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आदिवासी समाज के आंखों का खुलना ज़रूरी है

Jacinta Kerketta
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आदिवासी समाज के आंखों का खुलना ज़रूरी है

[dropcap]य[/dropcap]ह दो संस्कृतियों की लंबी लड़ाई है। एक संस्कृति जो पूरे इतिहास में मानवता के खिला़फ रही है, प्रकृति के खिला़फ रही है, आदिवासियों का संघर्ष उसी संस्कृति से है। मौजूदा CAA-NRC-NPR के संघर्ष के दौरान भी संस्कृतियों का यह संघर्ष काम कर रहा है। इस दौरान देखना चाहिए कि आदमी जब कपड़ों से ही पहचाना जा रहा है तब शेष मनुष्य जो कपड़े पहनते हैं, क्या उनके कपड़ों की भी पहचान नहीं की जाएगी? इस पूरे संघर्ष में आदिवासियों को बाकियों के साथ खड़े होने से अलग रखने की कोशिश होती रही। और दूसरी ओर यह भी घोषणा कर दी गई कि वे हिन्दू हैं। इसलिए उन्हें सवाल नहीं करना चाहिए। ये कानून उनके हित में हैं। और पूरे संघर्ष को हिन्दू-मुस्लिम संघर्ष में बदल दिया गया।

सवाल तो यह उठता है कि आदिवासी हिन्दू कैसे हैं? इसे सिर्फ़ भारत ही नहीं पूरी दुनिया के संदर्भ में समझना चाहिए।

इस देश में लगभग 12 करोड़ आदिवासी हैं। उन्हें आदिवासी कहे जाने, माने जाने और उनका हक उन्हें दिए जाने से उसी संस्कृति ने लगातार इंकार किया है, जो उन्हें अपना हिस्सा बताती है। और उसी संस्कृति के खिला़फ आदिवासी, अनवरत एक लड़ाई लड़ रहे हैं। वे ठीक वैसी ही लड़ाई लड़ रहे हैं, जैसी लड़ाई ब्राज़ील में अमेज़न के नेटिव आदिवासी लड़ रहे हैं। जैसे दुनिया के बाकी हिस्सों के आदिवासियों ने लड़ा है और आज भी लड़ रहे हैं।

भारत के आदिवासियों की संस्कृति दुनिया के बाकी देशों के आदिवासियों से क्यों मिलती हैं? अगर वे हिन्दू हैं तब दुनिया के बाकी देशों के आदिवासियों पर भी इस धर्म को अपना दावा ठोकना चाहिए। पर उनकी संस्कृति उन आदिवासियों की संस्कृति से मेल नहीं खाती। इसके उलट उन अमेरिकियों, उन आस्ट्रेलियाई और उन लोगों की संस्कृति से मेल खाती है जिन्होंने वहां के लाखों लोगों की हत्याएं की हैं, वहां के मूल लोगों की ज़मीन छीनी हैं, उनका धर्म बदल दिया है, नए तरीके से इतिहास लिख दिया है। और उनका यह प्रयास आज भी जारी है। एक संस्कृति जो जबरन अपना धर्म, अपनी जीवन शैली उनपर थोपना चाहती है, उसी संस्कृति के खिला़फ वे लड़ रहे हैं। उसी संस्कृति के खिला़फ भारत के आदिवासी भी लड़ रहे हैं।

प्रकृति से जुड़े आदिवासी जब भी लड़े हैं, चाहे वे दुनिया के किसी भी कोने में हों, किसी भी जंगल में हों, किसी भी पहाड़ पर हों, उन्होंने सबके हिस्से की हवा, पानी, धरती पर विविधता के बचे रहने की लड़ाई भी अनायास लड़ी है। वे धरती को जंगल की तरह देखना चाहते हैं, जहां हर फूल, हर पेड़, हर चीज़ अपनी अलग पहचान के साथ, प्रकृति की व्यापकता का हिस्सा बनी रहे। वे समुद्र सा समाज होना नहीं चाहते, जहां नदियों की पहचान ख़त्म हो जाती है, जहां सभ्यताएं जन्म नहीं ले पाती, जहां नदी, लोगों की प्यास बुझाने और उनको जीवन देने की ताक़त खो देती है।

अमेरिका, ऑस्ट्रेलिया और बाकी देशों की तथाकथित मुख्य धारा की संस्कृति का रक्तरंजित इतिहास लगभग चार सौ साल पुराना है इसलिए इतिहास ताज़ा है। उन्हें स्वीकारना पड़ता है कि उनका इतिहास मूल लोगों की हत्या से रक्त रंजीत है। इसलिए “लैंड एक्नॉलेजमेंट” जैसे पहल वहां मौजूद हैं। भारत में वही इतिहास ज्यादा पुराना है इसलिए पूरा इतिहास ही अपने हिसाब से रच दिया गया है। मूल संस्कृति से चीजें उठाकर शास्त्र गढ़ दिए गए हैं। लेकिन जिंदा इतिहास, जो शास्त्रों और किताबों के बाहर है, जो अभी भी सांस ले रहा है, वह उस सदी से इस सदी तक किताब से बाहर जीवित है। उसके सवाल आज भी जीवित हैं और लोग उन सवालों के साथ लड़ रहे हैं।

गौर करने वाली बात यह भी है कि तथाकथित सभ्य समाज की संस्कृति ने लोक जीवन की संस्कृतियों से देवी, देवता, कुछ अच्छी बातें चुराकर शास्त्र तो गढ़ लिए लेकिन उनकी मूल जीवन शैली लूटने की, बेईमानी की, दगाबाजी की कभी गई नहीं।

यह भी समझना चाहिए कि किसी एक धर्म की स्थापना का संघर्ष हमेशा मनुष्य और मानवता के खिला़फ ही रहा है क्योंकि धर्म, मनुष्य होने से रोकता है। वह मनुष्य होने का नाटक करना सिखाता है। इतिहास में संगठित धर्मों ने कपड़ों और पहचान के लिए मनुष्यों की हत्या की है। यह जब भी शुरू होगा, जिस भी देश में भी शुरू होगा, हर बार मनुष्यों की हत्या से ही शुरू होगा।

प्रकृति से जुड़े आदिवासी जब भी लड़े हैं, चाहे वे दुनिया के किसी भी कोने में हों, किसी भी जंगल में हों, किसी भी पहाड़ पर हों, उन्होंने सबके हिस्से की हवा, पानी, धरती पर विविधता के बचे रहने की लड़ाई भी अनायास लड़ी है। वे धरती को जंगल की तरह देखना चाहते हैं, जहां हर फूल, हर पेड़, हर चीज़ अपनी अलग पहचान के साथ, प्रकृति की व्यापकता का हिस्सा बनी रहे। वे समुद्र सा समाज होना नहीं चाहते, जहां नदियों की पहचान ख़त्म हो जाती है, जहां सभ्यताएं जन्म नहीं ले पाती, जहां नदी, लोगों की प्यास बुझाने और उनको जीवन देने की ताक़त खो देती है।

