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Outsmarting BJP? How JMM Adopts BJP Tactics in Jharkhand Election Battle

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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Outsmarting BJP? How JMM Adopts BJP Tactics in Jharkhand Election Battle

Ranchi/Kolkata: Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), the leading party in the INDIA bloc in Jharkhand, has adopted a tactic often seen in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s playbook during the assembly polls. In at least two ways, it mirrors the BJP’s approach—by accepting defectors from the BJP and framing the election as Hemant Soren versus everyone.

In recent years, the BJP has become known for welcoming leaders from other parties, even if they face serious corruption or criminal charges. Many cases have been dismissed by authorities once the leaders join the saffron camp. During the Jharkhand assembly polls, more than a dozen current and former BJP legislators joined JMM, and many have received tickets to contest.

As the BJP claimed during the Lok Sabha elections that Narendra Modi was single-handedly fighting against the opposition, JMM is now projecting Hemant Soren as the lone warrior taking on present and former BJP chief ministers. This group includes Jharkhand’s Assam in-charge, Himanta Biswa Sarma, Union Agriculture Minister and former chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, ex-CMs from Jharkhand Babulal Marandi, Champai Soren, Arjun Munda, and Madhu Koda. Additionally, Raghubar Das, currently the Governor of Odisha, can be counted in the fight against Soren, as his daughter-in-law is contesting under the BJP symbol. Senior party leaders like Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah are expected to lead the BJP’s campaign in Jharkhand against JMM’s executive president Hemant Soren.

However, unlike the BJP, JMM has not focused on uniting smaller parties and has instead repeated the mistake Congress made in the recent Haryana assembly polls. JMM has fielded its candidate from a seat where the CPI (ML) has a strong presence and had a solid chance against BJP state president Babulal Marandi.

Ranchi-based journalist Anand Dutta sees JMM’s approach as timely politics. “The JMM is responding to the opponent’s tactics with similar moves, which is necessary at this moment. It’s not just Hemant Soren but also Kalpana Soren leading the charge for JMM.”

“But for me, the main issue is that JMM and Congress did not learn from the Haryana poll results. They should have accommodated the CPI (ML). The BJP not only allotted an appropriate number of seats to AJSU but also to LJP, yet INDIA bloc leaders, for whom Vinod Singh has stood in times of crisis, have overlooked his party,” added Anand.

Only the election results will reveal whether JMM’s imitation of BJP’s stylebook pays off.

Who is Mandal Murmu? CM Proposer’s Meeting and Detention Fuels Fresh Election Controversy

ScribeShah
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Who is Mandal Murmu? CM Proposer’s Meeting and Detention Fuels Fresh Election Controversy

Ranchi/Giridih: At least a dozen Bharatiya Janata Party leaders, including sitting and former legislators, have joined the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha during the ongoing assembly elections in Jharkhand. The BJP, long accustomed to benefiting from such defections, was looking for a high-profile recruit to shift the narrative. Mandal Murmu, the proposer for Hemant Soren from Berhait, was seen as a potential asset. Nishikant Dubey, a Member of Parliament from Godda, also met with Murmu on Sunday. However, it appears that the JMM has thwarted its rival’s plans.

On October 24, incumbent Chief Minister Hemant Soren filed his nomination for re-election from Berhait, with Mandal Murmu as one of his proposers.

Who is Mandal Murmu?

The 29-year-old Murmu hails from Bhognadih, Sahibganj. His social media bio notes that he is a descendant of Sidhu Kanhu, a 1855 freedom fighter and an iconic figure among tribals. Murmu, who has an engineering background and is active in social work, reportedly faced a health crisis in 2020 when he was diagnosed with a brain tumor. JMM figures, including former MLA Sita Soren and Hemant Soren, assisted in his treatment.

According to Godda MP Nishikant Dubey, Murmu had come to meet him and was on his way to Ranchi to meet senior BJP leaders.

The entire episode

This episode gained public attention when, while crossing through Giridih district, Mandal Murmu was stopped by the Giridih police. At 1:47 PM, Nishant Dubey posted a photo with Murmu on social media, alleging that he had been arrested by Giridih police while en route to meet senior BJP leaders in Ranchi, and called on the Election Commission to investigate.

A few hours later, JMM spokesperson Supriyo Bhattacharya clarified at a press briefing in the state capital that Giridih police had detained Murmu’s vehicle on suspicion, as the occupants of the vehicle could not provide satisfactory answers. The spokesperson also alleged that Murmu might have been kidnapped. However, he was subsequently released from Giridih police custody by three officials: Chief Election Commissioner K Ravi Kumar and IPS officers Sanjay Anand Latekar and AV Homkar.

hemant soren proposer mandal murmu jharkhand election JMM

“We have demanded that the Election Commission remove all three officials, particularly the Chief Election Commissioner, as under his oversight, free and fair elections cannot be ensured,” Bhattacharya stated at the press conference. The JMM has also shared its formal complaint with the Election Commission.

