagate peace and unity,” said Banerjee.

“We have had a couple of interaction between landlords and people wanting to rent a flat, to eliminate the prejudice. We are even preparing a database of people who don’t discriminate while renting out their flats or houses. We have now decided to take a personal initiative and intervene in cases where people complain of discrimination as in this case of the four doctors and mobilize the locals to eliminate discrimination,” he added.

Adding to this, another active member of the group, Bhaskar Majumdar, said, “Discrimination on the basis of religion, gender or marital status is against the spirit of Kolkata. But given the political environment of the country, everyone is being forced to think along the communal lines. We, the members of this citizen’s initiative are looking forward to dissolving the communal divide which has sprung up off-late.”

Reacting to the role that this group has been playing, Dr Mohammad Aftab Alam said, “This actually reinstates our hope in secularism and the true spirit of India.”

After their success of reinstating Muslim doctors in the same flat, people have requested Sanhati Abhijan to work for the LGBT community also, who faces the same discrimination while searching for flats, a request, which the organisation has agreed to debate on in the next meeting.

Thanks to Puja Committee and an NGO, Muslim doctors did not have to vacate their flat

Kolkata: Four Muslim doctors, staying at a rented house in Kolkata’s Kudghat area who made it to the news for facing racial discrimination, have been assured by the locals that they would not have to shift elsewhere. The positive change took place, when the Durga Puja committee and a local NGO,  came to their rescue.

The Muslim doctors, are currently doing their staff ship in various government hospitals across the city were in for a shock when one of the neighbours heckled and misbehaved with them, as a friend of them came visiting.

“We had already been turned down by many landlords, just because of our Muslim identity. So, we were very much relieved when our current landlord agreed to rent out his flat to us. We were glad that we finally managed to get accommodation. However, that was just the beginning of our ordeal, for one of the neighbours had a strong reservation to the house being rent out to us,” narrated Dr Mohammad Aftab Alam, among the four Muslim doctors who had to vacate the flat to eNewsroom. Dr Aftab is doing his staff ship with Beliaghata Infectious Diseases Hospital.

However, the neighbour never got a chance to make his reservations heard until their friend came to visit them at their residence. “This friend was supposed to stay overnight with us. But he was accosted by this neighbour and asked for his identity card. When we raised an alarm, saying that we were ready to show all the necessary documents but to our landlord and not him, then he loudly declared that how he had warned everyone to not rent out their flats to ‘bachelors and Muslims’,” recounted Dr Aftab.

Following which, he posted his ordeal on social media. “Someone alerted an NGO called Sangati Abijaan came to our rescue. The members of this NGO along with a number of local residents of this area came forward to help us,” said he.

Talking to eNewsroom, Dwaipayan Banerjee, a research scholar and Founder Member of the NGO said, “This is not the first time that we have come across such a situation. In Kolkata too, many deny renting out houses to Muslims. But, this time around, when we talked to the locals regarding this issue, they were more than willing to support these young boys.”

What was more encouraging was the fact the even the local Durga Puja Committee members lent their support to the boys. “It would have been a matter of shame if the boys had to vacate their flat,” said Bhaskar Majumdar, a school teacher and resident of Kudghat area. He further added, “The neighbour, who had raised an objection, had never anticipated such a reaction and has now maintained that he had no objection to the four staying in the flat. The locals have pledged their support to the boys and have maintained that no tenant would be targeted simply because of the religion.”

On being asked why such an incident took place, in the heart of the city, he explained, “When – Hindu-Muslim is all that we can hear throughout the day, what else one can expect to transpire. The politicians of today are banking on the politics of hate. So, definitely, such cases will be on the rise. He further added, “When we went over to clear the differences, I categorically told him, I would have been overjoyed, if I had four doctors as my neighbours. We did our best to clear the prejudice that existed, following which this particular neighbour has maintained that he has no objection to the boys staying put.”

Meanwhile the boys too overjoyed with not having to vacate the flat. “We will never have enough word to thank Dwaipayan da’s timely intervention, the local residents of Kudghat including the Puja committee, for having stood by us and making sure that we didn’t have to vacate our residence has further strengthened our hope in our democracy and spirit of Kolkata. I am sure if such interventions are made in time to iron out the differences or prejudice that exists in the society, the rise graph of hate in India will be curbed for sure.”

‘Under supervision of Supreme Court’ does not always mean fair play

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Home Minister Rajnath Singh has tried to convince the people that the government has no role to play in the finalisation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam and that the whole process has been completed– under the supervision of the Supreme Court.  Publication of NRC on July 30 created turmoil inside Parliament and outside for the simple reason that it has excluded from the list of citizens of Assam nearly 40 lakh persons, most of whom had migrated from Bihar and West Bengal to Assam decades ago and settled there. These were apparently the people who have not voted for the BJP and the party apprehends that they may not vote for it in the next elections also. Under the ruse of reconsidering their claims to citizenship, the government is saying it repeatedly that they can apply afresh for inclusion of their names in the list. According to an observer of the NRC Assam scene, the government move appears to be to continue this reconsideration process till after the 2019 elections.