आज़ादी के बाद भी इस देश में आदिवासी इलाकों को विश्वविद्यालय के बदले पागलखाने मिले। उन्हें संग्रहालय दिए जाएंगे, बिरसा मुंडा की विशाल प्रतिमा दी जाएगी, विश्वविद्यालय नहीं दिए जाएंगे। विकास के नाम पर जहां भी उनकी आबादी उठाकर फेंक दी गई हैं, वे पुराने डिटेंशन सेंटर की तरह हैं। अब देश के कई आदिवासी हिस्सों में जब नए तरीके के डिटेंशन सेंटर की तैयारियां हो रहीं, तब CAA-NRC-NPR को लेकर आदिवासी इलाकों की आंखें खुल रही हैं। देर से ही सही, पर आपकी आंखों का खुलना जरूरी है…

Delhi mayhem pointed to the absence of ideo-political initiatives for unity among Hindu and Muslim toilers

Biswajit Roy
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Delhi mayhem pointed to the absence of ideo-political initiatives for unity among Hindu and Muslim toilers

Community Control-freak

Palestinian thinker Edward Said, the author of the seminal book, Orientalism has exposed the European colonial-era construct of the Orient or the East, the great historical Other of the West by flattening the former’s internal diversity and dynamism across time and space. He has also warned against the hegemony of social-political authorities in Eastern countries in homogenizing their communities by determining the meanings of religio-cultural markers as barriers between neighbors. In his later book, Notes from Exile, he has spoken against these native control-freaks including religious leaders who claim to be the spokesmen for their communities. Many of them fought against colonial modernity but with an eye to the past and often had played in the hands of colonial masters. Fatima Mernissi and many other Arab-Iranian feminists also had strongly contested the claims of the conservatives to speak for entire community, particularly, the women while insisting on lesser-known Islamic tradition of women’s role in public life.

Indian subcontinent is one of the worst examples where both Hindu and Muslim separatists and revivalists were instrumental in implementing the divide and rule policies of the Raj that finally led to the Partition. The legacy has direct bearing on our present predicaments.

 Secularism/ Multiculturism

In the European secular and Left discourses, debates between the exponents of French Republican idea of laïcité or strict segregation of state and public spheres from religious beliefs since the Revolution and the supporters of British/ American/Canadian multiculturalism were dominant in public sphere before the resurgence of the Islamophobic far right. The multiculturist milieu swings between assimilation and acculturation as the minority ethno-religious groups are expected to conform to majority culture in public life in the first process and retain its separate identity while adopting some aspects of the majority in the latter.

Secularism as a state policy of free but divided India was highly contested during the freedom struggle and somehow our forefathers had settled somewhere between Gandhian idea of the Sarva Dharma Sambhav and Nehruvian strict separation of the State and religions despite the clamor of Hindu supremacists inside and outside the Congress. But it was far from being a settled fact in our body polity and society. Short-term political opportunism of the Congress and regional parties which courted the socio-religious obscurantist forces has only undermined the secular principle.

Moreover, the internal as well as external geo-political dynamisms have allowed the resurgence of competitive communalisms and fundamentalisms across the three nation-states of the subcontinent and the larger south-east Asia. Hindu, Islamic and Buddhist majoritarians have got a huge shot in their arm by exploiting each other’s murderous campaigns in their countries. All these forces have been engaged in communal polarization by triggering riots, mass murders and forcible displacement aimed at long-term ethno-religious cleansing of the minorities in their respective countries in the name of Ram, Rahim and Buddha.

 Syncretism Vs separateness

Given this scenario, I will not go by the usual secular Vs religious binary but will try to find a solution depending upon our past syncretism traditions as well as present political imagination about reclaiming the legacies of the freedom struggle. The assertion of Muslim identity and its markers is an imperative to reclaim the constitutional rights of religious and other freedoms as well as equality before law and socio-political and economic justice as enshrined in the Preamble. But it should not be practiced as an act of exclusive separateness of Muslim League era or a dictate from the above but an integral part of our civilizational plurality.

Moreover, shared faith of Hindu-Muslim-Sikh-Isai, mainly at the subaltern level, must be harnessed as our cultural resources for the current struggle against divisive forces.

 Reclaiming Ram

Fundamentalists of all hues and self-appointed defenders of the faiths have detested this sub-continental treasure trove down the history. We have allowed it at our own peril. Considering the current context, we should no more allow Hindutva forces to monopolize the myths of Rama and Krishna et al. We should reclaim the earlier social greetings like ‘Ram Ram’ among others, that noted the rustic cordiality etc in contrast to the RSS war cry of ‘Jai Sri Ram’ that turned the plural versions of the godly King’s story into a tale of a revengeful warrior god.

Subversion of dominant versions of myths is an essential political strategy and tool for ideological battle as Rosa Luxemburg and latter-day Latin American Liberation theologists had argued over the meaning of Christ in their times. Even a similar strain was heard around Muhammad in Cairo slums during as late as first gulf war. Our homegrown Lefts must come out of their cocoons. Joint struggle on economic issues are crucial but the latest Delhi mayhem pointed to the absence of ideo-political moves for unity among Hindu and Muslim toilers.

Nilanjan Dutta, who was a co-panelist of Renna and Farzana at the festival had cited a powerful poetry from radical student leader and Telegu poet NK Rama Rao who is no more with us. The poetry was a riposte to the ABVP, the RSS student wing. The saffron brigade had raised the slogan—Lal Gulami Choro, Bolo Vande Mataram. Rao’s piece was titled—Lal Bono, Gulami Choro, Bolo Vande Mataram. As the current struggle has been reclaiming the spirit of freedom struggle pertaining to national anthem and national song as well as the national tricolor despite earlier controversies over them, let us dig up for more culturally inclusive but linguistically diverse idioms and symbols for inter-community affinities to fight against the fascists.

বৈপরীত্য এবং ভারসাম্য থাপ্পাডকে গভীরতা এবং আবেগের সারাংশ না হারিয়ে একটি সুনিপুণ শিল্প করে তোলে

ScribeShah
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বৈপরীত্য এবং ভারসাম্য থাপ্পাডকে গভীরতা এবং আবেগের সারাংশ না হারিয়ে একটি সুনিপুণ শিল্প করে তোলে

নেত্রা জয়সিং যখন একজন অল্পবয়সী পুরুষের সাথে গোপন সম্পর্কে লিপ্ত হন, তখন নৈতিকভাবে সমালোচকরা ভ্রু তুলেন। যদিও চরিত্রটি ধীরে ধীরে তার ক্রিয়াকলাপকে ন্যায্যতা দেয় এবং টমাস হার্ডির ট্র্যাজিক নায়িকার মতো দর্শককে বিশ্বাস করে, ইউস্টেসিয়া ভিয়ে যিনি বিশ্বস্ততার জন্য নয়, প্রেমের জন্য বিশ্বস্ততায় বিশ্বাস করেছিলেন।