When asked about Murmu’s current whereabouts, Bhattacharya replied, “We have no information on where Mandal Murmu is at present.”

Since the announcement of the assembly polls, several major BJP figures have defected to the JMM, including Kedar Hazra and Umakant Rajak (both sitting MLAs), former minister and MLA Louis Marandi, ex-legislators Kunal Sarangi, Amit Mahto, Ghatsila’s Ganesh Mahali, and Laxman Tuddu. Other leaders, such as former MP Kameshwar Baitha (currently with the TMC) and BSP’s Videndra Saw, have also joined the JMM.

Sources suggest that additional BJP leaders may soon switch allegiance to the JMM.

Two months ago, in August, former Chief Minister Champai Soren and Lobin Hembron from the JMM also defected.

The Rs 300 Question: Can Madhya Pradesh’s Menstrual Hygiene Funds Truly Empower Young Women?

Huneza Khan
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The Rs 300 Question: Can Madhya Pradesh’s Menstrual Hygiene Funds Truly Empower Young Women?

Bhopal: Chief Minister Mohan Yadav-led BJP government of Madhya Pradesh in August credited ₹300 to schoolgirls from classes 7 to 12 to address menstrual hygiene. Rs 57 crore 18 lakh were transferred to the bank accounts of girls under the Samagra Shiksha Program for Sanitation and Hygiene Scheme— taking all the praises and even lauded by UNICEF. “We appreciate the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Dr Mohan Yadav’s initiative to promote menstrual health among adolescents,” a post on UNICEF India’s X account said. This funding was meant to cover sanitary napkins for a year, with some media hailing it as the country’s first-ever experiment. However, the scheme raises fundamental questions about whether financial allocations genuinely address the issue of menstrual hygiene for Madhya Pradesh’s adolescents.

Scale of program and menstrual hygiene practices

According to the 2011 Census, Madhya Pradesh has a population of 7.27 crore, with 3.76 crore males and 3.51 crore females. The state’s adolescent population (aged 10-19) is 11.6 million, making up 22% of the state’s total. This includes 8.4 million males and 7.6 million females. 

Notably, the state transferred funds to the accounts of over 1.9 million schoolgirls for sanitary napkins. 

While the Madhya Pradesh government is often commended for its women-centric initiatives—raising the budget for the Women and Child Development Department by 81% to ₹26,560 crore for 2024-25—the question remains about whether the financial support provided is truly enough.

Many criticize the current government approach. Congress leader Dr Jaya Thakur in conversation with eNewsroom said crediting money to a girl’s account for menstrual hygiene is not the solution when there’s already a severe lack of awareness. “What would they buy if they don’t know what they need? Pharmacies are far away in many places, and the presence of male shopkeepers discourages girls from purchasing pads. Providing a product instead will be a much better approach ensuring to reach those who need it with fewer chances for corruption. Money can be misused but pads will serve their intended purpose.”

According to NHFS-4, only 42% of women aged 15-24 used sanitary napkins, 62% used cloth, and 16% relied on locally made napkins, with 58% overall using a hygienic method of menstrual protection. Rural women comprised 48% of the population, while 78% of urban women used sanitary methods. By NHFS-5, the numbers slightly improved 64% of women in the same age group used sanitary napkins, 50% still used cloth, and 15% used locally made napkins. Overall, 78% of women adopted hygienic practices, with 73% in rural areas and 90% in urban areas. However, Bihar (59%), Madhya Pradesh (61%), and Meghalaya (65%) had the lowest percentages of women using hygienic methods.

Type of Menstrual Protection Percentage of Women (15-24 years)
Cloth 64.8%
Locally Prepared Napkins 11.6%
Sanitary Napkins 49.8%
Tampons 1.2%
Menstrual Cup 0.6%
Other 0.3%
Nothing 0.1%
Percentage Using a Hygienic Method 60.9%

(Menstrual hygiene practices among women in Madhya Pradesh aged 15-24 years, as per NHFS-5)

Concerns and push for uniform menstrual hygiene policy

NGO worker Gouri Balpoure, who started the first “Sashakt Suraksha Pad Bank” in Betul criticized the government’s financial policy for sanitary pads. “I don’t understand the logic behind the policy of crediting ₹300. Even if a pad cost ₹30, which it doesn’t, women could only buy 10 packs, each containing just 5 or 6 pads. While the government promotes menstrual hygiene, this forces women to use the same pad for too long. Women have different needs, and policies made by men fail to account for that. The government could direct Ladli Behnas to use the funds for sanitary pads as well instead of focusing only on schoolgirls. 