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The government perhaps did not realise the publication of NRC would lead to the countrywide uproar as it has done. Hence the government’s attempt to shift the responsibility to the Supreme Court. However, it has been repeatedly seen in the past that ‘under the supervision of the Supreme Court’ is a myth and the agencies assigned the task had been bungling the investigation process blatantly in sensitive matters in which the powerful politicians had stakes. Two glaring examples are CBI investigations ‘under supervision of the Supreme Court’ in the Malik Makbooja scam and the Vyapam scam.

MALIK MAKBOOJA: In Bastar region, the law prohibits the sale of a tribal’s land to a non-tribal. What the unscrupulous traders/politicians/bureaucrats did to circumvent this provision in law was to persuade a tribal to sell his land to another chosen tribal. Bureaucrats dealing with the revenue matter from the Commissioner downwards were accomplices in this transaction. The politician or trader behind the deal would then cut down the trees, some two to three hundred years old, and make crores of rupees from the timber while a few thousand or a lakh or two in some cases would be paid to the tribal who had been made to purchase the land. The government officials also benefited from the transaction. This had gone on for decades.

In the 1990s, an environment activist from Karnataka, S R Hiremath, approached the Supreme Court with a prayer to put a check on the wanton destruction of forests and exploitation of poor tribals by a nexus of bureaucrats, politicians and timber merchants in Bastar district (which had larger area than that of Kerala but has since been divided into several districts). The Supreme Court directed the Madhya Pradesh Lokayukta to get the matter investigated. The Lokayukta constituted a committee comprising a retired district and sessions judge (chairman), a retired forest secretary to the MP government and a retired chief conservator of forests. The three-member committee did an excellent job and produced a 236-page report giving precise details of roles played by various people in nearly 800 cases.

The Lokayukta submitted the report to the Supreme Court which asked the Madhya Pradesh government of Digvijaya Singh (Chhattisgarh State had not yet been carved out) to initiate action against those indicted in the report. Then Chief Secretary of the State, K S Sharma, however, submitted an affidavit in the Supreme Court expressing the State government’s inability to proceed against the Malik Makbooja culprits. In January 1998, a division bench of the Supreme Court comprising Chief Justice J S Verma and Justices B N Kirpal and V N Khare then directed the CBI to institute criminal cases against them and prosecute them. The CBI made a big show of registering a few FIRs against some minions and the case died down there. (K S Sharma’s wife Shakuntala Sharma was later appointed a member of the State Human Rights Commission. Incidentally, the wife drew the house rent allowance from the Human Rights Commission by submitting the house rent receipts signed by her husband with whom she lived in their own house — and still lives).

VYAPAM SCAM: Vyavsayik Pareeksha Mandal (Vyapam) or Professional Examinations Board (PEB) was constituted, initially, to conduct tests for admission to medical colleges (PMT). Later on, the tests for admission to engineering colleges (PET) were also entrusted to the Vyapam. In 2007, Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan entrusted to Vyapam the responsibility of making recruitments for some government departments, public sector undertakings and semi-government bodies also, which was till then handled by the State Public Service Commission. The avenues of earning money and obliging important persons thus widened further with the recruitments being made for various departments such as the police, education, transport, civil supplies and weight and measures.

The modus operandi used in the scam was somewhat like this: the candidates for PMT who had done well will be disqualified and other names (either on the recommendation of some important person or against payment of a heavy amount) will be shown as having qualified, and even put in merit list, for admission to medical colleges. After investigation, the Special Task Force (STF) of Madhya Pradesh police has come across names of doctors working in important government hospitals who had not even appeared in PMT but had been declared qualified against payment of hefty sums. The young boys and girls who had worked hard for their tests were just at a loss to understand what went wrong.

Dr Anand Rai, an Indore-based ophthalmologist who has played an important role in exposing the Vyapam scam, explains the traditional methods of cheating as ‘impersonation’ and ‘engine and bogey system’. In the first the admit card of a candidate is used by replacing the photograph of the candidate with that of the impersonator. In the ‘engine and bogey system’ the person appearing in the test is strategically seated between two candidates by the Board officials and he/she can copy from their sheets. The Board officials, examiners and impersonators were paid hefty amounts.

Then a third method was evolved by Vyapam officials to help the paying candidates; they were asked to leave their answer sheets blank and were given high percentages after the exam. Later on, the records were changed or destroyed. Then the scam became digitalised. Names of candidates appearing in the test were simply replaced in the computers with the names and particulars of those who had paid money.