আমাকে যখন জিজ্ঞেস করা হলো- থাপ্পড কেমন ছিল? আমি কেবল বলতে পারি যে এটি গভীর। এটি একজন মহিলাকে নাড়া দেয়, তাকে কাঁদায় এবং তাকে তার সিদ্ধান্ত পুনর্বিবেচনা করে। আমার পাশের বন্ধু আমার কানে ফিসফিস করে বলল, ‘আমার যখনই বিয়ে করার ইচ্ছে হবে আমি এই সিনেমাটা দেখব।’

থাপ্পড দেখে আমি আমার চারপাশে সমস্ত বয়সের এবং সমস্ত সামাজিক স্তরের মহিলাদের অস্বীকৃত ত্যাগের প্রতি প্রতিফলিত করেছি। নিখুঁত গৃহবধূ অমৃতার চরিত্রটি আকর্ষণীয়ভাবে বাস্তব। আধুনিক গৃহিণী নিজেই সংসার সামলাতে এবং তার স্বামীর বাবা-মায়ের যত্ন নেওয়ার জন্য আমাকে আমার চারপাশে প্রশ্নবিদ্ধ করে তোলে।

আধুনিক গৃহবধূর এই ইমেজ কে তৈরি করেছেন? একজন মার্কসবাদী নারীবাদী এটাকে তার অবৈতনিক কাজের জন্য নারীর প্রতি অর্থনৈতিক অবিচার হিসেবে দেখবেন, যা বাস্তবে অসত্য কারণ শ্রমের বিভাজন রয়েছে; পুরুষ রুটি উপার্জন করে এবং স্ত্রীকে তার গৃহশ্রমের জন্য রক্ষণাবেক্ষণ করে। উল্লেখ্য, আধুনিক গৃহিণীও একজন দাসীর আকৃতিতে মানানসই হতে পারে যার সাথে একজন মানুষের প্রাপ্য সম্মানের সাথে আচরণ করা হয় (একটি শালীন পরিবারে) এবং তাকে বাধ্যতামূলক দায়িত্ব পালন করা হয়। যে কথাটি করা হচ্ছে তা এই নয় যে একজন দাসী বা স্ত্রীর সাথে কীভাবে আচরণ করা উচিত তবে উভয়ের কর্তব্য কি একই? মহিলা এমন একটি সংকটে ভুগছেন যেখানে তিনি তার ব্যক্তিত্ব হারিয়ে ফেলেন, যেখানে তার স্বপ্নগুলি তার স্বামীর সাথে একত্রিত হয় এবং তার জীবনকে তার পুরুষের জন্য উৎসর্গ করে এবং প্রায়শই কোন অভিযোগ ছাড়াই পছন্দ করে।

আমি অনেক মহিলার সাথে দেখা করেছি যাদের জন্য একটি সুখী জীবনের ধারণাটি স্ত্রী এবং পুত্রবধূ হওয়া এবং সেই ভূমিকাটি নিখুঁত করা জড়িত। যদিও উগ্র নারীবাদীরা তর্ক করবে এবং এই দায়িত্ব থেকে মুক্তির উপর জোর দেবে যা কার্যত এবং এমনকি আদর্শভাবে ভারতীয় সমাজের জন্য অনুপযুক্ত। একজন নারী যেমন কন্যা বা বোন হওয়া বন্ধ করতে পারে না, তেমনি সে নিজেকে স্ত্রী বা মা হওয়া থেকে মুক্ত করতে পারে না। তবুও কি একজন মেয়েকে পূর্ণকালীন কন্যা হওয়ার জন্য তার ক্যারিয়ার ছেড়ে দিতে হবে?

থাপ্পাড যা করে তা চতুর, এটি চরিত্রগুলির ভারসাম্য বজায় রাখে। একদিকে যদি বিক্রমের মতো উচ্চাভিলাষী গরম মাথার মানুষ থাকে, অন্যদিকে অমৃতার বাবার মতো আরেকজন থাকে। যদিও সিনেমাটি দুটি উত্তেজনাপূর্ণ সম্পর্ক এবং মুক্তির মধ্যে নিজেকে আবিষ্কারের মাধ্যমে শেষ হয়, এটি অমৃতার বাবা-মা এবং স্বাতীর সাথে তার ভাইয়ের অন্য দুটি সম্পর্কের আলগা প্রান্তের আঁটসাঁটকেও তুলে ধরে। সম্পর্কের উপর ফোকাস করা, এটি একক মাকে অবহেলা করে না যিনি একজন প্রেমময় এবং বিস্ময়কর স্বামী হারান এবং একা একা সান্ত্বনা খুঁজে পান, তার স্বাধীন জীবনযাপন করে। এর বিপরীতে, শিবানী রয়েছে, ঘরের সাহায্যকারী যে রুটি উপার্জন করে এবং মাতাল স্বামীর দ্বারা মারধর করে।

একইভাবে একজন আধুনিক গৃহবধূর এই ধারণা যিনি শিক্ষিত এবং চাকরির জন্য যোগ্য কিন্তু একজন গৃহিনী হতে বেছে নেন সিনেমা এবং টেলিভিশনের বহু বছর থেকে যেখানে ‘আদর্শ বাহু’ ধারণাটি গড়ে উঠেছে এবং একজন পুরুষ পিতৃপুরুষের প্রতি ভালোবাসা লালন করা হয়েছে। একটি পাদদেশে উন্নীত। ‘পতি পরমেশ্বর’ ধারণা এবং মানুষ হওয়ার গুণে মানুষকে সমস্ত ভুলের জন্য ক্ষমা করা কখনও কখনও খুব পরিমার্জিত রূপ ধারণ করে এবং চলচ্চিত্রে এটিকে চ্যালেঞ্জ করা হয় এবং ভেঙে দেওয়া হয়। বিবাহের প্রতিষ্ঠানের অমিল এবং শ্রমের যৌন বিভাজন হল থিম যা সূক্ষ্মভাবে চলচ্চিত্রের নীচে চলে। একজন মহিলার তার নিজের জন্য অনুসন্ধান অনুপস্থিত।

অনুভব সিনহার থাপ্পড আমাকে নোহ বাউম্বাচের বিবাহের গল্পের কথা মনে করিয়ে দিয়েছে যেটিতে অভিনয় করেছেন স্কারলেট জোহানসন যিনি নিজেকে একইভাবে বিবাহে স্বামীর দ্বারা ছাপিয়েছেন, কিন্তু ভারতীয় চলচ্চিত্রের বিপরীতে, এটি উপলব্ধি করার জন্য তার একটি চড় মারার প্রয়োজন ছিল না।

একটি খুব শক্তিশালী বার্তা যা দর্শকদের মুখে একটি চড় হিসাবে বেরিয়ে আসে তা হল যে একজন মহিলার বুঝতে হবে যে তার সম্পর্কের মধ্যে অন্তর্নিহিত কিছু ভুল আছে। অমৃতা এবং বিক্রমের মধ্যে সম্পর্ক ঠিক ততটাই মসৃণভাবে কাজ করত যদি তিনি অমৃতাকে উত্তপ্ত পরিস্থিতিতে না পেতেন। আপাত বার্তার পাশাপাশি, এটি লিঙ্গের ভূমিকাকেও ব্যঙ্গ করে।