Addressing menstrual hygiene is difficult as the government sees no benefit beyond supplying basics. Udita Corners were launched but exist in name only with either no pads or poor-quality pads from self-help groups. This is about a woman’s self-respect. The stain on clothes stains the provider’s goodwill,” Balpoure stated. 

The Madhya Pradesh government launched Project Udita in 2016 promoting menstrual hygiene and health among adolescent girls. The project educates girls on menstruation, sexually transmitted diseases, and anaemia through Anganwadi workers while providing affordable or free-of-cost sanitary napkins to all adolescents and women up to 49 years old. Former Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan had claimed to establish special Udita corners in 22,000 Anganwadis across the states.

Dr Jaya Thakur, also a social worker filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court in 2022 under Article 32 of the Constitution seeking public interest relief. The petition urged the Union of India, the States, and Union Territories to provide free sanitary pads to every girl studying in classes 6 to 12 and ensure separate toilets for females in all government-aided and residential schools. Despite the Supreme Court’s April 2023 directive to the Union government to work with States and Union Territories on a uniform menstrual hygiene policy, only Delhi, Haryana, West Bengal, and Uttar Pradesh responded. The Court later issued a stern warning to the States and Union Territories. The Union in July 2024 informed the Court that the formulated policy is in the advanced stage. 

Article 32 of the Constitution of India guarantees the right to constitutional remedies, which allows citizens to approach the Supreme Court to enforce their fundamental rights. The Constitution of India does not explicitly recognize the right to health as a basic right. However, the Supreme Court, through various rulings has interpreted the right to health as an integral part of the right to life under Article 21.

Schemes falling short amidst electoral win

An Anganwadi worker from Bhopal shared that the government rarely provides sanitary pads, and when they do, it’s every two or three months with poor quality pads that last only 2-3 hours. “I’ve been working since 2016 but I’ve never heard of Project Udita or seen any vending machines. There is a stark difference between advertisements and reality. What’s being done is basic at best. Pads need to be of good quality. If women receive pads that don’t even last three hours, what’s the point? Many already see menstruation as an added financial burden. The seven days become even more difficult for those who can’t afford pads. Many women, despite advice, continue using dirty clothes because they have no other choice.” 

The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, in a written reply to the question in Lok Sabha (Year 2023), informed the total number of adolescent girls (10-19 years) provided with Sanitary Napkins under the Menstrual Hygiene Schemes state-wise and year-wise.

Year Sanitary Napkin Distributed
2017-18 34870
2018-19 22474
2019-20 106129
2020-21 172075
2021-22 21501

(Distribution of sanitary napkins in five years in Madhya Pradesh. As replied in Lok Sabha)

Balpoure said that six months back a minister in Betul claimed that sanitary pads would be available for ₹1. I questioned him, pointing out that Betul does not even have Jan Aushadhi Kendra, so how would they provide pads for ₹1? If the government is serious about menstrual health and the Swachh Bharat mission, they should distribute pads through ration shops where villagers frequently go. Why provide free ration but not free pads? He was baffled. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi online inaugurated the Jan Aushadhi Kendra, I asked for a sanitary pad but they told me it wasn’t available. It reflects that the government has its stereotypes. 

An ASHA worker who regularly conducts menstrual hygiene camps said the scheme isn’t effectively implemented because the government doesn’t allocate enough budget, not even to the Anganwadis. “Our medical officer provides pads when we request them. We distribute them to those in need. The government should ensure monthly supplies for those below the poverty line,” she emphasized. 

Despite these challenges, BJP in Madhya Pradesh defied 18 years of anti-incumbency in the 2023 state assembly election, it swept the grand-old Congress Party in the 18th Lok Sabha elections turning the state saffron—winning all 29 constituencies. Of the 76% women voter turnout, 47% voted for the BJP. In comparison, 43% supported Congress in state elections held in November 2023 with the women-centric Ladli Behna Yojna playing a prominent factor in BJP’s landslide victory.  An additional ₹250 was added to the ₹1,250 given to Ladli Behnas raising it to ₹1500 for that month on Raksha Bandhan. 

Close, Closer, Closest: US Pollsters Brace for Presidential Election Too Tight to Predict

Aakash
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Close, Closer, Closest: US Pollsters Brace for Presidential Election Too Tight to Predict

Delhi: In what’s shaping up to be one of the tightest presidential races in US history, Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump are locked in a fierce competition, with both candidates securing 48 percent of the popular vote according to the latest New York Times/Siena poll. Political analysts are calling it a “50-50 election,” noting the striking closeness of this year’s polls and the difficulty of making any clear predictions.