After the scam became wide-spread, the MP government constituted STF which did its best to suppress the involvement of high-ups. Then Chief Justice of Madhya Pradesh High Court and now a Supreme Court judge A M Khanwilkar played an active role in derailing the meaningful investigation of the scam. Deaths — people either ‘committing suicide or being killed in ‘accidents’ — related to Vyapam were mounting. When the figure neared 50, the Supreme Court asked CBI in July 2015 to take over the investigation. The division bench presided over by Chief Justice H L Dattu had made it clear that with the CBI on the case now, the High Court would not ‘touch’ the Vyapam cases.

NRC spite of so-called supervision by the Supreme Court, the CBI investigation is going only farther and farther from the real culprits of the Vyapam scam.

Why we need a special law to curb mob lynching

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here is an urgent need to bring in a special law to deal with the menace of mob lynching. The special law dealing with the atrocities against the scheduled caste and scheduled tribes — the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 — may not have ended caste discrimination, but it has acted as a great deterrent.

After all, mob lynching is no ordinary crime. The evidence collected by IndiaSpend suggests that since 2010, there were as many as 87 incidents of hate crimes on 289 victims in cow related violence. Significantly, 98% of these mob lynching incidents have taken place since May 2014. The IndiaSpend database of cow-related hate crime was quoted by senior advocate Indira Jaisingh in her written submission to the Supreme Court recently for the petition to crackdown on cow vigilantes. The apex court had used strong language while asking the Union Government to curb mob lynching. It had observed, “Citizens cannot take the law into their hands or become law unto themselves,” and added that “horrendous acts of mobocracy” cannot become the new norm.

In March this year, the Union Home Ministry admitted that between 2014 to 3 March 2018, 45 persons were killed in 40 cases of mob lynching across nine States. However, the ministry clarified that its data did not have details on the motive of these incidents, whether they were due to cow vigilantism, communal or caste hatred, or rumours of child-lifting, etc. Similarly, location of the attack, identity of the attacker, and victim, have also not been revealed by the ministry, which looks after the internal security.

On 18 July 2018, Union Minister of State for Home, Hansraj Ahir, told the Rajya Sabha, “The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) does not maintain specific data with respect to lynching incidents in the country.” Ahir said in response to a query whether the Union Home Ministry was keeping record of incidents of lynching by mobs which are increasing across several parts of the country. In fact, as per the NCRB, mob lynching phrase is not even legally defined. Also missing from the narrative is any credible data on the nature of violence, alleged reasons, and affiliation to organisation.

On 23 July 2018, the Union Government indicated its first concrete instance of concern towards mob lynching incidents, in the wake of the Supreme Court directive to curb mob lynching violence. It constituted a high level committee under the Union Home Secretary to deliberate about the issue and make recommendations within four weeks. Several senior government functionaries such as the Union Secretary, Department of Justice, Secretary, Department of Legal Affairs, Secretary, Legislative Department and Secretary, Social Justice and Empowerment were made members of the committee.

In addition, the government also set up a Group of Ministers (GoM) headed by the Union Home Minister to consider the recommendations of the high level committee. The Minister, External Affairs, Minister, Road Transport and Highways; Shipping, Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation, Minister, Law & Justice and Minister, Social Justice and Empowerment were made members of the Group of Ministers. The GoM will submit their recommendations to Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

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#Notinmyname protest at Ranchi raise concern over  mob lynching cases in Jharkhand

A Union Home Ministry spokesman pointed out that as per the Indian constitutional scheme, ‘Police’ and ‘Public Order’ are State subjects. State Governments are, therefore, responsible for controlling crime, maintaining law and order, and protecting the life and property of the citizens. They are empowered to enact and enforce laws to curb crime in their jurisdiction. He pointed out that an advisory to State Governments was issued on 4 July 2018. Earlier, another advisory was issued on 9 August 2016 on disturbances by miscreants in the name of protection of cow.

Many legal experts and community leaders, however, insist that these measures would not suffice. They feel mob lynching is of a separate genre and needs special attention and treatment. Mob lynching can not be aptly handled under section 323, 324, 326, 307 and 302 of the Indian Penal Code.

Section 323 of the IPC deals with punishment for voluntarily causing hurt while section 324 deals with those wilfully causing hurt by dangerous weapons. Section 326 entails causing grievous hurt, section 307 and section 302 deal with attempt to murder and punishment for murder, respectively. As per the Dainik Bhaskar investigation, in mob lynching, fixing the onus of crime on individuals proves far more tricky. There are instances where unruly mob has tried to implicate police, accusing them of custodial death when a grievously injured victim was handed over to the police and died upon reaching the hospital.

Some argue that more than enacting a law, Union and State governments need to show greater political will to curb mob lynching. In some States, there have been instances of a section of the political class being ‘considerate’ towards lumpen vigilantes. In the absence of a strong political will, there is a possibility that the new law may not be diligently enforced.