থাপ্পড যা করে তা চতুর, এটি চরিত্রগুলির ভারসাম্য বজায় রাখে। একদিকে যদি বিক্রমের মতো উচ্চাভিলাষী গরম মাথার মানুষ থাকে, অন্যদিকে অমৃতার বাবার মতো আরেকজন থাকে। যদিও সিনেমাটি দুটি উত্তেজনাপূর্ণ সম্পর্ক এবং মুক্তির মধ্যে নিজেকে আবিষ্কারের মাধ্যমে শেষ হয়, তবে এটি অমৃতার বাবা-মা এবং স্বাতীর সাথে তার ভাইয়ের অন্য দুটি সম্পর্কের আলগা পরিণতির নিবিড়তাকেও তুলে ধরে। সম্পর্কের উপর ফোকাস করা, এটি একক মাকে অবহেলা করে না যিনি একজন প্রেমময় এবং বিস্ময়কর স্বামী হারান এবং একা একা সান্ত্বনা খুঁজে পান, তার স্বাধীন জীবনযাপন করে। এর বিপরীতে, শিবানী রয়েছে, ঘরের সাহায্যকারী যে রুটি উপার্জন করে এবং মাতাল স্বামীর দ্বারা মারধর করে।

একটি তাজা এবং মর্মস্পর্শী ফিল্ম যা শয়তানি বা মহিমান্বিত করে না, একজন মিয়োজিনিস্ট বা নারীবাদীর ব্যঙ্গচিত্রের চেয়ে বাস্তব জীবনের চরিত্রগুলিকে উপস্থাপন করে। এটি একজন পুরুষকে আত্মদর্শন করে যেখানে সে একটি সম্পর্কের ক্ষেত্রে ভুল এবং একজন মহিলা প্রতিফলিত করে যেখানে সে ভুলের অনুমতি দেয়। বৈসাদৃশ্য এবং ভারসাম্য এই ফিল্মটিকে গভীরতা এবং আবেগের সারাংশ না হারিয়ে একটি সুনিপুণ শিল্প করে তোলে।

The contrast and balance make Thappad a well crafted art without losing the profundity and emotional essence

Hayaat Fatemah
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The contrast and balance make Thappad a well crafted art without losing the profundity and emotional essence

When Netra Jaisingh indulges in a clandestine affair with a younger man, the morally critical audience raises an eyebrow. Though the character gradually justifies its actions and convinces the viewer much like Thomas Hardy’s tragic heroine, Eustacia Vye who believed in fidelity for love and not for fidelity’s sake.

When I was asked- how was Thappad? I could only say that it is profound. It moves a woman, makes her weep and makes her rethink her decisions. My friend beside me whispered in my ears, ‘I will watch this movie whenever I feel like getting married.’

Watching Thappad made me reflect on the unacknowledged sacrifices of women around me of all age groups and all social stratus. The character of Amrita, the perfect housewife, is interestingly real. The modern housewife herself choosing to manage the household and take care of her husband’s parents made me question norms around me.

Who created this image of the modern housewife? A Marxist feminist would view this as an economic injustice to the woman for her unpaid work, which is in practice untrue for there is a division of labor; the man earns the bread and maintains the wife for her domestic labor. On taking note the modern housewife can also fit in the shape of a maid who is treated with respect that a human deserves (in a decent household) and is coerced to complete duties. The point being made is not about how a maid or a wife must be treated but are the duties of both same? The woman suffers from a crisis where she loses her individuality, where her dreams are aligned with her husband’s and devotes her life to the cause of her man’s, and often by choice with no complaints.

I have met many women for whom the idea of a happy life involves being a wife and a daughter-in-law and perfecting that role. Though radical feminists will argue and stress on liberation from these duties which practically and even ideally is unsuited for an Indian society. Just as a woman cannot cease being a daughter or a sister, similarly she cannot liberate herself from being a wife or a mother. Yet does a girl need to give up on her career to become a full time daughter?

What Thappad does is clever, it balances the characters. If on one hand there is an ambitious hot headed man like Vikram, on the other hand there is another man like Amrita’s father. Though the movie ends with two strained relationships and discovery of the self in liberation, it also highlights the tightening of loose ends in two other relationships, Amrita’s parents and her brother’s with Swati. Focusing on relationships, it does not neglect the single mother who suffers the loss of a loving and wonderful husband and finds solace alone, making her independent living. In sharp contrast, there is Shivani, the house help who earns the bread and gets beaten up by the drunkard husband.

Similarly this concept of a modern housewife who is educated and eligible for a job but chooses to become a housewife has stemmed from years of cinema and television where the concept of the ‘adarsh bahu’ developed and the love of a male patriarch cherished while he is elevated to a pedestal. The concept of ‘pati parmeshwar’ and excusing the man for all mistakes on the virtue of his being a man sometimes takes very refined forms and the same is challenged and shattered in the film. The discrepancies in the institution of marriage and sexual division of labor are themes that subtly run underneath the film. A woman’s quest for her own self is absent.

Anubhav Sinha’s Thappad reminded me of Noah Baumbach’s  Marriage Story that stars Scarlet Johansson who finds herself similarly overshadowed by the husband in the marriage, but unlike the Indian film, she did not need a slap to realize that.

A very strong message that comes out as a slap on the audience’s face is that a woman needs a slap to realize that there is something inherently wrong in her relationship. The relationship between Amrita and Vikram would have worked just as smoothly had he not found Amrita in a hot situation. Besides the apparent message, it also satirizes gender roles implicitly.

What Thappad does is clever, it balances the characters. If on one hand there is an ambitious hot headed man like Vikram, on the other hand there is another man like Amrita’s father. Though the movie ends with two strained relationships and discovery of the self in liberation, it also highlights the tightening of loose ends in two other relationships, Amrita’s parents and her brother’s with Swati. Focusing on relationships, it does not neglect the single mother who suffers the loss of a loving and wonderful husband and finds solace alone, making her independent living. In sharp contrast, there is Shivani, the house help who earns the bread and gets beaten up by the drunkard husband.

A fresh and poignant film that neither demonizes nor glorifies, presents real life characters than caricatures of a misogynist or a feminist. It makes a man introspect where he is wrong in a relationship and a woman reflect where she allows the wrongs. The contrast and balance make this film a well crafted art without losing the profundity and emotional essence.

क्यों एनपीआर से झारखंड की बड़ी आबादी के लिए संकट खड़ा हो जाएगा?

ScribeShah
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क्यों एनपीआर से झारखंड की बड़ी आबादी के लिए संकट खड़ा हो जाएगा?