The Path to Harris-Trump Face-Off

The unusual dynamics of the 2024 race emerged after a surprising turn earlier in the campaign season. Following a less-than-stellar first debate performance, President Joe Biden withdrew from the race, prompting the Democratic Party to nominate Vice President Kamala Harris. Harris’s entry, initially viewed skeptically by many as she was seen as a “lightweight,” quickly turned the tide as she demonstrated her political prowess. Her commitment to defending reproductive rights and a strong stance on issues critical to women brought her significant momentum and boosted her polling numbers.

However, as the campaign progressed, Trump capitalized on his grassroots appeal and leveraged his base to close the gap with Harris. Now, with only days until the November 5 election, the race remains intensely close, creating mounting tension in both camps.

A Focus on Seven Swing States

With national polling at a standstill, Harris and Trump have turned their full attention to the seven pivotal battleground states—Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Georgia, Nevada, Wisconsin, Arizona, and Michigan—where even a marginal advantage could decide the presidency. These states hold the key to the Electoral College, where 270 votes are needed to secure the presidency. This system famously allows a candidate to win the popular vote yet lose the election, as seen in the 2016 race when Hillary Clinton outpaced Trump in popular votes but lost due to his strategic victories in swing states.

The Impact of Electoral College Dynamics

The Electoral College, with its 538 electors spread across all 50 states, awards the entirety of a state’s electoral votes to the candidate who wins the most votes in that state. This winner-takes-all model means that states with slim margins can become decisive. In this context, both candidates are banking on massive turnout in swing states to tilt the Electoral College in their favor. Pollsters, meanwhile, remain hesitant to project outcomes, wary of the volatility that has defined past elections and this year’s unprecedentedly close contest.

Key Issues and Voter Demographics

The campaign’s intensity has highlighted stark contrasts in policy and priorities between the candidates. Harris’s support for reproductive rights has drawn significant backing from women, particularly in suburban and urban areas. Trump, meanwhile, continues to rally his core supporters, focusing on issues like immigration, economic growth, and national security to appeal to white, conservative voters. The African American vote remains crucial, and analysts believe it could be a determining factor, especially in the swing states.

As election day approaches, the nation’s eyes remain fixed on the polling data and the candidates’ final campaign strategies. With the popular vote and the Electoral College potentially delivering differing outcomes, this election may be yet another test of the American electoral system’s resilience. One thing is certain: the 2024 US presidential election will be a historic battle, with the entire world watching closely as America decides its future.

From Bulldozers to Bills: How India’s State Machinery is Undermining Muslim Rights and Autonomy

ScribeShah
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From Bulldozers to Bills: How India’s State Machinery is Undermining Muslim Rights and Autonomy

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he recent demolitions in Uttarakhand, where several mazars (Muslim shrines) were bulldozed, have raised serious concerns about the rule of law in India. Officially justified as measures to clear “illegal encroachments,” these actions disproportionately targeted Muslim religious sites, suggesting a disturbing bias. While the administration claims legality, the focus on structures predominantly associated with the Muslim community reflects selective enforcement, raising questions about justice and equality.

India’s Constitution guarantees equality before the law (Article 14), along with the right to life, liberty (Article 21), and freedom of religion (Article 25). Yet, these demolitions, often carried out without due legal process or proper notice, violate these fundamental rights. Numerous reports, including those by The Indian Express, The Wire, and Scroll, have documented how Muslim homes, shops, and religious structures are disproportionately targeted. In Delhi’s Jahangirpuri, for instance, bulldozers were sent to demolish properties even after a Supreme Court stay order, highlighting a disregard for judicial directives. Similar actions in Uttar Pradesh saw properties of those accused of protesting against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) destroyed without proper legal recourse.

The selective nature of these demolitions becomes even clearer when compared to the treatment of other religious communities. Hindu temples, for instance, are rarely subject to such aggressive measures, even when they occupy disputed land. The state actively supports the upkeep of Hindu religious sites, often funding festivals and maintaining temples. Christian churches and Sikh gurdwaras also manage their affairs with relative autonomy. In stark contrast, Muslim properties face increasing restrictions, not just through demolitions but also through legislative changes like the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024, which seeks to curtail the autonomy of Waqf properties—essential assets that fund social and educational projects within the Muslim community. This legislation reflects a broader strategy to weaken Muslim institutions, directly violating the Constitution’s guarantees under Article 26.