This is where comparison with the SC/ST Act of 1989 gains relevance. While many governments and law enforcement agencies were often not too enthusiastic about invoking the SC/ST Act, the legal provisions of the law have made a sea change.

A year ago, Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh had told the Lok Sabha that disinformation, rumours and fake news are sources of mob violence. Singh had also insisted that it was State governments’ responsibility to maintain public order.

The SC/ST Act of 1989 lists 22 offences relating to various patterns or behaviours inflicting criminal offences and breaking the self-respect and esteem of the scheduled castes and tribes community. This includes denial of economic, democratic and social rights, discrimination, exploitation and abuse of the legal process. As per Section 14 of the SC/ST Act, there is a provision for speedy trial and setting of a court of session to be a Special Court to try offences under this Act in each district of the country.

As per a report published in The Hindu in the year 2016, 11,060 cases were taken up for investigation and the charge-sheeting rate was 77%. The rate of conviction is barely 16% due to many factors like witnesses turning hostile, belated prosecution, loss of interest by the victim and witnesses due to long delay in completion of the trial, absence of corroborative evidence, according to a report by the Union Ministry for Social Justice and Empowerment.

As per a report published in The Indian Express on 3 April, the number of cases under the SC-ST Act revealed that the cases that came for trial between 2010 and 2016 showed a massive spike in pendency, a steady decline in the number of cases that complete trial, and a fall in conviction rates.

In spite of these limitations, enacting a special law against mob lynching on the lines of the SC/ST Act may serve as an effective deterrent. As columnist and writer Kanchan Gupta wrote on Twitter a few days ago, “If you are a nationalist, you should be appalled by  lynchings because they tar the name of your nation at home and abroad. This is definitely *not* the New India PM Modi talks about and you cheer about. It is for BJP to take a call and decide the benchmark it wishes to set.”

The author is a visiting fellow at Observer Research Foundation and the article had been written for ORF website

Kolkata STF unearths illegal arms factory, and fake currency worth lakh

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Kolkata: In a major haul by special anti-Fake Indian Currency Note team of Special Task Force, Kolkata, unearthed an illegal arms manufacturing factory and seized fake Indian currency worth Rs one lakh on Monday.

The FICN team first nabbed three men from the area adjoining the Kolkata Police Paddock and Manohar Das Tarang Pond of the city. The accused 38-year-old Suku Sekh, of Kaliachak Malda, 26-year-old Md Abdulla and Amjad Rayeen of Hazratganj, Bihar were dealing in a transaction of fake Indian currency notes and semi-finished country-made improvised guns among themselves, when the police intercepted them.

“During the arrest, the accused had about fake Indian currency notes of denomination 500 worth Rs 1,00,000 and about 40 semi-finished country made improvised arms in their possession,” informed an official of FICN team.

On interrogation, the statement of Md Abdulla, one of the arrested accused, lead the Anti FICN team of the STF to an illegal arms manufacturing factory in Choto Sreerampore, which falls under the Jaggatdal Police Station area of the Barrackpore Commissariat.

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The illegal arms factory

“The raid at this arms manufacturing factory further lead to the arrest of six more people, who were working inside the illegal arms factory,” told Murlidhar Sharma, a senior police official of STF, Bengal Police to eNewsroom.

Interestingly, among all those arrested from the illegal manufacturing arm unit, none were residents of Bengal. One was from Navi Mumbai, four from Bihar’s Munger district, which is a specialist in manufacturing country made guns and one from Bihar’s Begusarai district.

The arrested from the illegal arm factory are– Navi Mumbai’s Mohammad Sabir Raien (28yrs), Bihar’s Md. Shaud Alam alias Sonu (24yrs), Md. Shanwaz alias Mister (25 yrs), Md Faisal (24 yrs), Md. Razi alias Raju (19 yrs) and Md. Chand alias Domu (24 yrs).

According to the officials, 20 pieces of semi-finished country-made improvised fire arms, one lathe machine, two milling machines and two drilling machines along with a huge amount of country-made improvised fire arms parts, raw materials and instruments were seized from the seized the factory.

Those arrested have been booked under section 120B, 489B, 489C of the Indian Penal Code r/w 25(1)(a)/ 25 (1B)(a) Arms Act vide STF PS Case no. 12 dated 31.07.2018.

All the above mentioned accused persons will be produced before the Ld. Court of Chief Metropolitan Magistrate, Calcutta, today.

NRC is an ‘unnecessary provocation being made for elections’: Mamata

Kolkata: July 30 had been decided as the d-day for 3.29 crore applicants in Assam, who have been waiting with bated breath to check their names in the second and final draft of the National Register of Citizens (NRC).