राँची: केंद्र की भारतीय जनता पार्टी की सरकार पहली अप्रैल से नेशनल पॉप्युलेशन रजिस्टर (एनपीआर) की कार्रवाई शुरू करने जा रही है। जनगणना के साथ में कराये जा रहे इस कार्य के बारे में देश के सामाजिक कार्यकर्त्ताओं का ये मानना है कि एनपीआर, नेशनल रजिस्टर ऑफ सिटीजेन्स (एनआरसी) का पहला स्टेप है। एनआरसी, डॉक्युमेंट्स के आधार पे ये तय करेगा कि कौन भारत का नागरिक है और कौन नहीं। ऐसा असम में भी हुआ पिछले साल।

पर झारखंड, देश में एक ऐसा राज्य है, जहां अगर एनपीआर या एनआरसी होता है तो यहाँ आधी से ज़्यादा आबादी न अपनी या परिवार की सही जानकारी दे पाएंगे न सही कागज़ (डॉकयुमेंट) दिखा पाएंगे।

भारत के सबसे नवीन राज्यों में से एक, इसकी उत्पत्ति साल 2000 में हुई और ये अभी भी कई महत्वपूर्ण मापदंडो में पिछड़ा हुआ है और अगर कोई भी प्रक्रिया इन सभी मापदंडों के आधार पे किया जाएगा तो उस कार्य से झारखंडवासियों को सीधा नुकसान होगा।

शिक्षा की स्थिति

झारखंड की कुल सवा तीन सौ करोड़ की आबादी में साक्षरता केवल 67.63 प्रतिशत है, वहीं देश की 74.04- लगभग 7 प्रतिशत कम।

इसमें भी आदिवसियों जिनकी जनसंख्या 28 प्रतिशत है, उनकी साक्षरता दर मात्र 57.13 है।

दलित कम्यूनिटी (अनुसूचित जाति) में साक्षरता तो आदिवासियों से भी कम 40 प्रतिशत के आसपास है।

ग़रीबी रेखा से नीचे की आबादी

नीति आयोग के आंकड़ो के अनुसार, झारखंड की 37 प्रतिशत आबादी ग़रीबी रेखा से नीचे जीवन जी रहे हैं। आदिवासियों और दलितो में ये 49 और 40.4 प्रतिशत क्रमशः हैं। और पिछड़ी जाति के 36.6 प्रतिशत लोग ग़रीबी रेखा से नीचे रहते हैं झारखंड में।

झारखंड एनपीआर एनआरसी सीएए आदिवासी गरीब
5 मार्च को एनपीआर पर रोक की माँग को लेकर राँची की सभा में शामिल लोग

भूमिहीनों की संख्या

झारखंड के जंगलों, पहाड़ों और पठारों पे रहने वाली बड़ी संख्या उन लोगों की है जो भूमिहीन हैं। आदिवासी समाज जहां भी रहता है वो  पूरी दुनिया में मूलनिवासी (indigenous) के तौर पे  देखा जाता हैं। पर वहीं सच्चाई ये भी है कि उनके पास कोई कागज़ नहीं होता।

झारखंड में 32 प्रकार की जनजातियाँ पायी जाती हैं और इनमें कई ऐसे हैं जो विलुप्त हो रहे हैं जैसे बिरहोर। इनके पास न अपनी ज़मीन होती है न ये अपनी बात को नए लोगों के सामने ठीक से रख पाते हैं।

झारखंड में जिन-जिन आदिवासी इलाकों में पत्थलगड़ी हुई हैं वहाँ तो ये भी मुश्किल है कि अभी के माहौल में कोई सरकारी अधिकारी जा पाये।

40 लाख राशन कार्ड रद्द हो चुके हैं

रघुबर दास की पिछली सरकार ने राशन कार्ड को आधार से जोड़ने की कोशिश की तो 40 लाख राशन कार्ड रद्द हो गए और कई मौत भूख से इसलिए हो गयी कि उन्हें राशन नहीं मिल पाया।

अभी भी बड़ी संख्या में ऐसे लोग हैं जिनको पेंशन की योजना का लाभ नहीं मिल पा रहा क्योंकि वो लोग अपने बैंक अकाउंट से आधार नहीं जोड़ पाये या दूसरी कागज़ी प्रक्रिया नहीं करवा पाये हैं।

झारखंड के कई शहरों सहित देश के कई हिस्सो में एनपीआर-एनआरसी और नागरिकता संशोधन कानून (सीएए) को लेकर पिछले तीन महीनों से  बड़ा विरोध प्रदर्शन भी हो रहा है। कई राज्यों ने अपने यहाँ एनपीआर को ख़ारिज भी कर दिया है, जैसे– केरल और पश्चिम बंगाल और कई राज्य सरकार (जैसे छत्तीसगढ़, पंजाब, केरल, राजस्थान और पश्चिम बंगाल) NRC का विरोध विधानसभा में प्रस्ताव पारित कर कर चुके हैं।

मार्च 5 को राँची में भी कई सामाजिक संगठनों ने झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा (कई सामाजिक संगठनों का समूह) के अगुवाई में एनपीआर को ख़ारिज करने की माँग की। इस माँग को लेकर पूरे झारखंड से लोग राज भवन के सामने जमा हुए और इसमें पूर्व आईएएस अधिकारी गोपीनाथ कानन, जामिया मिलिया विश्वविद्यालय के स्टूडेंट लीडर अमीर अज़ीज़, माले विधायक विनोद सिंह, सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता ज्यां द्रेज़ भी शामिल हुये।

सभा से मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन को एक ज्ञापन भी दिया गया। बाद में कानन, विनोद, द्रेज़ और एआईपीएफ़ नेता नदीम खान मुख्यमंत्री से भी मिले और अपनी माँग को दोहराया।

“एनपीआर और एनआरसी पूरी तरह से ग़रीब, आदिवासी और दलित विरोधी है। झारखंड जैसे राज्य में जहां ग़रीबी और अज्ञानता ज्यादा है, वहाँ एनपीआर से जुड़े सवालों को न तो लोग ठीक से उत्तर दे पाएंगे न बाद में उसे साबित करने के लिए कागज़ दिखा पाएंगे। इसलिए हमलोगों ने मुख्यमंत्री को कहा है कि वो जनगणना का काम होने दें पर एनपीआर के खिलाफ विधान सभा में प्रस्ताव जल्द लाये,” माले विधायक ने ईन्यूज़रूम को बताया।

Yes Bank Crisis: When can we say ‘Yes’ to a normal life again?

Ujjaini Halim
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Yes Bank Crisis: When can we say ‘Yes’ to a normal life again?

When I left my home in the morning, for my office, on March 5, my mother asked me to withdraw some money from Yes Bank to meet daily household expenses of March. I nodded and started my day. It was just another busy day at office, and never did I imagine that by sunset we would face a fatal blow, which would make our life very difficult for a long unpredictable time.