The targeting of Muslim properties, whether through selective demolitions or restrictive legislation, appears to be part of a deliberate attempt to marginalise the community. The rise of Hindutva extremism, distinct from the inclusive values of Hinduism, promotes a vision of a Hindu Rashtra that seeks to diminish the presence and influence of minorities, particularly Muslims. This directly conflicts with the vision of India’s founders, who crafted a nation built on secularism, diversity, and unity.

Prominent leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, B.R. Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Azad, Sarojini Naidu, Hansa Mehta, and Begum Aizaz Rasul envisioned a country where every citizen, regardless of faith, could live with dignity and freedom. The Constitution they helped shape embodies these ideals, guaranteeing the right to practice and propagate one’s religion (Article 25) and ensuring equality before the law (Article 14). However, the ongoing selective targeting of Muslim sites undermines these constitutional promises, eroding India’s secular fabric.

The recent introduction of the Waqf Amendment Bill further exemplifies the efforts to limit Muslim institutional autonomy. Waqf properties have long served as vital community assets, supporting mosques, educational institutions, and charitable initiatives. By restricting their management, the state is undermining a key aspect of Muslim socio-cultural identity. This strategy of using legislative tools to curtail minority rights is a subtle but powerful means of disenfranchisement, reflecting a broader agenda that is more about exclusion than legality.

The concerning trend of selective demolitions has drawn widespread condemnation from human rights activists, who view these actions as part of a broader attempt to marginalise and intimidate the Muslim community. Activist Harsh Mander has called the demolitions “a direct assault on the constitutional principles of equality and secularism,” highlighting that such actions undermine India’s pluralistic foundation. Shabnam Hashmi, another prominent human rights advocate, described the demolitions as “a form of collective punishment aimed at creating a climate of fear among minorities.” These voices emphasise the need for an urgent and collective response to preserve India’s democratic values.

The Association for Protection of Civil Rights (APCR) has played a crucial role in challenging these demolitions and advocating for justice. The organisation has been at the forefront of providing legal representation to those affected, ensuring that victims have access to due process and a fair hearing. By offering pro-bono legal aid, filing petitions, and raising awareness, APCR has worked tirelessly to defend the rights of marginalised communities. Their efforts remind us that civil society must remain vigilant and proactive in holding authorities accountable, ensuring that the rule of law prevails over political expediency.

What is equally alarming is the silence of much of the mainstream media, often referred to as “Godi Media,” on these issues. While independent outlets have been vocal in highlighting the disproportionate impact of these actions on Muslim communities, mainstream channels largely ignore these violations. Instead, many choose to frame these demolitions as standard law enforcement, echoing official narratives without critical scrutiny. This lack of balanced media coverage deprives the public of fully understanding the issues, allowing biased actions to continue unchecked.

The rule of law demands impartiality, yet the recent spate of demolitions indicates a pattern of targeted discrimination. When state power is used selectively to suppress one community while sparing others, the very principles of democracy and secularism are compromised. India’s strength lies in its diversity, and the selective enforcement of laws against Muslims undermines this core value.

The time has come for civil society, the judiciary, and citizens to stand against these divisive actions. Article 32 of the Constitution empowers citizens to move the Supreme Court for the enforcement of their fundamental rights, and this provision must be robustly invoked to challenge the misuse of power. Legal institutions must act as impartial protectors of the Constitution, ensuring that the rule of law is upheld without bias.

Citizens, too, must raise their voices against the increasing marginalisation of Muslims, recognizing that this is not just a community issue but a national issue affecting the democratic fabric of the country. Upholding the rights of Muslims is about preserving the core values of India—values of unity, diversity, and secularism. By defending these rights, we safeguard the constitutional protections that allow every citizen to live with dignity, freedom, and respect.

The selective demolition of Muslim properties, along with restrictive legislation, represents a dangerous trend that threatens to undermine India’s pluralistic identity. These actions risk creating a society where fear and division replace tolerance and harmony. To defend India’s democratic and secular ethos, it is imperative to challenge forces that seek to dismantle this inclusive vision. Upholding the spirit of the Constitution means ensuring that justice is not just a promise on paper but a reality for every Indian, as envisioned by leaders who believed in a diverse and united India.

Stripped of Rights: How West Bengal’s OBC Verdict is Sparking a Movement for Justice Among Muslim Communities

Dr Abu Sayeed Ahmed
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Stripped of Rights: How West Bengal’s OBC Verdict is Sparking a Movement for Justice Among Muslim Communities

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Muslim society of Bengal faced a gradual decline after the Battle of Plassey. At the beginning of the 20th century, it started to turn around socio-economically. But Partition in the middle of this century created an intellectual vacuum in the Bengali Muslim community of West Bengal. The report headed by Justice Rajinder Sachar proved that the situation has not improved much even after many years of independence. Also, according to the Ranganath Misra report, some recommendations were made to improve the situation. After a long procurement, the West Bengal government took some steps to bring the backward sections of the Muslim community under reservation in the education and employment sector.

