Kolkata: Rezaul Islam Mondal, a 27-year-old Master in Technology (M.Tech) student, was brutally assaulted on a Sealdah-bound train on Tuesday. A group of 10 to 12 alleged Hindutva extremists attacked him near Payradanga station in Nadia district. The mob not only physically assaulted him but also threatened to throw him off the train while accusing him of being a ‘Bangladeshi.’
The incident has sparked statewide outrage, with human rights activists and political leaders demanding strict action against the perpetrators.
Attack on Rezaul: What Happened?
Rezaul, a final-year M.Tech student at Aliah University, was returning from the Bishwa Ijtema in Bangladesh on February 4. He was travelling by local train from Gede to Sealdah. As the train reached Payradanga station, a passenger asked him to move a trolley bag from the luggage rack. Rezaul agreed without argument, but soon after, a group of men tried to forcibly remove him from his seat.
When he resisted, they allegedly used abusive language, calling him a ‘Bangladeshi’ and accusing him of “invading India.” According to Rezaul, one of the attackers, Ajay, taunted him, saying, “Why did you come from Bangladesh? Are you here to capture India?” The situation escalated, and the group punched him in the face, pulled his beard, and forcibly removed his cap. Rezaul Islam told eNewsroom, “I was harassed and beaten for nearly an hour. Some of them even said, ‘Kill him now, throw him off the train.’”
His friend Sajid Mirza attempted to record a video of the attack, but his phone was allegedly snatched away. Sajid later recounted, “They stopped us from helping him and threatened to throw me off the train if I recorded the incident. They even said, ‘You Bangladeshis are destroying the country, you have no education, and you are all militants.’”
Complaint and Police Response
After reaching home in Meshera village under Haripal police station in Hooghly, Rezaul received medical treatment and attempted to complain to Haripal Police Station. However, the officer in charge refused to file the FIR.
Rafiqul Islam Mondal, Rezaul’s bedridden father and a former madrasa teacher, demanded strict punishment for the accused. He said, “The boy was beaten like this because he wore a cap and had a beard on his face. Why should he be targeted just because he is a Muslim?”
On February 5, Rezaul took his complaint to the Sealdah Government Railway Police (GRP), where a case was finally registered under sections 115(2), 299, 351(2), and 3(5) of the BNS. A railway police official confirmed, “An investigation has been initiated, and appropriate legal action will follow.”
Statewide Outrage and Political Reactions
The attack has drawn sharp criticism from human rights groups and political figures across West Bengal. Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya, senior lawyer and CPM MP, wrote on social media, “The attack on Rezaul in Nadia is not an isolated incident. All this is happening in states ruled by RSS politics. No one would have dared to commit such a heinous act in Left-leaning states, including West Bengal. In the last decade, West Bengal has been ruled by the RSS ideology, which has created religious divisions in social life. To end this vicious cycle, a strong movement must be built based on secular ideals.”
Peerzada Nawsad Siddique, Bhangar MLA from ISF (Indian Secular Front), condemned the attack, saying, “Is having a beard and wearing a cap now a crime in this country? West Bengal is not immune to the communal hatred being spread across India. Hindutva extremists physically abused him and labelled him a ‘Bangladeshi.’ This cannot happen in a free democratic country.”
Mohammad Kamruzzaman, General Secretary of the All Bengal Minority Youth Federation (ABMYF), criticized the centre as well as the state government for failing to act on past attacks. “Muslims have been attacked on trains before. Videos of such incidents have gone viral, yet no arrests have been made. Without strict action, these attacks will continue,” said the ABMYF secretary.
Human Rights Groups Demand Strict Action
The Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) also condemned the attack. General Secretary Ranjit Sur asserted, “It is a horrific incident. This is just the tip of the iceberg. The real situation in Bengal is much worse. Political parties and media have turned the state into a communal volcano, and the government has failed to control it.”
Social activist Imtiaz Ahmed Molla, who was present during FIR registration and been very active during CAA-NRC protests, appealed to people from all walks of life to come together and protest against the incident. He told eNewsroom, “The attack on Rezaul was shocking. We do not expect such incidents in West Bengal. We must prevent Bengal from becoming like Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. If everyone does not protest against this, the government will not take action. Railway officials have assured us that they will take legal action against the accused.”
Moktar Hossain Mondal, an eminent journalist and social activist, blamed a section of the media for fueling communal hatred in Bengal, saying, “The continuous spread of communal propaganda by some media outlets and political groups is poisoning society.”
Nearly two days after the FIR was registered, no arrests have been made.
Kolkata: Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren attended the Bengal Global Business Summit (BGBS) in Kolkata, where he expressed his gratitude to West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee for hosting the grand event and inviting him. The two-day summit, now in its eighth edition, commenced today and has drawn prominent business figures, including Mukesh Ambani, along with numerous industrialists and entrepreneurs from across India and abroad. Former Indian cricket team captain Sourav Ganguly was also present on the occassion.
Addressing the summit, Soren lauded the initiative, calling it a new beginning in India’s economic landscape, where states collaborate to strengthen the country’s foundation. He congratulated Mamata Banerjee for organizing the event and highlighted its importance in fostering economic ties between states.
Mukesh Ambani greets Hemant Soren as Mamata Banerjee looks on | Courtesy: X/HemantSorenJMM
Soren emphasized the historical, cultural, and traditional ties shared between Jharkhand and Bengal, noting that their similarities often make it difficult to distinguish between the two. He underlined the vast economic potential of Jharkhand in sectors such as MSME, tourism, mining, solar energy, and textiles, and expressed his commitment to working alongside Bengal to drive economic growth in eastern India.
Highlighting the rapid economic progress of Bengal, Soren acknowledged the visionary leadership of Mamata Banerjee, under which the state has emerged as a national and international hub for industry and investment. He noted that this significant development has far-reaching implications, particularly in fostering stronger inter-state relations that can propel mutual growth and position West Bengal as a key driver of India’s economic progress.
Adding a personal touch to the occasion, Soren was accompanied by his wife, legislator Kalpana Soren, who was seen wearing a blue saree—a color synonymous with Trinamool Congress’ official identity. The choice of attire was noticeable and may have been particularly pleasing for Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, given its symbolic significance.
Kalpana Soren, hemant Soren and Mamata Banerjee | Courtesy: X/HemantSorenJMM
The Jharkhand CM also extended a warm invitation to business leaders, encouraging them to explore investment opportunities in his state. As the summit progresses, it is expected to facilitate discussions on industrial collaboration, infrastructure development, and investment prospects in the region.
With significant participation from global and national business communities, the Bengal Global Business Summit continues to serve as a crucial platform for shaping India’s economic future and fostering regional cooperation.
Kolkata: Nestled amid the residential complexes of Abdul Halim Lane in central Kolkata is the Calcutta Unani Medical College and Hospital (CUMCH), the only Unani hospital not just in Bengal but in Eastern India. The medical college and hospital have been making desperate attempts to assert their existence at a time when the central government is striving to mainstream the Indian Medicine System (Ayurveda, Yoga & Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha, and Homeopathy).
Founded in 1994 under the aegis of the All India Unani Conference (West Bengal Chapter), with a vision to promote Unani medicine in Eastern India, CUMCH is now affiliated with the West Bengal University of Health Sciences. It also houses a 60-bed hospital on its premises and graduates nearly 40 Unani medical practitioners annually.
Bengal, with an estimated population of over 10 crores, has only one Unani medical college, whereas Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra have 14, 4, and 7, respectively, according to data from the National Commission for the Indian System of Medicine (2022).
A Tale of Apathy
Despite being listed in the National Commission for Indian System of Medicine’s directory of Unani Medical Colleges, CUMCH’s journey has been far from easy.
“We are a private medical college and hospital managed by our governing body. We lack the funds and infrastructure to provide the best—not just for students but also for patients seeking treatment,” said Prof Mohd Ayoob Qasmi, Principal of CUMCH.
Narrating a tale of despair, challenges, and prejudice, Prof Qasmi said, “Even in a state like Uttar Pradesh, there are over seven Unani medical colleges, at least three of which are run by the state government. Just last year, the Yogi government ordered the setting up of a new Unani College in Bareilly. Yet, here in West Bengal, we have been running from pillar to post, urging the government to take over this private institution so that it can be developed for the better.”
Echoing this sentiment, a rather dejected Prof Md Tajuddin said, “We are saddened by the step-motherly treatment of the present government towards CUMCH. We have staged dharnas and taken to the streets to grab the attention of those in power, but nothing has worked so far. The future of everyone associated with CUMCH remains uncertain.”
Lack of Funds, Failing Infrastructure
Pending payments and the lack of development in medical infrastructure and facilities have long plagued CUMCH. Course fees are the only source of funds available for the governing body to manage the institution.
“The state government has reserved 20 seats of the existing seats in our medical college. This amount, along with the course fees we charge students, is used to pay the salaries of the college staff. Needless to say, those working with us often have to wait for months to receive their dues,” informed Prof Qasmi.
Qasmi stressed upon the need of bigger funds and government takeover for the over all development of CUMCH.
Promises Unkept
Under the direction of AYUSH, way back in 2009, the Left Front government passed The Calcutta Unani Medical College and Hospital Bill, 2010 and sent it to the West Bengal Governor for assent. However, the bill remained pending until 2013.
“When the new government took over, we were advised to withdraw the bill from the Centre with the promise of a state government takeover soon. Acting on this assurance, I personally went to Delhi and applied for the bill’s cancellation,” recalled Prof Qasmi.