At 5 pm I came out of the office building and went to the nearest ATM inside our office campus. I wanted to withdraw Rs.15000. I Inserted the debit card of Yes Bank and followed the instructions on screen. To my utter surprise, the transaction was declined with a message ‘you exceeded your limit’. I was not much disturbed, something must be wrong with this ATM, I thought. I inserted the card again this time to check my account balance, again an error message flashed, ‘Account details not available’. I felt uneasy yet convinced that the problem was with that ATM machine. On my way to home, I stopped my car at another ATM and tried to withdraw money but no luck. In the era of cashless economy, I am overtly dependent on debit, credit cards. Therefore, I carry very little cash.

When demonetisation happened, I had big problem of accessing cash. That memory came back to mind and I probably started panicking unknowingly. When second withdrawal attempt failed, I became nervous and tried to access my account through mobile banking application of Yes Bank. I froze to see that after log in no information displayed under ‘My account’. By then I was tensed, I took out my laptop and tried the net banking of Yes Bank. Alas no luck again. ‘This is creepy’, I thought but as there was nothing more to do then, I started browsing through social media, my favourite hobby on go. The blow was waiting for me right there in SM. In Twitter the breaking news made me feel numb in shock. RBI imposed a moratorium on Yes Bank. Depositors could withdraw only Rs.50,000 till April 3, 2020. I couldn’t believe it, I read that report, I hurriedly searched for more reports and read all. Indeed, Yes Bank collapsed, leaving us in great distress.

We are customers of yes bank for almost five years. My father opened the account because the bank offered 6% interest in savings account and the service was good. When my father passed away, I and my mother started operating the account jointly. We never had any doubt about the bank. To be frank, like many common people, we are not so well informed about ups and downs in banking sector, in other words we do not read business news regularly. We are small customers and Yes Bank is a big bank with pan India presence. We have never ever imagined that the bank would collapse like this. When PMC banks in Maharashtra collapsed, we thought it could happen to PMC banks only, big private bank like Yes Bank can never face such a situation. We sympathised with harassed customers of PMC banks but never really felt their pain. Yesterday while facing the same crisis, I realised their challenges fully.

When I reached home, I thought my mother was waiting for money. It took me a while to decide how to share this terrible information with her. She was looking fragile and anxious. I did not have to tell much; she already watched the news. It was a chilling feeling, our primary savings are now locked in Yes Bank and we do not know when we can access the money, if at all! After a while Ma muttered our common concern- Ki hobe ebar’ (What will happen now?). ‘I don’t know, but surely government will do something’ was my only response. Gradually the entire situation unfolded before me, I read how the bank was crisis ridden for years together, how financial experts time and again warned all about this matter and how RBI failed to take effective steps to avoid crisis. But more than facts & figures what engrossed me was our new reality. 

yes bank crisis customer kolkata rbi corporate defaulter loan
Ujjaini Halim

I wondered how would I make payment to contractor, who started painting our house, end of this week? How would I pay the bill of the material suppliers due on coming week? So many other bill payments are due, it is the beginning of the month. Normally it takes 10 minutes for me to make payment using mobile banking. Now what will happen? It was early morning, around 1: 30 am I decided to call Yes Bank customer care. I waited for 50 minutes, tensed, agitated, sad before a customer care executive answered my call around 2:30 am. I narrated what all happened since evening and asked for an explanation. There was a brief silence, then the man assured me in a mechanical voice that nothing to worry about, moratorium is temporary, and all will be well. I was emotionally exhausted and extremely worried by then, so I politely asked him ’Do you really believe this?’ again a short silence on the other end and this time when he spoke his voice was no more mechanical but full of concerns, just like my agitated voice; ‘I and my wife have our salary accounts in Yes Bank Madam, I do not know what will happen, let us hope for the best” he sighed. I realised that on the other end of the telephone there was a man equally helpless like me, I thanked him and ended the call. I saw #YesBank and #YesBankInCrisis trending top in SM in India, people sharing info, which only made me feel sicker and more helpless.

This nightmare is real, our savings are not in our control anymore. I stayed awake whole night and wondered how many more sleepless nights are ahead of us? I was angry with myself, why didn’t I collect more information about the bank? Then I realised, we the middle class hardly ever did so. We trust bank as an institute. We trust RBI and government as custodians of our deposits, we do not check and crosscheck Bank’s performances time to time. Post-independence, when nationalisation of private bank happened, it gave us immense sense of security, gradually we also become used to big private banks with smoother services. We trust these private banks because we know that these banks too are regulated by RBI.

It was 7 am in the morning I had to get ready for another day. I was tired, depressed. I feel betrayed by the bank but more by RBI and the government. In just one day life has changed, yesterday I was financially comfortable, overnight I am clueless how to manage daily chores with mere Rs.50,000 for an entire month! I called my office & took a leave. My mother signed a cheque of Rs. 50,000 and I headed towards the nearest branch of Yes Bank to join the long queue. As I waited for my turn I realised, small depositors did not matter to RBI. By putting us in immense difficulties, RBI is trying to save the bank (Corporate & promoters) and covering up its own limitations/gaps. It seems a cruel joke to me when RBI suggests that in emergency, we can apply to RBI for withdrawing up to 5 lakhs? Why do we must beg for our hard earned money? Even if we beg, will the permission ever come on time?

The branch closed its shutter before my turn came, with an announcement that cash exhausted for the day. I returned home empty handed. More than money, today I want answers from our government-Are we small customers trigger this bank failure? If not, then why are we punished? Why are we suffering for the corporate loan defaulters? Why RBI or Yes Bank never bothered to inform us about the looming crisis in advance? How will we survive another notebandi?

Celebration of separate identities in a pluralist movement: Is it an Oxymoron?

ScribeShah
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Celebration of separate identities in a pluralist movement: Is it an Oxymoron?

The ongoing people’s movement against BJP government’s RSS-inspired citizenship matrix has rekindled many old ideas of our freedom struggle, reclaimed many of its pluralist legacies and churned up new creative slogans, idioms and images connecting the present to the past. Simultaneously, it has raked up some controversies across the spectrum of activists and larger secular democratic milieu. An exchange between Harsh Mandar and Ram Chandra Guha had drawn many others in such debates regarding the use of religious identities, idioms and symbols in the resistance against Hindutva forces. The moot question is whether or not the affirmation of separate faiths would make unity of people of India more sustainable  and strong.

At the recently concluded People’s Literary Festival in Kolkata, two young students of Jamia Millia University, Ayesha Renna and Ladeeda Farzana, now known for their courageous role against police brutalities in their Delhi campus, put forth their arguments forcefully in favour of assertion of their religious identity at the anti-CAA-NRC-NPR protest spaces. The hijab and chadar-clad girls, both married, justified their dress as a ‘personal choice’ as well as community identity statement while supporting their slogans like Zindagi Ka Matlab Kya, La Ilaha Illallah ( what is the purpose of life, there is no other deity but Allah). The second part of the slogan is an integral part of Shahadah, the cornerstone of Islamic faith in strict monotheism that is not complete without the following declaration – Muhammad-Ur-Rasool-Ullah (Muhammad is the Messenger of God).