Even in earlier times, some sections of the Muslim community were getting some limited rights as per the recommendations of the Mandal Commission belonging to other backward classes. That such provisions were not enough was exposed in the report of the Sachar Commission. In West Bengal, the work continued even after the political transition and in 2012, the OBCs were divided into A and B groups with some reservations and other privileges. And an organization called Atmadeep went to court to challenge this. Reservation of OBCs has always been frowned upon by a section of society. The scene of self-immolation against the recommendations of the Mandal Commission has been widely circulated. After that, the anti-OBC organization Youth for Equality was formed due to Arjun Singh’s recommendation about OBC. It was led by Arvind Kejriwal, the ex-Chief Minister of Delhi. After a decade-long litigation, the High Court declared the entire process null and void due to procedural errors. The judgment also commented,

“This Court is of the view that the selection of 77 classes of Muslims as Backward is an affront to the Muslim Community as a whole. This Court’s mind is not free from doubt that the said community has been treated as a commodity for political ends. This is clear from the chain of events that led to the classification of the 77 Classes as OBCs and their inclusion to be treated as a vote bank. Identification of the classes in the aid community as OBCs for electoral gains would leave them at the mercy of the concerned political establishment and may defeat and deny other rights. Such reservation is therefore also an affront to Democracy and the Constitution of India as a whole”

One cannot be blamed if one finds such comments made by the judges who passed such judgments to be insensitive to the backward society and out of touch with the real situation. Only the judges can answer how they considered the inclusion of 77 communities in the OBC category as ‘electoral advantage’ and ‘a product of political gain’ without considering the historical and socio-political context.

OBC certificates issued since 2010 in West Bengal have been nullified in a long-running case in the High Court.

As a result, the rights of nearly five lakh OBC-beneficiary people became uncertain. Even when the OBC quota was in place, there were many complaints that the benefits were not provided properly under this quota. Several social workers have complained that OBC privileges have been violated in various workplaces in various universities. It has been repeatedly stated that OBC facilities in West Bengal are less than in other states.

In this situation, there is a sensation in the student society of West Bengal.

Although the case has reached the Supreme Court, the progress is not promising.

Additionally, dissatisfaction within the larger Muslim community either for securing admission to college universities or for job applications is increasingly concerned about the inactiveness of the government. Altogether, the community people from rural to urban demography of the state are likely to take the streets for their systematic deprivation and wilful indifference to the running government. In several places, thinking about the uncertain future, the inception of the movement has started. As part of this initiative, posters have been seen in different districts. The poster labelling is believed to be from among the sufferers.

Posters demanding justice on OBC issues were seen from Furfura Shrine to the Aliah University Campus in Park Circus. Time will tell how far the effect of this poster labelling will be fruitful. But such posters are proof that people are becoming increasingly concerned about this issue. It has always been true that communities where a lack of education has been present for a long time lead to unemployment in the socio-economic sphere leading to criminal tendencies. In the violent political history of West Bengal, backward castes have been used as cudgel-bearers by political leaders. Therefore, it is a concern for the security of the state that the future of so many students and youths in the field of education and work is uncertain because of cancelling the OBC facilities. And coming forward to solve this situation is not only a matter of a community, not a matter of a state but the responsibility of the entire nation.

Jharkhand’s Political Chessboard: Manju Devi Joins BJP, JMM Capitalizes on Congress’ Crisis

ScribeShah
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Jharkhand’s Political Chessboard: Manju Devi Joins BJP, JMM Capitalizes on Congress’ Crisis

Ranchi/Giridih: Recently, it has become a common sight for Congress leaders to desert the grand old party and join the saffron brigade during election season. However, most of the time, either the leader remains sidelined in the party, or their recent electoral performances are not strong, leading them to leave for a better deal. In the Jamua assembly segment, Congress faced a significant setback when its most promising candidate, Manju Devi, left the party and joined the arch-rival BJP days before Jharkhand assembly election announced.

Manju Devi, the Congress candidate in 2019, was the runner-up against Kedar Hazra, the Bharatiya Janata Party candidate. Manju remained active for five years. The daughter of Sukar Ravidas, a two-time MLA from Jamua, she was also active during the COVID-19 pandemic and was widely expected to secure the Congress ticket this time as well.

