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Encroached, Erased, Exploited: Lawyers Expose the Real Story Behind India’s Waqf Debate

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Kolkata: More than 521 properties identified by the Sachar Committee in 2006 have been infringed upon by government agencies. The report also lists properties under unauthorized possession by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), the Delhi government (DDA), the Railways, and the Army (Delhi Cantonment). These are properties that the government itself ack nowledges have been encroached upon.

Even Union Minister Kiren Rijiju, in a statement in Parliament, mentioned that more than 59,000 Waqf properties have been encroached upon. According to the Nissar Commission report, more than 11,000 properties in Kerala alone have been encroached upon.

These points, among several others, were raised during the Lawyers for Waqf press conference in Kolkata, opposing the central government’s proposed Waqf Amendment Bill 2024.

“While Waqf Boards are struggling to reclaim their encroached lands, rumors are being spread that wherever the Waqf Board lays its hands, the land automatically comes under its control. India is a country governed by the Constitution, and properties cannot simply be declared as Waqf without due process. Surveys are conducted by state or central government officials, and acquisitions are based on their reports,” stated Sheikh Khurshid Alam, the lawyer leading the group.

“They are not land grabbers, as propagated, but victims of encroachments,” Khurshid added.

In 2019, as a follow-up to the Sachar Committee report, the ASI (Archaeological Survey of India) identified 267 properties that needed protection.

“If the government claims to be eradicating corruption in Waqf Boards, then let them point out which clause in the proposed amendments actually addresses this issue,” questioned Alam.

On PM Modi’s Statement That There Is No Place for Waqf in the Indian Constitution

Reacting to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s statement, Alam described it as irresponsible, adding that the PM should learn the Constitution.

“After PM Modi’s statement, Islamophobia has been spreading on social media and in mainstream media. The Prime Minister said that there is no place for Waqf laws in the Constitution. Yet, while tabling the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024, the government claimed that the bill was intended to strengthen Waqf. On the one hand, PM Modi denounces Waqf laws, while on the other, the government claims to support them. These contradictory statements have created confusion and fueled Islamophobia,” said Alam.

Supreme and High Courts Have Given Judgments in Favor of Waqf Boards

Alam cited a recent judgment as an example. In a case involving the Punjab Waqf Board, a village panchayat had claimed that a piece of land did not belong to Waqf since it had not been in use for a long time. However, the Punjab and Haryana High Court ruled: “Even if a Waqf property is not actively used, it will remain a Waqf property.” The court upheld the principle of “once a waqf, always a waqf.”

“Waqf Boards are not engaged in ‘Waqf Jihad’ or land grabbing. It is the government that wants to hand over Waqf properties to its capitalist friends,” Alam asserted.

Hidden Agenda Behind the Proposed Bill

Another lawyer, Ataul Mustafa, highlighted the hidden agenda of the government behind the proposed bill.

“Under Section 40 of the Waqf Act 1995, the Waqf Board has the authority to resolve disputes over properties, including determining whether a property is Waqf or not. The final decision rests with the tribunal. However, if the proposed amendments are accepted, Section 40 will no longer be functional. Instead, district administrations or deputy commissioners will decide disputes—despite their involvement in encroachments in many cases,” Mustafa argued.

“In 2006, the Sachar Committee noted that there were 9.4 lakh acres of Waqf land, valued at Rs. 1.2 lakh crores. It is not an exaggeration to say that the central government wants to grab these properties. The main objective is to legalize the encroachments made by capitalists over the past 12 years, preventing Waqf Boards from seeking legal recourse,” he added.

The Amendment Will End the Autonomy of Waqf Boards

Ammar Zaki, another lawyer, explained why they oppose the bill.

“It is crucial to understand why we are opposing the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024. The main reason is that the Waqf Board has always been an autonomous institution. This amendment will strip it of its autonomy, placing it under the direct control of central or state governments. The bill violates three constitutional provisions: Articles 25, 26, and 30,” Zaki reasoned. The other lawyers present at the panel were Nasiruddin Ahmed, Mahboob Alam, Imteyaz Anwar, and Rofikul Islam. All the lawyers unanimously agreed that the bill is not just against Muslims but also against the Constitution itself..