According to them, this assertion is part of their democratic rights under the constitution and it is needed since the RSS-BJP has concentrated its attacks on Indian Muslims. The largest minority community of the country must not cower down before the majaoritarian forces by hiding its religious self and related social practices. They also defended their slogans calling Narendra Modi-Amit Shah regime as Islamophobic. Referring the usages of Hindu idioms and images in political rallies, they lambasted their critics within the secular camp who had reportedly asked them to leave protest sites or tone down. Similar assertions and sentiments were found in some of the mobilizations in Kolkata and other cities, dominated by Muslims.

In contrast, Muslim women in their traditional dresses at sit-in protest sites from Shaheen Bagh to Park Circus have been leading men for months without focusing on their religious separateness. They have been raising slogans for Azadi and Inquilab, remembering the multi-faith martyrs of our freedom struggle while singing the national anthem and waving the national flag affirming their faith in constitutional principles. It fact, religious slogans and speeches have been deliberately avoided by the organizers so far except the messages and images of inter-community harmony. Muslim conservatives are not exactly happy with so many women at public protest mixing with men almost freely and addressing the assembly. But my interaction with participants of both sexes has underlined an ongoing mini social revolution. Do they need to recite Shahadah and other articles of faith to please the conservatives and attract more religious members of the community?

Gandhi and Khilafat

The debate is as old as the controversy over Gandhi’s endorsement of Khilafat Movement in 1919-21. Gandhi’s supporters justified him pointing to his goal to achieve Hindu-Muslim unity in India, a must for a mass struggle against the British Raj that had dismembered the Ottoman Empire and undermined its head, the Khalifa who was also the chief of the Ummah or Muslim world. His secular critics have rejected his means since they felt it had only amplified the appeal of a decadent and lost empire, strengthened pan-Islamic revivalism which was hitherto not popular among Indian Muslims. For them, Gandhi unwittingly legitimized the political role of backward – looking Ulemas at the cost of modernizing forces among Muslims at home and abroad. Thus, he made room for Muslim separatism in India which in turn gave fillip to Hindu revivalism and finally to the two nation theories of Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha-RSS.

The juries are still out on the debate over Gandhi’s propensity to use Hindu mythological utopias like Ram Rajya for a model of free India. Despite being the apostle of communal amity and his martyrdom at the hands of the Hindu fanatics, the ideological progenitors of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, his political idioms and strategies are still problematic for many. The present debate is germane to that legacy. One can take a conclusive position only by being blind to the conflicting social realities and consequent political compulsions, then and now. It was an almost endless journey through a minefield. It has remained so in our times.

 Context changes meaning

This columnist who had tried to engage the brave girls during their tour de force preferred to focus on the social-political context of the usages as well as their users instead of taking an abstract and absolutist position irrespective of time and space. The cultural meanings of religion-ordained dresses as well as idioms and symbols have changed from time to time, mostly determined by dominant discourse of global and local powers. Considering it a symbol of Ottoman decadence, Ataturk had banned the public use of Muslim traditional dresses in his modernizing and secularizing mission in post-WWI Turkey. Europe-inspired modernists and feminists in the Arab World and Iran followed in defiance of the clergy-controlled Patriarchy.

By the time of post-WWII Turkey, not only conservatives opposed the ban as anti-Islamic but also some secular and feminist groups too did it, as Erhan Pamuk’s novel ‘Snow’ depicted. They countered it as a symbol of state repression of right to individual freedom and choice. When Hamas and other Islamic radical groups called Hizab et al as the symbol of Palestinian resistance against the US-supported Israeli occupation, some women’s right groups supported. The political-cultural import of Muslim markers has again undergone successive changes particularly during and after the Iranian revolution and US-Saudi-Pak sponsored ‘holy’ Mujahidin war against ‘godless’ Soviet army in Afghanistan. The later led to the emergence of Al Qaida, America’s Frankenstein and ultraconservative and misogynist Taliban.

The unity of ‘freedom fighters and believers’ in the east and west in the last leg of the cold war suffered a tectonic shift following the Al-Qaida suicide attacks on Twin Towers in New York. Junior Bush and his echo-chambers resurrected the memories of Crusades Vs Jihads in their subsequent ‘war against terror’ in Iraq and Afghanistan. Since then Islamophobia has become a defining feature for the Western theorists of civilizational clashes and a global two nation theory has come in vogue. Now the meanings of Hijab-Burqa-Chadar and allied Islamic identity markers like proclamation of ‘La lIlah lllallah’ have been morphed again. For Islamophobic Donald Trump and his buddies like Benjamin Netanyahu and Narendra Modi, these are symbols of a hated and feared Other.

To be continued…

Wanted: A suitable face for Bengal BJP for assembly polls 

ScribeShah
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Wanted: A suitable face for Bengal BJP for assembly polls 

Kolkata: As Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Bengal unit has no such formidable face to confront (Trinamool Congress) TMC Supremo and Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee in the assembly polls next year, the party’s national leaders will airdash to Kolkata more and stay longer to find one while strategising for saffron campaigns, sources said.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi as well as Home Minister Amit Shah and party’s National President JP Nadda will hold more rallies ahead of 2021, and every time they will stay here for at least three days. State leaders have been instructed to searching for a house for Shah and Nadda.

According to the party sources, Shah in his last visit in the state on March 1 had instructed all the party leaders to gear up for Mission Bengal, a state crucial both in terms of number of parliamentary seats (42) as well as an Opposition stronghold. Both he and Nadda told state leaders that they along with Modi would devote more time to Bengal.

The statewide municipal polls in between April and May will witness the fresh round of the face-off as the BJP would like to surge up its electoral fortune which has dampened in last assembly bypolls after an impressive show in general election last year. Shah has set a target of wining 200 assembly seats out of 294.

Bengal BJP has two prominent faces—state president Dilip Ghosh and Mukul Roy. The former is a RSS man, acceptable to party’s core base for being foulmouthed to Opposition but not exactly palatable to educated middle class Bengalies. The latter was Mamata’s chief backroom strategist before switching his allegiance to the saffron side. Neither is a mass leader or a strong candidate for chief ministership in comparison to Mamata. Further, their factional feuds is no secret. Given the scenario, the state party rank and file is depending more on the national leaders, specially Modi and Shah’s visits.

Jharkhand Eyes University Named After “Father of Wireless” JC Bose in Giridih

Shabina Akhtar
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Jharkhand Eyes University Named After “Father of Wireless” JC Bose in Giridih

Giridih/Ranchi: Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) has urged the Jharkhand government to build a university in the name of Sir Jagdish Chandra Bose, the noted Bengali scientist. The news has brought a smile on the face of millions of his admirers across the world.  JMM’s Giridih unit has suggested that a university should be named after Bose in Giridih, in order to honour the great scientist who invented the crescograph machine -a device that measures the growth of plants, as Bose, chose to make Giridih his karmabhoomi (place of work) and put the district on the world map.