The list finally out today has about 40 lakh applicants left out in the doldrums. Reacting sharply to the exclusion of this many citizens, Chief Minister of Bangla, Mamata Banerjee, said, “It’s an agenda to throw out Bengalis and Biharis out of Assam. So, we are worried, as citizens with Aadhaar cards are being declared as refugees in their own nation. A team of MPs will be sent to Assam and if required, I shall also go.”

The AITMC supremo, during her press meet, maintained that this was an agenda to isolate Bengalis who have been staying in Assam since long. “It’s not just Muslims but Hindus are also being targeted. People with a Bengali surname are being specifically targeted. We share the border with Assam, so we will also have to face the brunt. Those who have been excluded are not Rohingyas but Indian citizens,” she maintained.

On being asked if Bengal government would give refuge to those who have not made to the NRC list she said, “We will think about that when the situation arises but first answer, why should so many be thrown out of their state?”

Maintaining that she had her faith in Indian judiciary, Bengal’s CM questioned the central government’s intention. She asked, “Why is the government of India silent on providing protection to those who have not made it to the NRC? Why have they not passed a law for the protection of these many people? What happens if Bangladesh refuses to take in these many people?”

She alleged that the NRC is an ‘unnecessary provocation being made for elections’.

Referring to TMC MPs protesting against NRC at the Rajya Sabha, she further questioned. “There is no reason to panic said the Home Minister, but can he explain why 15 companies of armed forces have been dispatched to Assam. Why has all mode of communication been suspended in Assam?”

Mamata mentioned that she would be speaking to Rajnath Singh, Union Home Minister, citing the UN resolution which allows a country to give shelter to refugees in distress.

She even claimed that many with valid documents had been excluded from the NRC.

The issue had also been highlighted by an independent study carried out by United Against Hate, in Assam with regards to NRC. “The fact is that here the citizen has the onus of proving their citizenship, a huge uncertainty is looming over the Bengali-speaking people of Assam, both Muslims and Hindus. During our research, we realized that the worst affected in this case are the women,” said senior journalist Amit Sengupta, who had accompanied the fact-finding team in Assam.

Adding to that Nadeem Khan, convener of UAH said, “The discrimination in Assam is not on the basis of religion but language. While researching in Assam we came to know of so many Bengali speaking Hindus who had summoned by the foreign tribunals.”

However, BJP has maintained that no ‘bonafide citizen’ had been targeted.  “Bengal’s Chief Minister is herself on a sticky wicket and hence is making a noise by dragging in the Bihari-Bengali angle. People will be given a chance to make claims and raise objections on the publication of NRC draft list,” Rahul Sinha, BJP national secretary said in an interaction with the Hindustan Times. Meanwhile, the home ministry has asked the Assam government to abstain from taking any action on the basis of the NRC draft list.

Gauri Vrat, a festival in which even 3-year-old girl fast for good future husband, activists raise concern

Baroda: Seven-years-old Khushi Dholakia, dressed in her fineries is patiently waiting for her friends at a Shiva Temple, in their neighbourhood. Both she and her friend are part of a bigger entourage of girls assembling in the temple to perform the rituals of the not-to-miss Gauri Vrat, a religious practice prevalent in Gujarat and the Hindi-belt of India.

What Gauri or Gouri Vrat is all about?

This five-day-long fast and rituals as informed by the girls and mothers assembled in the temple are primarily performed by unmarried girls as young as three years of age, with the intention of pleasing Shiva and getting a good life partner.  According to Shiva Purana, Parvati had fasted or kept this vrat for five days to appease Lord Shiva, maintain theologists.

Each girl during this celebration is seen with an earthen pot called jaavar, where they sow seven types of seeds, mainly cereals and lentils. However, in today’s consumer-friendly market, jaavars with saplings are readily available; one needn’t put in that much effort.

“It is actually a ritual of the agrarian community, which is performed during monsoon. Somewhere it is linked with the idea of farmers pleasing the gods for a good harvest,” said Dr Bharat Mehta, a professor at MS University and a social activist.

“Every ritual reflect the mode of livelihood of any society. In the present generation of eFarmers, who reap crops on Hay Day or Farmville, you won’t find many who believe in such rituals,” added Mritunjay Kumar Yadavendu, professor of Sociology and Anthropology, Mahatma Gandhi Central University. He added that such practices are prevalent in almost every Indian state, the Hindi heartland, in particular.

A little more about Gauri Vrat

In these five days, the girls observing the vrat are not supposed to consume anything during the daytime barring water. After the sun sets, they are allowed to have their dinner comprising chapatti and sabzi, cooked without salt. Keeping the demand of unsalted food during this period, the market gets flooded with unsalted banana wafers in particular.

Watch the Gauri Vrat celebration

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Gauri Vrat now a rage for all

At present, parents from communities other than the agrarian community, encourage their girls to observe this fast. Girls too, give in to the peer pressure and insist on participating in this annual ritual. Schools also are very encouraging and allow the girls observing this fast to attend school in colourful fancy dresses during these five days.