झामुमो के ‘गुरु-शिष्य’ की गाथा: सुदिव्य कुमार के संघर्ष और सफलता की कहानी

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रांची/गिरिडीह: झारखंड में हेमंत सोरेन 2.0 के मंत्री मण्डल का गठन आज हो गया। कुल 11 मंत्रियों ने पद एवं गोपनियता की शपथ राजभवन में ली। शपथ लेने वालों में ज़्यादातर राजनीतिक बैक्ग्राउण्ड से आते हैं या पहले भी मंत्री रह चुके हैं, पर गिरिडीह विधायक सुदिव्य कुमार, उन गिने चुने नेताओं में आते हैं, जिनकी राजनीति में पहली पीढ़ी है।

सुदिव्य कुमार के मंत्री पद के शपथ के साथ ही गिरिडीह सदर को 20 सालों बाद मिला मंत्री पद।

गुरुजी के शिष्य, सुदिव्य

54 वर्षीय सुदिव्य कुमार की झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा पार्टी से जुड़ाव तीन दशकों से भी ज्यादा का है।

2004 में जब शिबू सोरेन को कुड़को (पीरटांड़) और चीरूडीह के मामले सामने आने के वजह से केंद्रीय मंत्री पद से इस्तीफा देना पड़ा था और गिरिडीह, जामताड़ा न्यायालय की ख़ाक छाननी पड़ी थी, उस वक़्त सुदिव्य कुमार, जो गिरिडीह झामुमो के ज़िला अध्यक्ष थे उन्होनें गुरुजी को न सिर्फ कानूनी और राजनीतिक मामलों में साथ दिया, बल्कि साये की तरह उनके साथ हर जगह खड़े दिखे।

गिरिडीह कभी भी झामुमो का गढ़ नहीं रहा। पर पहली बार 2004 में ही जेएमएम से मुन्ना लाल विधायक बने थे। पर उस वक़्त भी शिबू सोरेन के साथ सुदिव्य ही रहे।

पहले दो चुनावों में नाकामी मिली

2009 में पहली बार जेएमएम के टिकट पर चुनाव लड़े और बड़े अंतर से हार गए। 2014 में फिर पार्टी के सिंबल से उम्मीदवार हुए पर जीत इस बार भी नहीं सके। हालांकि हार का अंतर बहुत कम हो गया था- मात्र दस हज़ार।

फिर आया 2019 का चुनाव और इस बार 16 हज़ार से दो बार विधायक रहे निर्भय शाहबादी को मात दिया। सुदिव्य भले 2019 में चुनाव जीते हों, पर तब तक सोरेन परिवार के बहुत नजदीक हो गए थे।

अब सुदिव्य, हेमंत सोरेन के भी करीबी और जेएमएम के रणनीतिकार भी माने जाते हैं।

सुदिव्य के पहले कार्यकाल में गिरिडीह को मिला विश्वविद्यालय, मेडिकल और इंजीनियरिंग कॉलेज

वैसे तो पूरा गिरिडीह ज़िला शिक्षा के मानचित्र में देश में पिछड़ा हुया है, पर सदर विधानसभा के छात्रों को उच्च शिक्षा की पढ़ाई के लिए ख़ास कर दिक्कत आती थी, क्योंकि यहाँ से अच्छे खासे स्टूडेंट्स देश भर में पढ़ाई के लिए जाते हैं। सुदिव्य ने वैसे तो कई काम पिछले कार्यकाल में करवाए पर जो महत्वपूर्ण रहे उनमें महान वैज्ञानिक सर जेसी बोस के नाम पर विश्वविद्यालय, साथ ही मेडिकल और इंजीनियरिंग कॉलेज का दिलाना।

मंत्री पद के साथ गिरिडीह के लोगों को न सिर्फ पुराने काम जल्द पूरा होने का भरोसा है, बल्कि विकास की नई इबारत ज़िला और प्रदेश में लिखे जाने की उम्मीद है।