Subsequently, according to data shared by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the ill-fated bill was officially withdrawn by the state government in 2014. (Source: Ministry of Home Affairs).
Recounting his experience in Delhi, Prof. Qasmi said stoically, “The officers had warned us not to get it cancelled. But we trusted the state government—and see what has happened. Repeated attempts to meet those in power and push for the government takeover have gone in vain. We even went on an indefinite strike, but it didn’t work. Didi has forgotten all about us.”
Without mincing words, Prof. Tajuddin remarked, “This prejudice perhaps stems from the fact that those teaching and studying at CUMCH belong to the minority community.”
Hopes Remain High Despite Challenges
Despite the financial hurdles, the governing body remains hopeful of keeping the institution running while continuing to push for a government takeover, as they believe there are ample career opportunities for those pursuing BUMS.
“There are significant job opportunities for BUMS graduates in Bengal. Apart from pursuing an academic career or setting up a private practice, one can apply for various Rashtriya Bal Swasthya Karyakram vacancies as and when they are listed by the central government. Competition for these positions is relatively low since only 40 students graduate with this degree in the state,” said Dr Aqueel, a 2006 pass-out from CUMCH.
Adding to this, Md Shamshuddin, a final-year student at CUMCH, said, “Unani medicine was my first choice. I believe many are turning back to Unani medicine because it has fewer side effects. In Bengal, there is only one college offering the BUMS course, and unfortunately, job opportunities remain limited.”
With preparations underway to celebrate World Unani Day on February 11, the governing body, teachers, staff, and students of CUMCH can only hope that the present government finally heeds their long-standing demand for a takeover—one that would not only enhance its existing infrastructure but also give a much-needed boost to the Unani medical fraternity in West Bengal.
When eNewsroom contacted Trinamool Congress Member of Parliament Sudip Bandhopadhyay, he mentioned that he had raised the issue inside the parliament.
“With the state government, I am looking at the salary part, which must be updated.”
But added that it will take time, “The government intimated, they have it in their mind. But not immediately. It will be looked into and I will try wholeheartedly.”
After returning from Dhaka: I had been planning to visit Bangladesh for a long time, as it was important for me to complete my work on the River Ganga. It has been an amazing journey—from the Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal—that provided insights into how the river is formed and how it empties into the sea. The Ganga is a shining example of how to handle differences and diversity. It originates in diversity, with all its tributaries eventually embracing its identity and becoming one. Yet, at the end of its journey, it adopts a different identity, splitting into multiple channels before merging into the Bay of Bengal. The river demonstrates the importance of interdependence, assimilation, and inclusion. After completing my journey to the Sundarbans on the Indian side, it was always a dream to witness the Ganges’ remarkable journey in Bangladesh, as without it, the journey would remain incomplete. However, my visit coincided with a political crisis in Bangladesh, triggered by student protests in Dhaka and the subsequent removal of Sheikh Hasina Wazed, who fled to India.
Political Crisis in Bangladesh: The Key Players
There is no doubt that Bangladesh was in the midst of a political crisis, with various forces vying for influence. The country primarily has two major political parties: the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The main conflict has been between these two forces. A third group, Jamaat-e-Islami, also exists but lacks substantial influence. Like other opposition groups, Jamaat was a victim of Hasina’s authoritarianism, which led to its increased activity after her removal.
The decision to travel to Bangladesh was not easy. At the airport, a CISF security personnel asked, “Sir, aren’t you afraid of going there?” At immigration, the officer on duty questioned, “Why are you going there?” I had read that rupee-to-taka conversion was possible, but I was disappointed to find no such facility at the airport. However, upon landing in Dhaka, I found numerous currency exchangers willing to accept rupees. Why should I need US dollars to visit a South Asian neighbor? I wanted to challenge the dollar’s monopoly. It is ironic that we can travel to continents like Africa and Latin America but face barriers in visiting our own neighborhood.
Senior activist Zakir Hossain | Author
The Role of Indian Media in Fueling Tensions
I am well aware of Bangladesh’s liberation movement and have visited the country before. The people have always been cooperative and appreciative of India’s role in their liberation. However, this time, following Hasina’s exit, the situation was more challenging. What exacerbated the crisis was the role played by the Indian media. Instead of allowing diplomacy to address the situation, the media behaved as if it were campaigning for local elections in India, with some BJP leaders even coining the term “Bangladeshi ghushpethia” (illegal immigrants). The people of Bangladesh are well aware of this. Even as India’s visa regime has become stricter, labeling the entire population as anti-India is detrimental to India’s interests.
Fear and Mistrust on the Ground
When I began my journey, I was uncertain about how things would unfold. It was difficult to openly use my camera or speak to people, as I sensed a lot of anger toward the Indian media’s portrayal of the crisis. People were protesting against Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarianism—a fundamental right in any democracy—but the media spun its own narrative. While organizations like Jamaat-e-Islami have become more active since the August incident, it would be challenging for them to gain significant traction. Asif Chowdhury, a research scholar, noted, “Sheikh Hasina still has strong support within the country, and it would be difficult to politically eliminate the Awami League.”
Vidya Bhushan Rawat with Mohammed Kamaluddin (left) | Arranged
Mohammad Kamaluddin, a senior activist based in Dhaka who was a student during the 1971 Liberation War, believes that corruption is not the core issue, as the entire system is corrupt. Those now in power are also part of the same system. While Sheikh Hasina may have been authoritarian, the right way to address this would have been through political means and elections. Kamaluddin sees the rise of Bangladesh as a defeat for both the United States and the idea of nationality based on Islam. Bangla nationalism, he argues, countered American hegemony in South Asia and the political Islam espoused by Pakistan. Kamaluddin is a strong advocate for the rights of minorities and marginalized groups, not just in Bangladesh but across South Asia. He emphasizes the importance of good relations among South Asian countries to foster cultural exchange and mutual learning.
Mistrust of Indian Media and the Future of Bangladesh
Activist Zakir Hossain expressed frustration with the Indian media’s approach. “Why do they bring conspiracy theories into everything?” he asked. People were upset with Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarianism, and the revolution was a result of their frustration reaching a breaking point. He was particularly upset by Indian media reports claiming that Hindus were living in fear and that the constitution was being changed to establish an Islamic state. So far, none of this has happened. Various committees are being formed to seek opinions from civil society activists, academics, intellectuals, and political leaders. Zakir recounted an interview with an Indian “alternative media” journalist, where the questions were framed to elicit responses that fit their narrative. “It’s sad,” he said.
Shamsul Huda, a senior civil society leader in Bangladesh, highlighted the rampant corruption during Hasina’s tenure. He praised the students for rising in defense of people’s rights but condemned any violence against minorities. He clarified that most of the targeted individuals were Awami League leaders. Huda expressed optimism about the ongoing discussions for a new constitution and systemic changes, noting that the economy is improving and normalcy is returning. However, he was critical of Indian media coverage, which he felt was biased and sensationalized. He mentioned that there are talks of limiting the prime minister to two terms and introducing other constitutional reforms to reflect Bangladesh’s diversity.
Vidya Bhushan Rawat with Rowshan Jahan Shamshul Huda | Arranged
Rowshan Jahan Moni, another civil society activist in Dhaka, criticized Indian news channels for their sensationalism. She emphasized that Bangladesh’s strong people’s movement led to systemic change, not just a change in government. She expressed hope that the ongoing constitutional reforms would create checks and balances to prevent future authoritarianism. Moni also noted that life has returned to normal, with people going about their daily routines.
The People’s Perspective
My friend Shah Mobin Jinnah, a veteran activist in Dinajpur, described the movement as a people’s uprising against authoritarianism. While he acknowledged Sheikh Hasina’s contributions to infrastructure and economic growth, he also recognized the issues that led to her downfall. Jinnah is a strong advocate for South Asian solidarity and people-to-people contact. He criticized the media for being a tool of the powerful and failing to report ground realities.
A young Uber bike rider in Dhaka spoke to me in Hindi, saying, “Sir, main Hindi me baat kar leta hoon (I can speak Hindi).” When I asked how he learned it, he replied, “I’m a big fan of Shah Rukh Khan.” He expressed a desire to visit India, calling it a great friend. He believed that in five years, people would realize Sheikh Hasina’s contributions but acknowledged that it was now the students’ responsibility to deliver. He enjoyed Indian entertainment but avoided Indian news channels, which he felt were more concerned about Sheikh Hasina than the people of Bangladesh.
Veteran activist Shah Mobin Jinnah | Author
A People’s Movement, Not a Religious Conflict
Most of the people I spoke with support greater people-to-people contact across South Asia. They believe that democracy was under threat, and students united to resist an increasingly dictatorial regime. Even if mistakes were made, the people of Bangladesh should decide their own future.
While concerns about Jamaat-e-Islami exist, activists believe that Bangladesh’s inclusive culture will not allow religious extremism to take hold. The claim that Bangladesh is becoming an Islamic jihadist state is a baseless attempt to discredit a genuine pro-democracy movement. The graffiti on Dhaka’s walls and in smaller towns reflects a vision of an inclusive society, proving that the people’s aspirations go beyond religious divides.
As I left Bangladesh, I was reminded that while political elites and media narratives often create divisions, ordinary people continue to believe in coexistence, democracy, and regional solidarity.