Don’t question our faith

It is not just the illiterate or semi-literate parents who encourage their girls to fast but also highly educated parents. “It is our belief. There is no point of questioning it,” said Kailash Joshi, as school teacher and resident of Baroda. He has his nine-year-old daughter observing Gauri Vrat every year.

Keeps western culture at bay

It’s not just about questioning the social practices but also a way of making the girls rooted to Hindu culture right from a tender age. Hetal Rawal of Surat, while speaking to eNewsroom clearly stated, “Such practices will keep our girls away from practicing western culture. Such annual rituals will make our girls adhere to our Hindu tradition and in the long run will help them from not going astray.  As parents it’s our duty to help them understand our beliefs and culture.” Rawal runs a jewellery shop in Baroda.

Activists differ…

According to social activists, lack of awareness for gender equality is the root cause for the prevalence of such practices. “Such practices reflect the patriarchal mindset of the society. From such a tender age, a girl is made to believe that finding a husband as good as Shiva is a priority in life and that all other things are secondary in life,” added Prof Mehta.

As a society, be it Hinduism or any religion has a very feudal mindset. “Coming to Hinduism, as Gauri Vrat is a Hindu festival, I wonder why no one complains about this concept where a woman is either elevated to the position of a goddess or branded as the evil witch. Why can’t they simply be treated as a normal human being,” pointed out Prof Yadavendu.

Change is the only constant

Prof Mehta however, feels that things are changing for sure. “It might take time, but change is on its way,” he said.  Speaking about the importance, he says, “In Ramayana, Mahabharata and all other books, there is a reference of this vrat so people fear that not following the rule book would be seen as a rebellion. Hence, a number of educated people just allow their daughters to participate in it. They also teach that following the ritual is a must, but one must not forget that getting a husband is not the only agenda in life. I taught this to my daughter and many are doing the same.”

If not controlled, the pollution caused by iron industry will make air quality of Giridih like Delhi: IAS Jadhav

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Giridih: During this rain-soaked season, while people across Jharkhand are enjoying the monsoon, thousands of villagers living near the iron and steel industry belt of Giridih have been deprived of the chance to enjoy the rains. The lives of the people in this town, which is just 220 kilometers away from Ranchi, have not been smooth, thanks to the incessant water and air pollution caused by these steel and iron plants.

Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer Vijaya Jadhav, who has earned the title of Lady Singham, had been regularly receiving complaints about the sudden rise in pollution levels. Complaints were raised by everyone, from the mukhiya (panchayat head) to concerned citizens.

A staff member of the Sub-Divisional Magistrate (SDM) office in Giridih said, “People have been complaining for quite some time about contracting respiratory problems, tuberculosis, asthma, and skin-related diseases. They also maintained that the pollution was ruining not just the greenery of the area but also its water table. Many have complained of borewells drying up.”

Early on Thursday morning, the IAS officer paid a sudden visit to inspect the area. Following this, Jadhav told eNewsroom, “I reached the spot early in the morning because I knew that if it were during normal daytime hours and with media persons, the news might get leaked to the factory owners, and they might cover up most of the irregularities.”

Due to the unavailability of any camera personnel, the SDM herself took pictures of the smoke-emitting chimneys and the dust-covered expanse of land. She later shared the same with journalists.

 

 

“Pollutants like Ferro Manganese, Silica, and Coal are toxic and can choke one’s breath within a few hours. The level at which their concentration is rising is alarming in the specified area,” mentioned the IAS officer after her inspection.

There are at least 20 iron and steel factory units operating in Mohanpur, Manjhiladih, Mahtodih, Bhorandiha, Chatro, and their adjoining areas. Interestingly, there is a question mark over whether the area was an industrial belt originally. About 30,000 people inhabit the area surrounding these factories.

While the officials are yet to give an official statement on the matter, locals have claimed that it is a completely residential area, which has recently been converted into an industrial zone.

The website of the Jharkhand State Pollution Control Board (JSPCB) itself mentions at least eight industries—Saluja Steel & Power Limited, Atibir Industries Co. Ltd (Unit I), Atibir Industries Co. Ltd (Unit II), Biswanath Ferro Alloys Ltd, Harshit Power & Ispat Ltd, Venkateshwara Iron & Sponge (P) Ltd, Santpuria Alloys (P) Ltd, and Balmukund Sponge & Iron Ltd—under the category of highly polluting industries. There are a total of 52 such industries across Jharkhand.

“While inspecting, it came to my notice that there were no ESPs (electrostatic precipitators) running in any of the factories. I have been told that the ESPs are undergoing maintenance. When I confronted the officials, they claimed that they operate the ESPs for 12 hours during the day and do not use them at night. However, whenever I pass through those areas, I never find them functioning,” she said.