So, why did she leave the party, which had secured more than 40,000 votes?

“Congress has many factions in Giridih district. All had their own candidates for the Jamua seat. Despite coming second in the last assembly polls, Manju Devi was not sure about her candidature,” said Asrar Alam, a Jamua resident and close associate of Manju Devi, in an interview with eNewsroom.

“Last time, she got the ticket with the help of the Gujarat Congress lobby, not from Jharkhand,” he added.

Sources also mentioned that Manju did not have enough funds to contest the election and believed she would receive more financial support from the BJP than from Congress, which became another reason for her defection.

When contacted, district Congress president Dhananjay Singh told eNewsroom, “I fully supported Manju Devi, and if she had received the ticket, she would have likely gotten the funds too. She chose to join another party; we couldn’t do much about it.”

The BJP wasted no time in announcing her candidacy, replacing the sitting MLA, Kedar Hazra.

Exchange of candidates between INDIA and NDA

Where Congress lost, its ally in Jharkhand, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), gained. The incumbent legislator Hazra left the BJP and joined the JMM.

JMM has declared Kedar Hazra as their candidate, effectively taking the seat from Congress.

Meanwhile, sources say senior Congress leaders are unhappy with the JMM for taking seats away from the party.

Shahnawaz Ansari, JMM’s central committee member and vice-president Giridih unit, claimed that the former BJP MLA being an INDIA candidate will not significantly affect minority voters, as the votes will go to the INDIA bloc, not just the individual candidate. “The INDIA bloc, led by the JMM government and Hemant Soren, has provided good governance in the state, including for Muslims. So, by and large, minority votes will go to Kedar Hazra,” Ansari said.

Since the election was announced, JMM has been a major gainer so far. On the same day that Kedar Hazra joined JMM, another BJP MLA, Umakant Razak, deserted the saffron camp. A couple of days later, former Silli constituency MLA Amit Mahto also joined JMM. Silli is an assembly segment represented by sitting MLA and AJSU supremo Sudesh Mahto.

On November 20, in the second phase, votes will be cast in Jamua.

Karva Chauth: Tradition Meets Romance in Bollywood’s Cinematic Universe

ScribeShah
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Karva Chauth: Tradition Meets Romance in Bollywood’s Cinematic Universe

[dropcap]O[/dropcap]f all the regional festivals that Hindi movies have popularised throughout India the most, Mumbai’s Ganesh Chaturthi and Karwa Chauth are the very top. Bollywood selected Karwa Chauth because it perfectly fit the image of blissful, society-sanctioned, post-marital love and devotion. 

The ritual is held on the fourth day of the dark fortnight after Kojagari Purnima, in the month of Kartik of the Hindu lunar calendar — usually around the middle of October. North Indian states like Punjab, Haryana, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan observe the vart. It does not seem so popular in Bihar and other Hindi-speaking areas of the East. Prayers are directed to Karva Devi, Parvati, and Chauth, while gods like Shiva, Ganesha and Kartikeya are also kept happy, with worship for their blessings.

The term Karva Chauth is made up of two words, ‘Karva,’ which means an earthen pot with a spout and ‘Chauth’ which means fourth lunar day. Women offer water to the moon when it is sighted —with the spouted clay vessel. It is a folk ritual as there are no priests and cumbersome rites. People believe that this festival originated from women praying for the safe return of their husbands who had left home to fight wars or to trade in far-off lands. The core region did, indeed, send out warriors and adventurers.

Mythological tales of completely devoted wives abound— the ancient tale of Savitri-Satyavan is just one. The faithful wife brought back her husband from the jaws of death with her determination and prayers. It’s quite like the story of Behula in Bengal. Another story is that of Veervati, who fasted and prayed ever so  rigorously for a whole year until the gods brought her husband back to life.

On the evening before Karva Chauth, the mother of the woman sends Bayaa, consisting of clothes, coconut, sweets, fruits and sindoor (vermillion) for her daughter and gifts for the mother-in-law. Even gifts serve as markers of the marital status of Hindu women, like toe rings, anklets, glass bangles, vermillion, bindi/tika and alta, a red border applied around the feet). Women also apply mehendi (henna) on their hands.

The family wakes up before sunrise on the day of Karva Chauth and married women consume a Sargi meal of fresh fruits, dry fruits, sweets, chapatis and vegetables offered by the mother-in-law. In the late afternoon, women come together with their respective thalis containing coconuts, fruits, dry fruits, a diya (lamp), a glass of kachi lassi (a drink made of milk and water), sweet mathri and the gifts that are for the mother-in-law. They encircle the idol of Gaura Maa (Goddess Parvati) and the story of Karwa Chauth is narrated by a wise elderly woman. Then they start to rotate the thalis around the circle, the thali batana as it’s called, and sing folk songs. It is soon time to look at the sky, usually from the rooftop, to catch a glimpse of the moon. This they view through a chhanni (sieve) and break their fast only then — after offering kachi lassi to the moon and reciting a prayer for their husbands.