Watch Vidya Bhushan Rawat’s Ganga journey in Bangladesh
After returning from Dhaka (Bangladesh): For millions of Indians, the Ganga begins at Gaumukh and concludes its journey at Gangasagar in the Bay of Bengal near Sundarban. Every year, thousands of pilgrims flock to Gangasagar to visit the beautiful Sagardweep on the auspicious day of Makar Sankranti in January. However, in technical terms, the Ganga’s journey is supremely fascinating—from its origins in the Uttarakhand Himalayas to its culmination in Bangladesh before flowing into the Bay of Bengal at Bhola Island. The fact is that only a minuscule volume of about 1,150 cumecs (1.5%) of the mainstream discharge flows through the Bhagirathi-Hooghly, while the majority (76,500 cumecs) flows beyond the Farakka Barrage into Bangladesh[1].
The Ganges in Bangladesh: A Unique Riverine Landscape
From Farakka onwards, the main stem of the Ganga acts as a borderline between India and Bangladesh until Lalgola in India. Beyond Godagari in Bangladesh, the river flows predominantly within Bangladesh. The Mahananda River, emerging from the hills near Darjeeling, passes through various locations to enter Panchagarh, Bangladesh, on the Siliguri border. It then re-enters Indian territory, flowing through several districts of Bihar and Bengal, before merging into the Ganga (or Padma, as it is called in Bangladesh) at Godagari. There is a misconception that the Ganga becomes the Padma upon entering Bangladesh, but this is inaccurate, as the history of the Ganges predates the creation of modern political boundaries. The cultural and mythological significance of the Ganges is profound, linking the Himalayas to the Bay of Bengal. For instance, the stream originating at Gaumukh in the Himalayas is called the Bhagirathi, and interestingly, the distributary of the Ganga at Giria in Murshidabad district, which breaks from the main stem and flows towards West Bengal, is also known as the Bhagirathi until Nabodweep in Nadia district, after which it becomes the Hooghly until it empties into Gangasagar in the Bay of Bengal.
The Ganga at Godagari: A Confluence of Rivers and Cultures
The Godagari Ferry Ghat is reminiscent of other river ghats, offering boating services to the Charland—a newly formed island created by the river’s split. Between Lalgola in India and Godagari in Bangladesh, two branches of the Ganga flow, with a Charland (mud island) formed by floods and sediment deposition in between. These Charlands are extremely fertile, supporting crops like mustard, vegetables, and sometimes paddy. The two branches converge near Godagari and continue as the Ganga towards Rajshahi, one of the cleanest and most beautiful cities in Bangladesh. The riverbank is picturesque, though there is little effort to illuminate it at night, depriving people of a view of the historic river. With some initiative from the local municipality, Rajshahi could transform its riverbanks into a magical space. Currently, makeshift shops and tea vendors line the banks, but the area becomes too dark to even see the river after sunset.
Approximately 25 kilometers from Rajshahi lies the largest Shiva Temple, built by the Puthia dynasty under the patronage of Raja Man Singh, the governor of undivided Bengal during Emperor Akbar’s reign. A visit to this temple reveals not only its beautiful architecture but also a massive Shivalinga and the serene Govinda Sarovar behind it. Just a few yards away is another temple dedicated to Radha-Krishna. The Rajbari here is extraordinary. I had the opportunity to enter the temple and witness the Shivlinga. It is commendable that these sites are under the care of the Archaeological Department of Bangladesh, though they require more protection and preservation efforts.
The Legacy of Buddhism: The Paharpur Monastery
About 100 kilometers from Rajshahi, in the Naogaon district of Bangladesh, lies the historic Paharpur Buddha Monastery, also known as Sompura Mahavihara. Built by King Dharmapala of the Pala dynasty (781–821), Rajshahi stands as a testament to the rise and decline of Buddhism in this region, which once comprised undivided Bengal, including present-day Bangladesh, Bihar, and Odisha. Visiting Paharpur’s Sompura Monastery fills one with pride, reflecting the historical role Buddhism played in enlightening India. Today, these regions not only lack quality education but are also plagued by deep-rooted prejudices and superstitions. The decline of Buddhism paved the way for forces of darkness and bigotry.
As mentioned earlier, Bangladesh has a Himalayan region in the Dinajpur district (a significant portion of which is now part of West Bengal, India). Here stands the beautiful Kantajew Temple, dedicated to Krishna and his wife Rukmini. Built by Maharaja Pran Nath between 1704 and 1722, this temple attracts regular visitors who come to offer prayers. The Kanchanjunga peak of the Himalayas is visible from this area, though unfortunately, the sky was overcast throughout the day during my visit.
Ganga-Jamuna Confluence in Bangladesh | Author
The Ganga-Jamuna Sangam at Doulatdiar and the Rise of Padma
After traveling about 150 kilometers from Rajshahi, the Ganga reaches Doulatdiar, where it merges with the Jamuna River. The combined waters of these two great rivers are then known as the Padma.
Doulatdiar, a village in the Rajbari district, is where the Ganga and Jamuna converge, adopting the new name Padma (or Podda, as it is traditionally called locally). Located about 75 kilometers from Dhaka, Doulatdiar is reminiscent of Prayagraj (Allahabad), as the Jamuna carries more water than the Ganga at this confluence. It is important to understand the Jamuna in Bangladesh. Interestingly, it shares a connection with Hindu mythology. Ganga and Jamuna are sacred to Hindus worldwide. In Bangladesh, the Brahmaputra River, upon entering its territory and meeting the Teesta River at Chilmari, forms a new channel known as the Jamuna. After flowing approximately 225 kilometers, the Jamuna meets the Ganga at Goalando or Doulatdiar.
A Changing Landscape: The Impact of Modernization
Interestingly, the Ganga-Jamuna confluence at Doulatdiar is larger than that at Prayag, though there are striking similarities. At both Prayagraj and Doulatdiar, the Jamuna is the larger river. However, at Prayagraj, the Yamuna (Jamuna) merges into the Ganga and adopts her name, while at Doulatdiar, both the Ganga and Jamuna adopt a new name after their massive merger—Padma.
Before independence, the confluence of the Ganga and Jamuna was at Goalundo, a vital trade town that became part of the Eastern India Railway network in 1909, connecting Calcutta (now Kolkata) to Dhaka. Travelers would disembark at Goalundo and take a steamer to Narayanganj, followed by road transport to Dhaka. Bangladesh has always been a country that relies heavily on waterways.
The Challenges of Progress: Doulatdia and the Impact of Development
Situated about 75 kilometers from the capital, Doulatdia is linked to the Dhaka national highway via a ferry at Paturia Ferry Ghat, a 45-minute boat ride away. Today, a massive bridge over the Padma has made road transport and connectivity easier but has disrupted the thriving tourism business, hotels, and waterways in the town, leaving thousands unemployed.
Sadly, Doulatdia village is globally infamous for being the largest brothel in Bangladesh, where sex work is legal. Numerous reports highlight the plight of sex workers here. Pimps are ubiquitous, from the Paturia Ferry Ghat to the Doulatdia Ferry Ghat, with auto-rickshaw drivers offering “comfortable” services. While prostitution is legalized in Bangladesh, it is difficult to call it a “profession,” as many women here have been forced into the flesh trade.
The water at the confluence appears cleaner, but the air is thick, with layers of white haze settling during the day, especially in winter. Summers are said to be extremely hot and dry in the region. Private buses ply on both sides of the ferry ghats, connecting to various destinations, including Dhaka.
Goalundo and Doulatdia are twin towns with historical significance. The British developed a railway track between Howrah and Goalundo in 1909 to connect Calcutta and Dhaka, two of the most important cities in undivided Bengal.
The Confluence at Chandpur: Where the Padma Meets the Meghna
The Padma flows towards Chandpur, where it meets the Meghna River, which arrives from Bhairab Bazar after the old Brahmaputra River merges into it. After the Brahmaputra splits, the main river merges with the Teesta and is known as the Jamuna, while the other branch, with limited water, eventually flows into the Meghna at Bhairab Bazar.
The Meghna River originates at Markuli in the Sylhet district, where the Surma and Kushiyara rivers, originating from the Barak Valley in India, converge. The combined flow after Markuli is known as the Meghna. Markuli is a small town in the Baniachang upazila of Habiganj in the Sylhet Division.
Memorial At Chandpur. You can see the historical frame of Pakistan army surrender paper being signed by Lt General A Niazi. GENERAL Jagjeet Singh Arora sitting and overseeing the entire process | Author
Chandpur: The City of Three Rivers
Chandpur is one of Bangladesh’s most famous port cities, where the powerful Padma and Meghna rivers meet. This confluence of three rivers—Padma, Meghna, and Dakatiya—creates a rare phenomenon. Every year, heavy floods result in soil erosion and the formation of Charlands (temporary islands). Chandpur has witnessed the natural creation of Charlands, though they are often eroded by natural forces. James Rennell, a British surveyor, recognized the town’s importance and had it declared a subdivision in 1878. Chandpur, which became a district in 1984, is now known as the “Headquarters of Hilsa” and houses a Fisheries Research Institute.