The proposal was announced in the presence of Shibu Soren, the president of JMM on the occasion was 47th Foundation Day of JMM, in Giridih district.

Bose, who was born in 1858 in Munshiganj, Bengal Presidency that is now in Bangladesh, was a polymath, physicist, biologist, biophysicist, botanist and archaeologist. He is best remembered for his work on remote wireless signaling and many believe that he is the original inventor of the wireless, but because he did not believe in patenting his research, Italian inventor Guglielmo Marconi is credited with the invention of the wireless radio.

After obtaining his early education in Kolkata, Bose went to Christ’s College, Cambridge, where his bust adorns the college’s courtyard even today. After returning to India and working in Kolkata, where he even taught at the Presidency College,  Bose shifted base to Giridih where he breathed his last on 23 November 1937 at the age of 79. His residence in Barganda has been turned into a Science Centre, which is almost defunct now.

On the scientist death anniversary last year Praveen Kaswan, an Indian Forest Officer had shared pictures of Bose and wrote about his accomplishments. He had tweeted, “On May 10, 1901, at the jam-packed hall of Royal Society, London he demonstrated how plants have life with the crescograph. He invented the telegram. Proved eastern mind was indeed capable of scientific achievements. Remembering JC Bose, first modern scientist of India on his death anniversary.”

On March 3, the first budget of Hemant Soren led Jharkhand government made it clear that education one of its prime objectives. “Education is among the top priorities of JMM government, we believe our proposal to open a university in the name of Sir JC Bose will be accepted. Yes, a  university in the name of Bose will be a reality soon,” JMM’s Giridih District President Sanjay Singh told eNewsroom.

Bose was a great teacher and researcher too. Some of his famous students who influenced the scientific world both in the pre and post independence era are – Prof SN Bose, Prof Meghnad Saha, Prof Prasad Chandra, Prof S K Mitra, Prof Mahalnobis  and Prof DM Basu.

Giridih, currently has only one place named after the genius  – Sir JC Bose Girl High School, which is adjacent to his residence.

If the government accepts the proposal it will be the second university named after Bose in the country. The Haryana government has established a JC Bose Science and Technology University in 1969 in Faridabad.

Till the 1970s, Giridih has been the place of work for many Bengali legends including Rabindra Nath Tagore, Sir JC Bose, PC Mahalonabis, Satyajit Ray, Aruna Asaf Ali among others.

Along with the university, JMM Giridih unit has also asked for a medical college to be built in the district.

Explained: What is stopping BJP in taking action against the Hate Mongers within the Party

Mahtab Alam
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Explained: What is stopping BJP in taking action against the Hate Mongers within the Party

[dropcap]E[/dropcap]ver since the declaration of the Delhi assembly poll results, several senior leaders of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) have said that action should be taken against those who have indulged in hate speech before the said elections. They also attributed the defeat that the BJP had to face to these hate speeches made by the party members and leaders. The Union Home Minister, Amit Shah, while speaking at an event last month had confessed that hate speeches like ‘goli maro’ and ‘Indo-Pak match’ (referring to the Delhi elections) should not have been made by BJP leaders during the (Delhi) election campaign and that such remarks may have resulted in the party’s electoral defeat.

This was later followed by Manoj Tiwari, the party president of BJP’s Delhi unit, accepting in a recent conversation with the Indian Express that “(W)hatever the context, it was hate speech and our party had to face losses due to that.” Most importantly, both the leaders underlined that they condemned the speeches and that the party distanced itself from these remarks. Tiwari further said that “people who give hate speeches should be permanently removed.”  So far, however, no action has been taken in this regard by the party, despite these speeches leading to anti-Muslim violence in North-East Delhi. The violence in Delhi began on February 23, a few hours after BJP leader Kapil Mishra had delivered a hate speech in the presence of the police force. Instead of taking action or registering a case against him, he has now been provided ‘Y’ grade security by the union home ministry headed by Amit Shah.

As per the latest information, at least 47 people have been killed in the violence that has gripped the Capital. However, the actual death toll is expected to be higher. Ironically, a BJP leader and minister in Narendra Modi’s cabinet — Anurag Thakur, who had first raised the ‘goli maro’ slogan during the election campaign had recently said that, “strict action should be taken against those involved in the Delhi riots”. The slogan, meanwhile, has gone mainstream. It was recently raised by right wing supporters at the Rajiv Chowk Metro station of central Delhi. BJP workers had also raised the slogan en route to Amit Shah’s rally in Kolkata on Sunday.

There are two possible explanations to why the party has not taken any action against those who had indulged in giving hate speeches and spreading hatred against Muslims. The first and foremost reason is that it was not just limited to a few leaders (Kapil Mishra and Anurag Mishra) but the entire leadership, in fact the entire party machinery, that was involved in it. Acting against a select few would raise questions within the party and in all likelihood work against them. To this effect, it should be recalled that a day before the date of Delhi’s assembly elections had been announced, Amit Shah, while addressing a meeting of booth level workers of the BJP had said, “Do you want a government in Delhi which conducts riots?”

Even a cursory glance of the BJP’s election campaign shows us that it was filled with nothing but hate campaign against Muslims, and that not only was the party aware of it but almost everything was endorsed by them. The official social media accounts of the party was constantly used to spread rumours, fake news and misinformation. Amit Malviya, the head of the BJP IT Cell, was the fountainhead of fake news and communally charged messages as well. The party election campaign videos specifically targeted Muslims and those opposing the CAA and the NRC.

Another, and possibly more important reason to why the BJP has not taken action against the alleged hate mongers is that evidence suggests that political leaders who have indulged in hate-speech have been three times more successful in elections as compared to those without a criminal record. According to an analysis by India Spend (2016), as many as 70 members of Parliament (MPs) and members of legislative assemblies (MLAs) had hate-speech cases pending against them. And out of these 70, the highest number of legislators (28) belonged to the BJP.

The analysis which was based on the self-disclosed crime records (before the election commission) of candidates who contested various elections nationwide over the last 12 years (between 2004 and 2016), also tells us that as many as 399 candidates with “hate-speech” cases were fielded by political parties in various parliamentary and state assembly elections over the past 12 years. In this regard too, the BJP topped the list with 97 candidates.

The rise and rise of someone like Yogi Adityanath, whose political career thrives on hate speech and communal politics is another case in point. Any why just blame Yogi Advityanath. Amit Shah, who is virtually running the party and credited with making the BJP a national party in the real sense can often be seen and heard indulging in hate campaigns. There is no dearth of hate mongers in the party either. So much so that the most liberal face of the party and the former prime minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee, is alleged to have indulged in hate campaign at least on three crucial occasions —   ahead of the Nellie massacre in Assam, before the Babri Masjid demolition, and in the wake of the anti-Muslim violence of Gujarat in 2002.

So given the political dividends and legacy of the party, it becomes almost impossible to act against the hate mongers as they are not just fringe elements within the party, as many would like us to believe, but constitute the mainstream and core of the party.

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