Jadhav also questioned why the state pollution control board official, whose office is in Hazaribagh, has never taken action against such factories. She pointed out, “While one cannot determine the exact Particulate Matter (PM) 2.5 levels in Giridih, it feels like they are present at an alarming percentage. If it cannot be controlled, it will put Giridih’s air quality on par with Delhi.”

She added, “I have also inquired about the Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) activities of these companies in the pollution-affected areas.”

The IAS officer further claimed that several types of violations are taking place by these companies, and that taxes and cess—ranging from carbon and coal taxes to an environment cess—should be levied on every company.

She added, “I am going to issue show-cause notices to all the industries for polluting their areas. I am not against industry because it provides employment. But earning at the cost of public health is not acceptable.”

Food For Thought: Are Traditional Bengali Dishes No Longer The Craze?

Kolkata: Bongs are big foodies. In fact, cinema and food are the twin obsession of this community not to mention literature and Robindro songeet. They can hold forth on any of these subjects with a rare panache for hours on end. And when it comes to food, they can teach you a thing or two on the preparation method of Bengali dishes like macher jhol, bhapa ilish, dhoi mach or mutton curry. Rabindranath Tagore rightly said, “Do not blame the food because you have no appetite.’’ It is said his first lines as a child were about food. In fact, as a child, he had developed the taste to appreciate good food.

Every region throws up its own share of popular cuisine that stands the taste of time. When it comes to Bengali dishes, there is a cornucopia of choices — both vegetarian and non-vegetarian. Some of the famous vegetarian and non-vegetarian dishes of Bengalis are Jhol (light gravy containing vegetables), Ambol (tangy appetiser primarily containing unripe mango), Bhaja (vegetable fritters like brinjal, potato, ladies finger that are consumed with dal), Chochhori (mixed vegetables), Chhechra (fish head with vegetables), Sukto (appetiser containing an assortment of vegetables), Pithepuli (sweet dish), desserts etc.

Home-cooked dishes disappearing

The traditional popular food items that our thakumas (grand moms) dished out with so much effort are slowly giving way to more newfangled food items available at your nearest mall or food stores. The millennial generation seems to have taken a liking to these junk foods like burger, chowmein and similar other such item to satisfy their taste buds. “There was a time when Muri, chira, khoi, luchi, roti had been our staple breakfast items.  But my grandchildren don’t like them. They prefer corn flakes with milk and banana and so do their parents,” said Seba Sarkar, a resident of AB Block, Salt Lake. “I love to gorge on pizzas and pastas. They are so yummy,” said a seven-year-old Rajrupa Dutta of Kankurgachhi.

Lack of time and patience

Is the gradual disappearance of joint family sounding the death knell for traditional cooking? Lack of time and patience to cook traditional food items that used to be di rigueur in Bengali household once is becoming a thing of the past. The traditional recipes have always been passed down from generation to generation but in the age of nuclear family, this tradition is slowly coming under threat. In joint families, the adorable grandmas would take great pains to cook a variety of recipes much to the delight of all members of the family. The aroma of sarse maach (fish cooked in mustard) or, say, sarse hilsha would waft through the entire house.

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A famous traditional Bengali dish– Bati Chacheri

“I learnt cooking from my thakuma (grandmom). She taught me how to cook various veg and non-veg food dishes. Since I have great interest in cooking, it wasn’t that difficult mastering the art,’’ says Papree Ghosh, who came with her two-year-old daughter for shopping.  When eNewsroom asked her whether her mom-in-law stays with them, she said no. She also felt that unlike her grandma, she won’t be able to pass on the tradition to her daughter due to time constraints and other priorities in life. “Women are now spending considerable period of their time looking for jobs and improving their financial condition, so cooking seldom figures in their scheme of things,’’ adds Ghosh.

So in nuclear families where mothers are working women, it is quite difficult for them to juggle both cooking and office work with equal ease. As a result, employing a cook is the easy way out. So Gen Next is left with no option but to gorge on ‘instant’ food.

However, there are women who lament the dying tradition of home cooked foods. Take the case of Sushma Banerjee of FD Block who prefers to cook at home despite having a busy social life. “Cuisine defines the cultural identity of any community and Bengali cuisine being no different. But today’s young parents mostly believe more in eating in restaurants with their children rather than relish home-cooked dishes,’’ adding sweets made of nolun gur (jaggery) is a delicacy here during winter months. “Do we get such items anywhere?’’ she asks.

Eateries galore

Kolkata has some of the finest addresses to check out for traditional Bengali cuisine like Aaheli, 6 Ballugunge Place, Bhojohari Manna to name a few. The road side eateries are nonetheless popular as they are pocket-friendly. “I have been serving traditional items like daal, bhaja, sukto, dhokar dalna, maacher jol for more than a decade. I keep it simple, tasty and nutritious,” said Siddharta Ghatak of Aborani.