Chandpur was part of the Tripura state under the Comilla district before 1947 but is now part of the Chittagong division. Its strategic location makes it a thriving city, linking Bangladesh to its indigenous territories. Chandpur can be considered the true “Triveni,” where three rivers merge—a rare occurrence. In Hindu mythology, many sacred places are termed “Triveni,” with the third river often being mystical. Here, however, the Triveni is clear: Dakatiya, Padma, and Meghna. The Dakatiya River divides Chandpur into two historical parts—one side features an old market, while the other has a park and Raktsthal, a memorial dedicated to the Bengali uprising against Pakistan, which led to the formation of Bangladesh. This war memorial, alongside the language protest memorial in Dhaka, commemorates the surrender of Pakistani forces under General AK Niazi to Indian General Jagjit Singh Arora in 1971. It is heartening to see this memorial honoring the Indian armed forces’ role in Bangladesh’s liberation. I hope this crucial part of history is not forgotten amid the evolving political realities in Bangladesh after the August 2024 revolution.
Chandpur is also known as the headquarters of the Hilsa fish. It is a major port from where launches (large ships) depart for various cities. Waterways are the most popular and comfortable mode of transport in Bangladesh, with ships offering modern amenities for a relaxed journey.
The tides are typically high in the morning, and the rivers’ merging point is vast. Both the Meghna and Padma carry enormous volumes of water, creating the Meghna-Padma Estuary. About seven kilometers from Chandpur’s main town is a Charland, now called Mini Cox’s Bazar, though it lacks a market. Locals and tourists visit this place for solitude, which is hard to find in crowded urban areas. Chandpur is thus an essential port in Bangladesh.
The Meghna River continues its journey from here, splitting into smaller rivers before merging into the Bay of Bengal. From Chandpur to the Bay of Bengal, the Meghna covers approximately 264 kilometers, emptying through four mouths: Tetulia, Ilisha, Hatia, and Bamni, primarily around Bhola Island.
Burhi Ganga, Dhaka | Author
The Historic City of Dhaka
On the outskirts of Dhaka lies Sonargaon, the original capital of this region, with historical ties to its Buddhist and Hindu past, predating the Mughal era. Many believe the city’s foundation was laid about 800 years ago by King Ballal Sen. At the Dhakeshwari Temple, considered Bangladesh’s national temple, priest Rajiv Chakravarty shared the story of Dhaka’s origin from Dhakeshwari Devi, an incarnation of Goddess Kali. In Hindu mythology, rivers are worshipped, as reflected in the following shloka:
गंगा सिंधु सरस्वती च यमुना गोदावरी नर्मदा
कावेरी सरयू महेन्द्रतनया चर्मण्यवती वेदिका।
क्षिप्रा वेत्रवती महासुरनदी ख्याता जया गण्डकी
पूर्णाः पूर्णजलैः समुद्रसहिताः कुर्वन्तु मे मंगलम् ।।
This shloka signifies that all rivers, along with the ocean, bless us with prosperity. The Ganga’s glory is beyond description, and bowing to her has been an ancient tradition.
Dhaka boasts historical monuments from the Mughal era and played a pivotal role in preserving Bengali identity during the 1971 Liberation War. Dhaka University witnessed the first uprising against the imposition of Urdu as Pakistan’s national language in 1952. When Governor General Mohammad Ali Jinnah declared Urdu the national language, students protested fiercely, forcing him to retreat. Today, historical buildings like the Lord Curzon Building (housing Dhaka University’s Physics Department) and the Language Martyrs’ Memorial near the Law Faculty are neglected, covered in dust, and ironically defaced with Arabic script.
Dhaka’s lifeline is the Buriganga River, a distributary of the Dhaleshwari, which branches off from the Jamuna. The Buriganga hosts the Sadarghat Launch Ghat, where luxurious cruises and comfortable trollers depart for cities like Barisal, Bhola, Chandpur, Rajshahi, and Chittagong. Waterways are the most accessible and comfortable transport system in Bangladesh. However, the Buriganga is severely polluted, with plastic waste, untreated sewage, and industrial effluents turning it into a river of waste. The stench is unbearable, and the air in Dhaka is equally polluted, with thick smog reminiscent of post-Diwali Delhi.
A Beautiful Journey to Bhola
The Buriganga flows into the Meghna River, which carries the combined waters of the Ganga, Jamuna, and Padma towards its final destination in the Bay of Bengal at Bhola Island. From Dhaka, the easiest way to reach Bhola is by launch—a large, comfortable ship with modern amenities. The six-hour journey takes you to Bhola, the largest island in Bangladesh, which faces threats from soil erosion and climate change. Surrounded by distributaries of the Meghna, Bhola forms an estuary with four mouths: Ilisha, Hatia, Tetulia, and Bamni. These rivers are so vast that they resemble the sea, making it hard to discern their origins or endpoints. Bangladesh, situated between violent rivers and the powerful Bay of Bengal, is highly vulnerable to rising water levels.
About 10 kilometers from Bhola’s Ilisha Ferry Ghat lies Majher Char, home to nearly 10,000 families. The only way to reach Bhola Island is by local ferry, a risky 30–45 minute ride. The boats are overcrowded with people and goods, and the journey is perilous, especially during high tides. The lack of regulation and fixed ghats exacerbates the risk. Villagers, particularly youths, shared their plight: around 200 families have lost homes and fertile land to recent soil erosion by the Meghna. They warned that without protective measures, the village might disappear by March due to rising river and sea levels. Estuaries, where rivers meet the sea, are particularly vulnerable to climate change.
I also visited the Tetulia River, another mouth of the Meghna on Bhola’s other side, where soil erosion and Charland formation are evident. Bhola to Gangasagar is part of the Sundarbans, with 60% in Bangladesh and 40% in India. This region, rich in mangroves and biodiversity, was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1987.
Bhola, a district town with a population of 1.8 million, became a district in 1984 after being part of Noakhali and later Barisal. The climate here is much better than Dhaka’s, though the only access is by water.
Ganga: A World Heritage
Traveling the entire stretch of the Ganga, from its source to the Bay of Bengal, has been a memorable journey. It revealed the river’s profound impact on culture, history, and ecology across South Asia. Whether called Ganga, Padma, or Meghna, it is the holy waters of the Himalayas that give life to these rivers. The Ganga’s journey is a testament to the unity of nature and culture, linking the Himalayas to the Sundarbans. As Bhupen Hazarika’s immortal song “Vistarhaiapaar” asks:
विस्तार है आपार, प्रजा दोनों पार
करे हाहाकार निःशब्द सदा
ओ गंगा तुम, गंगा बहती हो क्यूँ?
विस्तार है आपार, प्रजा दोनों पार
करे हाहाकार निःशब्द सदा
ओ गंगा तुम, गंगा बहती हो क्यूँ?
नैतिकता नष्ट हुई, मानवता भ्रष्ट हुई
निर्लज्ज भाव से बहती हो क्यूँ ?
इतिहास की पुकार, करे हुंकार
ओ गंगा की धार, निर्बल जन को
सबल-संग्रामी, समग्रोगामी
बनाती नहीं हो क्यूँ ?
॥ विस्तार है अपार, प्रजा दोनों पार..॥
अनपढ़ जन, अक्षरहिन
अनगीन जन, खाद्यविहीन
नेत्रविहीन दिक्षमौन हो क्यूँ ?
इतिहास की पुकार, करे हुंकार
ओ गंगा की धार, निर्बल जन को
सबल-संग्रामी, समग्रोगामी
बनाती नहीं हो क्यूँ ?
॥ विस्तार है अपार, प्रजा दोनों पार..॥
व्यक्ति रहे व्यक्ति केंद्रित
सकल समाज व्यक्तित्व रहित
निष्प्राण समाज को छोड़ती न क्यूँ ?
इतिहास की पुकार, करे हुंकार
ओ गंगा की धार, निर्बल जन को
सबल-संग्रामी, समग्रोगामी
बनाती नहीं हो क्यूँ ?
॥ विस्तार है अपार, प्रजा दोनों पार..॥
रुदस्विनी क्यूँ न रहीं ?
तुम निश्चय चितन नहीं
प्राणों में प्रेरणा देती न क्यूँ ?
उनमद अवमी कुरुक्षेत्रग्रमी
गंगे जननी, नव भारत में
भीष्मरूपी सुतसमरजयी जनती नहीं हो क्यूँ ?
॥ विस्तार है अपार, प्रजा दोनों पार..॥
विस्तार है अपार, प्रजा दोनों पार
करे हाहाकार, निःशब्द सदा
ओ गंगा तुम, गंगा बहती हो क्यूँ?
ओ गंगा तुम, ओ गंगा तुम
गंगा तुम, ओ गंगा तुम
गंगा… बहती हो क्यूँ ?
-भूपेन हजारिका
The Ganga’s might and beauty are unparalleled, and it is our responsibility to protect and preserve this heritage for future generations.
[1] The Heads and Tails of Ganga by Vijay Paranjpye, Radhika Mulay, and Chaitrali Kulkarni, 2023, published by the Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH), Link.