The occasion is somewhat lopsided, as it is the wife who has to go through a day-long fast to convey her love and care for the husband and to ensure his well-being and longevity. What is more satisfying is to see that nowadays many husbands also observe a reciprocal fast — which is quite unconventional, but it conveys the right message. Many feel we should not encourage this patriarchal ritual and feel we should give it up, but others say that if the wife feels she can publicly declare her love for her husband, who are we to interfere? Besides, it is hardly religious any more — it’s an all-women’s festival, where ladies of other communities also join in for the dressing up, decorations, applying mehendi and other such fun. 

It is a fact, however, that unequal rites and rituals that are so full of patriarchal values are on the way out — all over the world — but this Karva Chauth has been given a new romantic connotation and a new lease of life by Bollywood.

BJP Defies Polls in Haryana, Sets Sights on Maharashtra and Jharkhand; Watch out Omar Abdullah and LG relation in J&K

Aakash
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BJP Defies Polls in Haryana, Sets Sights on Maharashtra and Jharkhand; Watch out Omar Abdullah and LG relation in J&K

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he results of recently held Haryana and Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections threw up mixed results contrary to what was expected. Pollsters and political pundits had concluded that the BJP will be out of power in Haryana paving the way for a resurgent Congress and the verdict in Jammu & Kashmir will be hung. Almost all opinion polls and exit polls had made their prediction on similar lines boosting the morale of the opposition camp ahead of the all-important Maharashtra assembly elections and in Jharkhand where the BJP is confident of wrestling power from Hemant Soren led Gathbandhan government. Also, the Delhi assembly elections are not very far behind where Aam Aadmi Party supremo Arvind Kejriwal would be banking sympathy wave after his stint in jail on corruption charges and is now out on bail.

However, the Haryana results dashed the hopes of the opposition camp as the BJP won a historic consecutive third term that no party has ever achieved in the state. Besides, the BJP won the state comfortably, bettering its result five years back when it had to tie up with the JJP led by Dushyant Chautala. But the BJP pulled out of the alliance months before the elections and as results show it had little impact on the BJP’s chances. Whereas the Congress, confident of victory, snubbed AAP, refusing to ally, as senior state leaders like Bhupinder Singh Hooda reportedly thought AAP was in a position to dent Congress prospects in Haryana and the grand old party was better off fighting it alone. That could well be true as AAP performed badly in the state. But Congress calculations failed before the BJP’s Haryana strategy that stumped Congress leaders who went into a denial mode by blaming slow counting by the Election Commission. Congress party spokespersons, the Congress president and Rahul Gandhi reacted by saying they would analyse Haryana results as there were complaints from some tightly contested seats.

But a hard look at the state of affairs in the Haryana Congress is that its senior leaders were busy fighting among themselves. Even the senior Dalit leader Kumari Selja openly expressed her displeasure for being sidelined. The Congress party put all eggs in the basket of the Jat votes who form less than 30 per cent of the state’s population whereas the BJP reached out to all sections of the state and made sure its welfare programmes reached out to all those sections that get left behind. In the end, the people of the state thought they were better off continuing with the BJP than giving the Congress a chance. That’s a harsh lesson for the Congress party.

The outcome has opened up the upcoming Maharashtra elections where again the opposition alliance is hoping to put up a strong fight. If the BJP could win Haryana despite the most popular leader of the party, Prime Minister Modi campaigning only a few times, what would happen if the prime minister launched an aggressive campaign in Maharashtra? Can the opposition leaders, the NCP patriarch Sharad Pawar, Uddhav Thackeray and the state Congress leaders fight him out?

In Jammu & Kashmir, former chief minister and National Conference leader Omar Abdullah is at the helm of affairs yet again. Only a few months back, he was reluctant to fight elections and had lost the last Lok Sabha elections. But destiny had some other plans for junior Abdullah. His party continues to demand the restoration of statehood and Article 370. But it’s everyone’s guess how it is easier said than done. The Modi government has promised to restore statehood at the right time. It would be interesting to watch how Omar Abdullah works with the centre-appointed Lieutenant Governor (L-G) without any friction as after the abrogation of Article 370, the powers of the UT are curtailed leaving little room for maneuvering.

Only time will tell how things will pan out. But clearly, the exit polls have lost people’s trust.

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