Pithebilashi, Kolkata’s only eatery that specialises in Pithe has experimented with pithe, along with stocking a range of traditional items at their store. “To keep up with changing tastes of Gen Next, we had to improvise a lot. But this has only made our outlet popular among young and old.  Aam noler puli, ice cream gokul pithe, baked patisapta, illish, bhetkti, prawn patisapta, chicken  and mutton pitisapta, veg patisapta, roti made up of Gobindabhog rice with Pahari mangsho (chicken and mutton) polanno etc are the most sought after items. We stock the traditional items as well,” said Nabanita Chatterjee of Pithebilashi. She is confident that the Gen Next will develop a taste for traditional Bengali food sooner rather than later.

Ramgarh Lynching: Alimuddin Ansari had died at No Man’s Land!

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Ramgarh: Alimuddin Ansari was lynched in the heart of Ramgarh town almost a year back. Since then, a lot has transpired, right from the accused being convicted to them getting a bail and a Union Minister inviting the flak for garlanding those out on bail. However, amid all, the Ramgarh district administration has been unsuccessful in ascertaining Alimuddin’s place of death, in these 390 days, since he has been lynched to death on suspicion of carrying beef.

Yes, believe it or not, the Ramgarh police have been unsuccessful to ascertain the place where Alimuddin had breathed his last, and because of it, the district administration has not issued his death certificate, till date.

Despite, Alimuddin, a resident of Hesla (Manua) village, Ramgarh block and Ramgarh district of Jharkhand, being brutally lynched by the gau rakshaks (cow vigilantes) at a marketplace in Ramgarh on June 29, 2017 and his killers getting sentenced to life imprisonment, his assailants have been in ways appreciated by politicians. Most of the accused have been granted bail and interestingly, have been garlanded by Minister for Civil Aviation Jayant Sinha, a Harvard Business School alumni. However, amid all Alimuddin’s widow is yet to get his death certificate even after a year.

On that fateful day, Alimuddin who was carrying meat in his van was chased by some gau rakhshaks who later lynched him at a market called Bazaar Tand, located in the heart of the town. The entire act of lynching was recorded and was later made viral on social media. And when the police arrived, the victim was alive and was taken to RIMS, Ranchi, where it was officially documented that Alimuddin had succumbed to his injuries while being taken to the hospital.

 

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The autopsy report

“His postmortem was done at RIMS. However, when we were handed the post-mortem report, we saw that ‘unknown’ had been written in name and address section of the report. Later, we submitted an affidavit, and then the hospital authorities wrote a separate paragraph to mention my father’s name and address,” said Sajjad Ansari, the elder son of Alimuddin.

The autopsy report, however, in general never mentions the place of death of the deceased.

Ironically, Ramgarh police officials who took Alimuddin to RIMS in their police vehicle, in this one year have been unable to ascertain the place where Alimuddin breathed his last while being ferried to Ranchi from Ramgarh.

“Since my husband got murdered, I have visited Ramgarh police station several times. Each time they have simply maintained that they are not sure of the place where he had died, hence were not being able to issue any letter in this regard. I also went to Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO), but he also passed on the buck to the Ramgarh police, saying that they would issue it,” rued Mariam Khatoon, widow of Alimuddin Ansari, who has been running from pillar to post to get his death certificate issued.

Without Alimuddin’s death certificate family is not being able to make claim against government promises made to them.

“Without his death certificate, we have been unable to claim for the government job and ration shop, which had been promised by the state administration,” she said.

Ramgarh court, which convicted the 11 accused, for life on March 21 earlier this year, had also ordered the District Legal Service Authority (DLSA) to compensate the family within two months. But the family is yet to get any compensation.

“Tired of approaching the police, I decided to meet deputy commissioner Rajeshwari B. She took a week’s time, following which I approached her again, she then took an extension of another week, which has just ended,” added Mariam.

When Rajeshwari B, DC, Ramgarh was contacted, she told to eNewsroom, “Death certificate could not be issued as the police could not ascertain Alimuddin’s place of death.” On being questioned, if it was a deliberate act, as so many people die on their way to the hospital and have their mortal remains in the police custody and still have their death certificates issued.

She replied, “We cannot comment on the same. But now we have found a solution to this. We will be asking the ward councillor of the area, where Alimuddin has been buried to give a written statement and on basis of that document we shall be issuing the death certificate of Alimuddin. I am in touch with his widow and it will have it done soon.”

The counsel of Alimuddin’s family, Shadab Ansari however, added, “The family has decided to file a writ petition before the court, seeking its intervention, in case the death certificate is not issued this time.”

Significantly, Alimuddin was lynched on a day, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi had condemned the killings taking place across India in the name of cow worship and had maintained that it is not acceptable. Still, Jharkhand police has failed to document the information, which is vital for deceased’s family.