[dropcap]पू[/dropcap]रे देशवासियों को 76वें गणतंत्र दिवस की दिली मुबारकबाद। 75 साल का सफर पूरा करने के बाद आज हम ‘रिपब्लिक ऑफ इंडिया’ के नाम से पहचाने जाने वाले भारत का गणतंत्र मना रहे हैं। रिपब्लिक का मतलब है एक ऐसा सिस्टम, जो पूरी तरह जनता के लिए और जनता के द्वारा चलता है। इसका मतलब है कि हर नागरिक (citizen) का इसमें बराबरी का योगदान हो।
गणतंत्र का यही ताना-बाना हमारे संविधान में बखूबी समझाया गया है। संविधान न सिर्फ हर इंसान को समान अधिकार (equal rights) देता है, बल्कि उसकी हिफाजत भी करता है। ये यकीन दिलाता है कि दो नागरिकों के बीच किसी भी तरह का भेदभाव (discrimination) नहीं होगा। संविधान की प्रस्तावना (preamble) में इन बातों का खासतौर पर जिक्र किया गया है।
हमारा देश सिर्फ गणतंत्र नहीं, बल्कि लोकतंत्र (democracy) भी है। इसका मतलब है कि जनता की चुनी हुई सरकार उनके लिए काम करेगी। लेकिन पिछले 75 सालों में, जहां हमारा लोकतंत्र और गणतंत्र मजबूत हुआ है, वहीं इस दौरान कई तरह की चुनौतियों का भी सामना करना पड़ा है।
75 साल का सफर और संविधान की ताकत
आज जब हम 76वें गणतंत्र दिवस की खुशियां मना रहे हैं, हमें यह भी याद रखना चाहिए कि हमारे संविधान ने हर दौर की मुश्किलों में हमारी मदद की है। 75 साल पहले हमारे बुजुर्गों ने एक ऐसे भारत की बुनियाद रखी थी, जहां हर धर्म और तबके के लोगों को बराबरी के हक दिए गए।
लेकिन 2014 के बाद हालात धीरे-धीरे बदलने लगे। संवैधानिक और लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं पर दबाव डालकर, संविधान के मूल्यों को कमजोर करने की कोशिशें हो रही हैं। आज जरूरत है कि हम संविधान के उसूलों को समझें और इन्हें बचाने के लिए आवाज उठाएं।
भेदभाव के बढ़ते मामले और प्रशासन का रवैया
संविधान में यह साफ कहा गया है कि किसी भी नागरिक के साथ मजहब, जाति, या रंग के आधार पर भेदभाव नहीं होगा। लेकिन हाल के सालों में कुछ घटनाएं ऐसी हुई हैं, जो संविधान के इस बुनियादी उसूल के खिलाफ जाती हैं।
उत्तर प्रदेश जैसे राज्यों में भेदभाव साफ नजर आता है। संभल की घटना इसका उदाहरण है। पांच मुस्लिम युवाओं की मौत के बाद प्रशासन का रवैया भेदभावपूर्ण रहा। यहां तक कि सिविल कोर्ट के एक जज का बयान भी अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय के खिलाफ था।
देशभर में मॉब लिंचिंग की घटनाएं बढ़ रही हैं। कई जगह मुस्लिमों को जबरदस्ती ‘जय श्री राम’ के नारे लगवाए गए। यह नफरत बच्चों तक भी पहुंच चुकी है।
बांका की घटनाएं: नफरत की तस्वीर
हाल ही में बिहार के बांका जिले में दो घटनाएं सामने आईं, जो इस्लामोफोबिया (Islamophobia) की ओर इशारा करती हैं। पहली घटना 24 जनवरी 2024 की है। चार लड़कों ने मदरसे के मासूम बच्चों (10-12 साल) से जबरन ‘जय श्री राम’ के नारे लगवाए और उन्हें मारा-पीटा।
हालांकि, पुलिस ने फौरन कार्रवाई करते हुए चारों आरोपियों को गिरफ्तार कर लिया। इस घटना में एसईआरएफ (SERF) और कुछ अन्य संगठनों ने दबाव बनाया, जिसके चलते यह कार्रवाई मुमकिन हो पाई। लेकिन यह कहना गलत नहीं होगा कि ऐसी फौरन कार्रवाई देश के दूसरे हिस्सों में बहुत कम देखने को मिलती है।
दूसरी घटना बांका के रजौन प्रखंड में हुई। इंडियन बैंक के मैनेजर ने बुर्का पहनी एक मुस्लिम महिला को आतंकवादी कह दिया। यह घटना महिला के पति के सामने हुई, जिससे यह साफ होता है कि इस्लामोफोबिया समाज में कितना गहरा असर कर चुका है।
मदरसों और मस्जिदों को निशाना बनाने की साजिश
मुस्लिम समुदाय को निशाना बनाने की घटनाएं बढ़ रही हैं। 2014 के बाद मदरसों और मस्जिदों पर हमले तेज हुए हैं। कुछ लोग मदरसों को आतंकवाद से जोड़ने की कोशिश करते हैं, लेकिन यह सिर्फ एक नफरती नैरेटिव है। इंदिरा गांधी के दौर में भी मदरसों की जांच हुई थी, लेकिन किसी तरह का सबूत नहीं मिला।
दरअसल, यह सिर्फ मुसलमानों को दोयम दर्जे का नागरिक (second-class citizen) बनाने की साजिश का हिस्सा है। सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता हर्ष मंदर और कई सुप्रीम कोर्ट के वकील इस पर चिंता जाहिर कर चुके हैं।
अल्पसंख्यकों के खिलाफ बढ़ती नफरत
2014 के बाद, मस्जिदों और मदरसों के अलावा मुस्लिम समाज की पहचान से जुड़े प्रतीकों पर भी हमले बढ़े हैं। मॉब लिंचिंग के अलावा, कई राज्यों में मुस्लिमों से जबरदस्ती नारे लगवाए गए और उनकी धार्मिक स्वतंत्रता पर सवाल उठाए गए।
यह सब संविधान की उस मूल सोच के खिलाफ है, जो हर नागरिक को समान अधिकार और इज्जत देने की बात करती है।
गणतंत्र के असल मायने
हम आज 76वां गणतंत्र दिवस मना रहे हैं। लेकिन यह सिर्फ एक तहरीक नहीं, बल्कि जिम्मेदारी भी है कि संविधान के उसूलों को बचाया जाए। गणतंत्र का मतलब सिर्फ झंडा फहराना नहीं है, बल्कि हर नागरिक को बराबरी का हक और इज्जत देना है।
अगर हम संविधान की इस बुनियाद को कमजोर होने देंगे, तो हमारा गणतंत्र सिर्फ नाम का रह जाएगा। हमें मिलकर यह यकीन दिलाना होगा कि हर मजहब और तबके को बराबरी का दर्जा मिले, क्योंकि यही असली गणतंत्र है।
(लेखक अफ्फान नोमानी लेक्चरर और स्तंभकार हैं और एसईआरएफ इंडिया से जुड़े हैं।)
গত নভেম্বরে মুর্শিদাবাদ জেলার বেলডাঙায় জগদ্ধাত্রীপুজোর সময়ে এক প্যান্ডেলের ইলেকট্রনিক ডিসপ্লেতে কিছু মুসলমানবিদ্বেষী কথাবার্তা লেখা হওয়া থেকে সাম্প্রদায়িক উত্তেজনা ছড়ায়। মুসলমান সম্প্রদায়ের অনেকে ওই বার্তা উত্তেজিত হয়ে পড়েন, ফলে হিন্দু-মুসলমান সংঘর্ষ হয়। দুপক্ষ থেকেই ঢিল ছোড়াছুড়ি হয় বলে জানা গেছে, যার ফলে ভাংচুর এবং আহত হওয়ার ঘটনা ঘটে। বহু মানুষ আহত হন। জেলা প্রশাসনকে পরিস্থিতি নিয়ন্ত্রণে আনতে কঠোর নিষেধাজ্ঞা জারি করতে হয় এবং ইন্টারনেট পরিষেবা বন্ধ রাখতে হয়।
অথচ পশ্চিমবঙ্গের মূলধারার সংবাদমাধ্যমে এই ঘটনাবলীর যে প্রতিবেদনগুলো প্রকাশিত হয়েছিল, তাতে আইনশৃঙ্খলার অবনতির উপরেই জোর দেওয়া হয়। যে মুসলমানবিদ্বেষী বার্তা প্ররোচনা হিসাবে কাজ করেছিল তার উপর নয়। এমনিতেও দেখা যায়, যেসব ঘটনায় অভিযুক্ত মুসলমান, সেখানে সংবাদমাধ্যম ওই ব্যক্তির ধর্মীয় পরিচয়ের উপর জোর দেয়। প্রায়শই দেখা যায় শিরোনামে তার মুসলমান পরিচয়ে জোর দেওয়া হচ্ছে, যদি তা ওই মামলায় প্রাসঙ্গিক না-ও হয়। এই ধরনের ভাষ্য বাঙালি মুসলমান মানেই ‘জন্ম থেকে অপরাধী’ বা ‘সমাজবিরোধী’ – এই বাঁধাধরা ভাবনাকে স্বীকৃতি দেয়। যেমন মালদা, মুর্শিদাবাদের মত সীমান্তবর্তী জেলায় সাধারণ চুরির ঘটনাকেও ‘বাংলাদেশি মুসলমান’-দের করা ‘সংগঠিত অপরাধ’ হিসাবে দেখানো হয়। তাতে সীমান্তের ওপারের সঙ্গে কোনো যোগাযোগ বা সাম্প্রদায়িক উদ্দেশ্যের প্রমাণ পাওয়া যাক আর না-ই যাক।
সাম্প্রদায়িক হিংসার ক্ষেত্রে আবার প্রায়শই দেখা যায়, একদিকে সংবাদমাধ্যম হিংসার শিকার হিন্দুদের ধর্মীয় পরিচয়ের উপর জোর দেয়, অন্যদিকে মুসলমানদের উপর আক্রমণের ঘটনাকে কম গুরুত্ব দেয় বা অগ্রাহ্য করে। ঘটনাবলীকে এইভাবে তুলে ধরার প্রবণতায় হিংসার কারণ থেকে মানুষের নজর সরে যায় আর বাঙালি মুসলমান সমাজকে হিন্দু নাগরিকদের চোখে দানবিক করে তোলে। ফলে তাঁরা সমাজে আরও বেশি করে প্রান্তিক হয়ে পড়েন। তাত্ত্বিকভাবে বলতে গেলে, এসব হল বর্ণবিদ্বেষী বাঁধাধরা ভাবনা তৈরি করার যে নির্দিষ্ট ভাষ্য আছে তার উদাহরণ। এতে সূক্ষ্মভাবে একপেশে চিন্তাভাবনা নির্মাণ করা হয়। একে পণ্ডিতরা বলেন জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ (epistemic Islamophobia)। এ জিনিস সংখ্যাগুরু সম্প্রদায়ের থেকে মুসলমান সমাজকে কেবল বিচ্ছিন্ন করছে না, বাংলার বহুত্ববাদী সামাজিক গঠনেরও বারোটা বাজাচ্ছে।
জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ কী?
জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ বলতে বোঝানো হয় এমন এক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষকে যা ইসলামিয় বিশ্বাস সম্পর্কে, মুসলমানদের সম্পর্কে এবং তাঁদের সাংস্কৃতিক পরিচয় সম্পর্কে সমাজে বিকৃত বা ভুল ধারণাকে লালন করে। উত্তর-ঔপনিবেশিক গবেষণার পণ্ডিত র্যামন গ্রসফগুয়েল এই কথাটার উদ্গাতা। তিনি এই শব্দবন্ধ ব্যবহার করেছেন ইসলাম সম্পর্কে এমন শত্রুভাবাপন্ন মানসিকতাকে বোঝাতে যা সাধারণ কুসংস্কার বা বৈষম্যকেও ছাড়িয়ে যায়। আলিয়া আল-সাজি, তারিক মওদুদ, জিয়াউদ্দিন সর্দার, নাভেদ বাকালি, সামি জুবেইদা আর খালেদ আবু এল ফাদল ইসলাম ধর্ম ও মুসলমানদের বিরুদ্ধে যেসব পক্ষপাত ও ভ্রান্ত ধারণা আছে সেগুলোর কাটাছেঁড়া করে দেখিয়ে জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ ব্যাপারটাকে বোঝানোর ক্ষেত্রে উল্লেখযোগ্য অবদান রেখেছেন। পাশ্চাত্য জ্ঞানতত্ত্ব, উত্তর-উপনিবেশবাদ এবং বৈষম্যবিরোধী ভাবনায় জারিত তাঁদের কাজ মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ দূর করার প্রয়াসে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ মাইলফলক।
জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ কেবল বর্ণনা বা অভিব্যক্তির মাধ্যমে ইসলাম ধর্ম ও মুসলমানদের বিরুদ্ধে নেতিবাচক ধারণা তৈরি করে না। বরং শিক্ষাক্ষেত্র, সংবাদমাধ্যম, সাহিত্য, ইতিহাস এবং সমাজে আধিপত্যকারী সাংস্কৃতিক দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি থেকে তৈরি হওয়া সাংস্কৃতিক পক্ষপাত থেকেই এই ধরনের মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ জন্ম নেয়। এই ধরনের মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ দীর্ঘকাল ধরে বাঁধাধরা ভাবনাগুলোকে গড়ে তোলে। এতে মুসলমানদের ন্যায়নীতিবোধহীন, অশিক্ষিত, অসভ্য অথবা সমাজের পক্ষে বিপজ্জনক বলে চিত্রিত করা হয়। ফলে মুসলমানদের ধর্ম, সংস্কৃতি এবং সামাজিক পরিচয় সম্পর্কে ভুল অথবা পক্ষপাতদুষ্ট ভাবনার জন্ম হয়। ফলে মুসলমানদের প্রতি বৈষম্য, অবজ্ঞা, এমনকি নিপীড়নেরও যুক্তি তৈরি হয়ে যায়।
যদিও এটাকে পশ্চিমি বয়ান বলে ধরা হয়, এই বয়ান আমাদের এখানেও সমানভাবে প্রযোজ্য। যেমন পশ্চিমবঙ্গের ভিত রয়েছে ঔপনিবেশিক ইতিহাসে এবং উনবিংশ শতকের বাংলার নবজাগরণের সময়কার ধর্মীয় সংস্কার আন্দোলনে। তার প্রভাব আজও বিদ্যমান। জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ পশ্চিমবঙ্গের সমাজে নানা চেহারায় দেখা যায়। স্কুল, কলেজ, বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে পাঠ্যবইগুলো প্রায়শই মুসলমানদের ইতিহাস, সংস্কৃতি এবং অবদানকে অগ্রাহ্য করে বা বিকৃত করে। বাংলার ইতিহাসে মুসলমানদের ভূমিকাকে পক্ষপাত এবং নেতিবাচক ভাবনার বশবর্তী হয়ে চিত্রিত করা হয়।
শিক্ষাক্ষেত্রে ও জনপ্রিয় সংস্কৃতিতে ভ্রান্ত চিত্রায়ন
বাংলার মিডিয়া এবং সিনেমা প্রায়শই মুসলমানদের হিংসা, সন্ত্রাসবাদ বা রাজনৈতিক অস্থিরতার সঙ্গে যুক্ত করে দেখায়। ফলে তাঁদের সামাজিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক ভূমিকা সম্পর্কে ভ্রান্ত ধারণাকে প্রশ্রয় দেওয়া হয়। সাম্প্রতিককালে দেখা গেছে, রাজনৈতিক ভাষণ এবং মিছিলে বেশিরভাগ ক্ষেত্রে মুসলমান সমাজকে বিশ্বাসঘাতক বা বিদেশি বলে চিত্রিত করা হয়। ইসলাম আর ‘আভ্যন্তরীণ সংঘাত’ বা ‘অপরাধ’ যেন সমার্থক। এর ফলে সমাজে মুসলমানদের প্রতি শত্রুতার মনোভাব লালিত হয়। এই ধরনের রাজনৈতিক বয়ান সমাজে মুসলমানদের অবমূল্যায়ন ঘটায়।
মসজিদ, মাদ্রাসা বা অন্যান্য ইসলামিয় প্রতিষ্ঠানকে সন্দেহের চোখে দেখা হয় এবং দুর্বল বা সাংস্কৃতিকভাবে সংঘাতমূলক তকমা দিয়ে দেওয়া হয়। ইসলামিয় শিক্ষা বা ভাবনাচিন্তাকে পাশ্চাত্য মানদণ্ডে ‘সেকেলে’ বা ‘অজ্ঞানতাপ্রসূত’ বলে তাচ্ছিল্য করা হয়। পাশ্চাত্য থেকে আমদানি হওয়া এই ভাষ্য আমাদের সমাজে প্রাতিষ্ঠানিক চেহারা নিয়ে ফেলেছে, ফলে বাঙালি মুসলমানদের জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক অবদানগুলোকে অগ্রাহ্য করা হয়।
অর্থনৈতিক ফারাক এবং সামাজিক বিচ্ছিন্নতা
মুসলমান সমাজ বারবার অর্থনৈতিক প্রান্তিকতার সম্মুখীন হয়। হিন্দু আর মুসলমানদের মধ্যে শিক্ষা, স্বাস্থ্য, কর্মসংস্থান এবং অন্যান্য সুযোগসুবিধা পাওয়ার ব্যাপারে বিস্তর ফারাক আছে। এই অসাম্যের শিকড় রয়েছে এমন এক জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক কাঠামোয়, যা মুসলমানদের জ্ঞান ও সাংস্কৃতিক অবদানকে প্রাপ্য গুরুত্ব দেয় না, ফলে মূলধারায় তাদের অন্তর্ভুক্তি বাধা পায়। উপরন্তু মুসলমানদের ধর্মীয় আচার, পোশাকআশাক, খাদ্যাভ্যাস এবং জীবনযাত্রা সম্পর্কে অজ্ঞানতা আর তাচ্ছিল্য বজায় থাকে। যেমন যিনি দৃশ্যতই মুসলমান, তাঁকে অনেকসময় হাসিঠাট্টা বা কটূক্তি সহ্য করতে হয়। তাঁর সাংস্কৃতিক অভ্যাসগুলোকে বোঝার কোনো চেষ্টাই করা হয় না।
বাংলার বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় ও সাংস্কৃতিক বৃত্তে মুসলমানদের প্রতিনিধিত্ব বেশ কম। মুসলমান চিন্তক, সাংস্কৃতিক কর্মী বা বুদ্ধিজীবীরা সাধারণত মূলধারায় নিজেদের প্রভাব ফেলতে ব্যর্থ হন, ফলে তাঁদের শৈল্পিক ও বৌদ্ধিক অবদান একপাশে পড়ে থাকে। সোশাল মিডিয়া, ব্লগ এবং অনলাইন প্ল্যাটফর্মগুলোতে মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ এখন অত্যন্ত স্পষ্ট। এমন সব নেতিবাচক মন্তব্য, ভুয়ো খবর ও ঘৃণাভাষণ ছড়ানো হয় যা মুসলমানদের সম্পর্কে ভুল ধারণা এবং অবিশ্বাস বাড়িয়ে তোলে।
বাঙালি মুসলমানদের ইতিহাস ও সংস্কৃতি বৈচিত্র্যময় এবং বহুমুখী। তাঁরা ভারতীয় উপমহাদেশের অবিচ্ছেদ্য অঙ্গ। কিন্তু সমাজের এক বড় অংশ তাঁদের বিকৃত এবং পক্ষপাতদুষ্ট চোখ দিয়ে দেখে। বাঙালি মুসলমানদের ঐতিহ্য, ভাষা এবং ধর্ম অতি সামান্য শ্রদ্ধা ও স্বীকৃতি পেয়ে থাকে। বাংলার বহু মুসলমান পরিবার আজও ধর্মীয় পরিচয়ের কারণে নানারকম সামাজিক ও অর্থনৈতিক চ্যালেঞ্জের মুখোমুখি হয়। ইসলাম ধর্ম সম্পর্কে ভ্রান্ত ধারণা, এই ধর্মের ভাষার প্রতি তাচ্ছিল্য এবং ইসলামিয় সংস্কৃতি সম্পর্কে অজ্ঞানতা এক ধরনের জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ তৈরি করে।
এসবের ফলে বাঙালি মুসলমানরা অনবরত অপমান, বৈষম্য এবং সামাজিক বিচ্ছিন্নতার সম্মুখীন হন। তাঁদের পেশাগত উন্নতি, শিক্ষা এবং সামাজিক গ্রহণযোগ্যতার পথে বাধা হয়ে দাঁড়ায় তাঁদের ধর্মীয় পরিচয়। তাঁরা সামাজিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক ক্ষেত্রেও অবহেলিত হন। বিশেষ করে মুসলমান মহিলারা অনেক বেশি চ্যালেঞ্জের মুখোমুখি হন, কারণ তাঁরা সমালোচনা আর আভ্যন্তরীণ নিপীড়ন – দুয়েরই শিকার।
জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষের মোকাবিলা করতে গেলে জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক বহুত্ববাদ প্রতিষ্ঠা করতে হবে। এই দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি বিভিন্ন জাতি, ধর্ম ও সংস্কৃতির জ্ঞান ও বিশ্বাসকে সমানভাবে বিচার করে। ন্যায় ও সাম্যকে লালন করতে হলে সমাজে এক ধরনের নতুন চেতনার চাষ করতে হবে আভ্যন্তরীণ পক্ষপাত, নিপীড়ন ও ভ্রান্ত ধারণাগুলোর মুখোমুখি দাঁড়িয়ে।
বৈষম্যহীন সমাজ গড়ে তোলা
জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ দূর করতে হলে এবং বাঙালি মুসলমানদের সমান সম্মান ও অধিকার দিতে হলে আমাদের প্রথমেই সমাজে বহুত্ববাদী দৃষ্টিভঙ্গির প্রচার করতে হবে। এর প্রথম ধাপ হল বিভিন্ন ধর্ম, সংস্কৃতি, জাতি ও সমাজের প্রতি শ্রদ্ধাজ্ঞাপন। এর জন্যে শিক্ষাপ্রতিষ্ঠান, সংবাদমাধ্যম এবং সাংস্কৃতিক সংগঠনগুলোর মধ্যে সক্রিয়তা দরকার। শিক্ষায় মুসলমান সমাজের ইতিবাচক চিত্রায়ন এবং তাঁদের উত্তরাধিকার, সংস্কৃতি ও ভাষার যথাযথ প্রতিনিধিত্বও প্রয়োজন। বাঙালি মুসলমানদের ইতিহাস সম্পর্কে সঠিক তথ্য, বিশেষত সাহিত্য, শিল্প এবং বিজ্ঞানে তাঁদের অবদান তুলে ধরা দরকার।
বিভিন্ন ধর্মীয় সম্প্রদায়ের মধ্যে পারস্পরিক শ্রদ্ধার বাতাবরণ গড়ে তোলার যেমন অপরিহার্য, একইরকম জরুরি মুসলমানদের মধ্যে তাঁদের উত্তরাধিকার, সংস্কৃতি ও বাংলা ভাষা সম্পর্কে আত্মবিশ্বাস তৈরি করা। জ্ঞানতাত্ত্বিক মুসলমানবিদ্বেষ সামলানোর জন্যে সমাজকে মুক্ত, অন্তর্ভুক্তিমূলক ও বহুত্ববাদী দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি অবলম্বন করতে হবে। মিডিয়ার মুসলমানদের প্রতি নেতিবাচক মনোভাবকে নিরুৎসাহ করাও জরুরি।
পশ্চিমবঙ্গে বাঙালি মুসলমানদের জন্যে একটা মানবিক, বৈষম্যহীন সমাজ গড়ে তুলতে যৌথ সচেতনতা এবং সব ধরনের বৈষম্য ও মুসলমানবিদ্বেষের বিরুদ্ধে কার্যকলাপ অপরিহার্য। পারস্পরিক শ্রদ্ধা ও বোঝাপড়ার চেষ্টা করে আমরা এমন একটা বহুত্ববাদী সমাজ গড়ে তুলতে পারি, যেখানে সব ধর্মের এবং সম্প্রদায়ের মানুষ সমান সম্মান ও অধিকার নিয়ে বাঁচতে পারেন।
Kolkata: A baby girl of only twelve months old, Asmika, whose name means beauty, has recently gone viral as a crowdfunding movement is underway for her treatment.
Asmika Das was born in the district of Nadia, West Bengal, on January 9, 2024, at Ranaghat’s Swami Vivekananda Sarani. Her parents, Lakshmi and Shuvankar Das, were married in 2022. Asmika’s birth brought immense joy to the family. However, when Asmika was four months old, her parents noticed that she did not move like other children her age. Alarmed, they sought medical advice, traveling from their district to the state capital, Kolkata, and even to Southern India. After undergoing several tests, she was diagnosed with Spinal Muscular Atrophy (SMA) Type-1, a rare and severe genetic disorder.
The High Cost of Hope: Zolgensma and Crowdfunding Challenges
All the excitement turned into despair. Asmika suffers from SMA Type-1, the most severe form of the disease, which manifests in infancy with symptoms such as muscle weakness, poor muscle tone, and difficulty breathing and swallowing. Without early treatment, it often leads to life-threatening respiratory complications. SMA is a rare genetic condition that affects motor neurons—nerve cells that control voluntary muscle movements.
Gene replacement therapy is the only viable treatment to save Asmika. A single dose of Zolgensma, a one-time-only gene therapy for children under two years of age with SMA, costs $2.1 million, making it the world’s most expensive drug. Manufactured by Novartis, Zolgensma is not available in India and must be imported from abroad, taking nearly 20 days to reach India after an order is placed.
For Asmika’s lower-middle-class family, raising such a massive amount is impossible. While some government assistance is available, it is insufficient. Crowdfunding has become their only hope, but it is a time-consuming and arduous process.
Two years ago, on January 7, 2023, another child, Nirvaan, the son of Sarang Menon and Adithi, was diagnosed with SMA Type-2. The family, originally from Kerala but settled in Mumbai, also required a similar amount for treatment. They launched campaigns on crowdfunding platforms Milap and ImpactGuru. Fortunately, an anonymous donor contributed ₹11 crores to their Milap account. However, in Asmika’s case, raising such funds seems far more challenging.
Rare Diseases in India: Policy Gaps and High Stakes
Rare diseases are health conditions with low prevalence, affecting a small portion of the population compared to more common illnesses. Globally, an estimated 6,000 to 8,000 rare diseases exist, with approximately 80% of patients affected by only 350 of these. Rare diseases are lifelong conditions, and around 95% of them have no approved treatments. Where treatments are available, they are often prohibitively expensive.
To address this, the Ministry of Health & Family Welfare (GOI) launched the National Policy for Rare Diseases (NPRD) in March 2021. The policy classifies rare diseases into three groups:
1. Group 1: Treatable through one-time curative treatments.
2. Group 2: Requiring long-term treatment at a relatively lower cost.
3. Group 3: Having definitive treatment options that are prohibitively expensive and require lifelong therapy.
The policy includes 63 rare diseases, such as Lysosomal Storage Disorders, Fanconi Anemia, and Gaucher Disease. Under the NPRD, the government has promised up to ₹50 lakhs per patient for treatment at designated Centers of Excellence (CoEs) for rare diseases. There are 12 such CoEs across India, including AIIMS New Delhi, PGIMER Chandigarh, and IPGMER Kolkata.
Despite these measures, gaps remain. According to a study in the Jindal Journal of Public Policy, authored by Dhruvnil Jakasaniya and Rutu Tekwani, the NPRD falls short in making treatments accessible and affordable. Issues include inadequate data, poor communication frameworks among stakeholders, and insufficient incentives for domestic drug manufacturers to invest in research and development.
Moreover, the government’s promise of digital pooled funds is not yet fully operational. Experts suggest utilizing corporate sector CSR funds and public-private partnerships to enhance funding and strengthen CoEs.
Asmika’s case is a grim reminder of these gaps. If the Zolgensma injection is not administered before she turns 15 months old, her chances of survival will diminish significantly. In May 2023, Delhi High Court Justice Prathiba M. Singh emphasized the need for urgent coordination between the medical community, therapy providers, and government agencies.
A public health expert, speaking anonymously, stated: “The government needs to move from sympathy to empathy for rare disease patients. They must reach out to potential donors, such as PSUs with large CSR funds, and implement a more strategic approach to support these families.”
Unfortunately, many healthcare professionals, activists, and foundations remain reluctant to comment publicly on this issue. Despite its critical importance, rare diseases continue to be a largely neglected area in India’s healthcare system.
In November 2024, India Today reported that one baby boy Din Muhammed managed to get Rs 16 crore through crowdfunding and was successfully administered the life-saving drug.
Kolkata: How Muslims were included in West Bengal’s OBC list has been a contentious question troubling many, including the Indian judiciary. With the Supreme Court all set to hear the case on January 28, the bigger question that needs to be asked is: did these communities need the OBC reservation? And if they do need the reservations, then why call it appeasement?
The High Court’s Verdict and Its Fallout
The Calcutta High Court’s order on May 22, during the 2024 General Elections, highlighted the commission’s “undue haste” in recommending the classification of 77 classes to fulfill the then Chief Minister’s public announcement. It also noted that classifying the majority of the 77 groups, who were Muslims, as backward is “an affront to the Muslim community as a whole,” making it appear that the “community has been treated as a commodity for political ends.”
In response to the verdict, the Molla and Mondal communities have filed respective intervention applications seeking permission to make submissions before the court, as the Calcutta High Court had not heard from the denotified groups before canceling their OBC status.
Social activist Md Pasarul Alam, who is also one of the applicants seeking submission, told eNewsroom, “The High Court’s May 23, 2024, judgment on OBC reservation in Bengal has sparked controversy and criticism. As a result, there is a possibility of damage to the backward Muslim society.”
A Decade-Long Struggle for Muslim Representation
According to experts, the OBC certificates for the denotified communities were issued using a procedure prescribed by Buddhadev Bhattacharya’s Left Front regime.
Explaining the woes of the backward Muslims in Bengal, Professor SAH Moinuddin, head of the Department of Sociology at Vidyasagar University, said, “OBC reservations were implemented across India immediately after the Mandal Commission report in 1980, and a survey was conducted by the National Sample Survey Organisation. However, till 2010, the Left Front refused to accept that Bengal had a sizable population belonging to the backward class. After seeing how other states were benefiting from the reservation, the Left Front government implemented its reservation policy for Muslims in Bengal.”
Sabir Ahamed, National Research Coordinator at the Pratichi Institute and founder of the ‘Know Your Neighbour’ initiative at the Sabar Institute, added, “A large section of Muslims in Bengal falls in the backward community, and it has nothing to do with religion but their socio-economic condition.”
A Muslim academic, who didn’t wish to be named, expressed frustration with the OBC reservation controversy, saying, “The 77 communities that have been denotified by the HC verdict are the real sufferers. Post-verdict, students from these communities face difficulties gaining admission to colleges and universities.”
The Present Government’s Role in Muslim OBC Marginalization
The Bengal government not announcing any vacancies under the OBC category has made Bengali Muslim intellectuals fearful. “Whatever progress Bengali Muslims from the remote villages of the state have made in these few years will go down the drain if these 77 communities are brought under the ambit of the general category,” said Saifulla, professor of Bengali at Aliah University.
Annoyed with the present Trinamool government, he said, “What are the benchmarks for getting included in the OBC list? Why weren’t the documents produced by the state before the high court? Why was it left for the Court to state that ‘religion’ was the basis of these reservations?”
Echoing a similar sentiment, Ahamed said, “We won’t deny the fact that there has been an improvement in Muslim representation in colleges, universities, and government jobs. But still, more needs to be done to improve the socio-economic condition of Muslims in Bengal.”
According to some RTI queries filed by Ahamed, the maximum number of recruitments in the years 2019 and 2020 has been for the post of constable in West Bengal Police. In 2019, around 8,419 candidates were selected for the declared vacancies, of which 11.08 percent were from OBC A and 5.6 percent from OBC B categories. SC and ST had a representation of 22.04 percent and 6.39 percent, respectively.
In 2020, for the same category, 8,624 candidates were selected, with OBC A and B representation at 10.74 percent and 7.5 percent, respectively.
Data provided for various job categories created by the Bengal government reveal that despite the rise in Muslim representation, there still lies ample scope to boost their number in various categories of government jobs.
Misconceptions About OBC Reservations and Muslim Inclusion
“Across India, OBCs are granted 27 percent reservation, and in some places, this figure is even higher. However, Bengal still limits OBC reservations to 17 percent, and no one has raised concerns about the community being deprived of 10 percent of government jobs,” said Alam.
Right after the implementation of the Mandal Commission, OBC reservation was introduced across the country, except in Bengal. Incidentally, while 27 percent reservation was introduced nationwide, Bengal offered only 7 percent to OBCs. “This 7 percent reservation was given to OBCs who were Hindu. However, belief in Hinduism was never the criterion for inclusion in the OBC category. OBCs are listed under special communities. Similarly, those who claim Muslims are listed as OBCs due to religion are incorrect. The truth is that all backward communities among Muslims are listed as OBCs,” he explained.
Subsequently, in 2010, Buddhadev’s government introduced 10 percent reservation for Category A and 7 percent for Category B among OBCs. However, this sub-categorisation was propagated as if only Muslims were considered under OBC.
“The Muslims listed in these OBC sub-categories indeed follow Islam, but that doesn’t mean their inclusion is some form of appeasement. Their inclusion is not due to their religious affiliation but because of their social, political, and economic deprivation and under-representation,” said Prof. Moinuddin.
According to the Sachar Committee report, people from minority communities represent just 2 percent of government jobs in West Bengal.
However, many accepted that there might have been procedural errors on the government’s part, which can certainly be rectified.
The Bengali Muslims (OBCs), however, have been left all by themselves. Following the May 2024 judgment, the castes listed as OBCs after 2010 were declared void. Candidates from these castes are no longer being issued fresh OBC certificates.
Admissions for such candidates in central schools, colleges, and universities have also stopped.
Interestingly, Saifulla points out that these OBC certificates without the non-creamy layer certificate issued by the SDO are of no use. He also noted that since the HC judgment, most job vacancies listed by the state government no longer include the OBC category. For instance, a recently announced vacancy for a librarian post listed on the College Service Commission’s website had all categories listed except for OBC. He maintained that if this case doesn’t get a judgment soon, many from the community will be deprived of a chance to uplift themselves socio-economically.
So, does that mean Muslim OBCs are hopeful of the ruling coming in their favor? “We have faith in the apex court,” said Alam. And what about the certification, being labeled as ‘appeasement politics’?
“Well, if they are poor, then why not? I also fail to understand why the inclusion of these 77 communities is seen as appeasement. Hindu OBCs were included long before the government began thinking about Muslim representation in various sectors, particularly following the Sachar Committee Report,” summed up visual artist Subhajit Naskar.
Kolkata: Since the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024 was tabled in Parliament, West Bengal, particularly Kolkata, has witnessed several protests and public meetings. Bengal has the third-largest number of Waqf properties. However, when the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) decided to meet with stakeholders, it allocated only one minute per speaker, leaving participants dissatisfied with the process. Additionally, the meeting saw participation not just from Bengal but also from Jharkhand, where the JPC did not conduct any tours.
The JPC team had only half of its 30 members present. Notable attendees included Chairman Jagdambika Pal, Asaduddin Owaisi, A Raja, Nadimul Haque, Kalyan Banerjee, Imran Masood, Sayed Nasir Hussain, Mohibullah, and Mohammad Jawed. However, several members, including Nishikant Dubey, Gourav Gogoi, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Tejasvi Surya, and Abhijit Gangopadhyay (the judge-turned-politician from Kolkata), were absent, despite the significance of the issue.
The Waqf Act of 1995 has seen several proposed amendments in the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024, making it one of the most extensive changes to any law in recent times.
Two States Covered in Less Than a Day
“In today’s meeting, at least 20 different organizations met the JPC team. Each delegation consisted of 5 to 15 members, but all meetings were wrapped up within 10 to 15 minutes. In most cases, only three people from a group were allowed to speak,” said Mohammed Asif Ali, a chartered accountant and researcher who attended the meeting.
There were around 300 participants from Bengal and Jharkhand, mostly from Bengal. The attendees included social activists, Islamic preachers, and women participants, some of whom had traveled from Jharkhand and Bihar to attend the meeting.
Women were present in significant numbers. “We outrightly rejected the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024,” said Uzma Alam, who led the women’s delegation.
JPC Faced Tough Questions
Although the JPC team prohibited recordings of the speakers’ comments and requested participants not to disclose details to the media, many groups highlighted that the proposed amendments to the bill are unconstitutional and aim to obstruct one of the best humanitarian practices.
The speakers included educationist and Umeed Global School founder Wali Rahmani, Mufti Shamail Nadwi, Dr. Sarfaraz Adil, Sabir Ahamed, Sarfaraz Ahmed Khan, Manzar Jameel, Rafay Siddiqui, Md Asif, Sheikh Khurshid Alam, Uzma Alam and Prosenjit Bose. All of them stated that their groups categorically rejected the bill.
Fahad Wali Rahmani of Rahmani30 was also present, assisting participants from Jharkhand in presenting their concerns to the JPC.
“We voiced our rejection of the bill and questioned why the JPC did not visit Jharkhand. Are the people of Jharkhand not stakeholders in this matter?” asked a speaker from Jharkhand.
The JPC is going to have a clause-by-clause discussion on January 24 and 25. And most probably it will submit its reports during the budget session of the parliament.