मोदीनामा-अडानी पुराण: विवादों ने देश की साख को लगाया बट्टा – 3

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[dropcap]अ[/dropcap]डानी समूह का इंडोनेशिया में महत्वपूर्ण और दीर्घकालिक व्यापारिक संबंध रहा है, मुख्य रूप से कोयला खनन और बुनियादी ढांचे के विकास में। कंपनी ने अपनी सहायक कंपनी पीटी अडानी ग्लोबल के माध्यम से देश में अपनी उपस्थिति प्रदर्शित की, जो कोयला खनन और सैन्य सहायता प्रदान करने में लगी हुई है।

इस कंपनी ने 2007 में हासिल किए गए ‘एक्सप्लोरेशन लाइसेंस’ के साथ परिचालन शुरू किया था। इसकी कोयला खदान और बंदरगाह उत्तरी कालीमंतन (बोर्नियो) प्रांत के बुन्यु नामक छोटे से द्वीप पर स्थित हैं।

‘अडानी वॉच’ ने पहले भी बन्यू द्वीप पर अडानी के व्यापक कोयला खनन कार्यों के नकारात्मक प्रभावों को उजागर किया है, खासकर स्थानीय तिदुंग समुदाय पर पड़ रहे प्रभाव का। इंडोनेशियाई गैर-सरकारी संगठन (एनजीओ) जतम की एक रिपोर्ट में इन गतिविधियों के नतीजों के बारे में विस्तार से बताया गया है।

संगठित अपराध और भ्रष्टाचार रिपोर्टिंग परियोजना (ओसीसीआरपी) की एक रिपोर्ट के अनुसार, 9 जनवरी 2014 को, इंडोनेशिया से दो सप्ताह की यात्रा के बाद, एमवी कल्लियोपी एल चेन्नई नामक एक बल्क कैरियर जहाज तमिलनाडु के एन्नोर बंदरगाह पर पहुंचा। जहाज पर 69,925 मीट्रिक टन कोयला लदा था, जो राज्य सरकार की बिजली कंपनी, तमिलनाडु जनरेशन एंड डिस्ट्रीब्यूशन कॉरपोरेशन, के लिए था।

बहरहाल, कोयला शिपमेंट के लिए जो कागजी कार्रवाई प्रस्तुत की गई, उसके अनुसार यह कोयला एक बहुत ही जटिल रास्ते, ब्रिटिश वर्जिन आइलैंड्स और सिंगापुर से होते हुए यहां आया था। ये दोनों ही देश टैक्स हेवन हैं। इस काल्पनिक यात्रा के कारण कोयले की घोषित कीमत तीन गुना से अधिक बढ़कर 91.91 डॉलर प्रति मीट्रिक टन हो गई। इससे भी अधिक दिलचस्प बात यह है कि कोयले का वर्गीकरण निम्न-श्रेणी के स्टीम कोयले से बदलकर उच्च-गुणवत्ता वाली किस्म में हो गया, जिसे आमतौर पर बिजली उत्पादन कंपनियां मांगती हैं।

यह कोई अकेली घटना नहीं थी। ओसीसीआरपी द्वारा प्राप्त और ‘फाइनेंशियल टाइम्स’ के साथ साझा किए गए दस्तावेज़ों से पता चलता है कि जनवरी और अक्टूबर 2014 के बीच, कम से कम 24 ऐसे शिपमेंट तमिलनाडु के तट पर पहुंचे थे। शुरुआत में निम्न-श्रेणी के कोयले के रूप में बिल किए गए इन कार्गो को अडानी समूह की कंपनी ने राज्य सरकार के स्वामित्व वाली बिजली कंपनी को कथित तौर पर मूल कीमत से तीन गुना अधिक कीमत पर बेचा। अडानी समूह ने सामान्य शब्दों में इन आरोपों से इंकार किया है।

इन आरोपों के समर्थन में विभिन्न स्रोतों से साक्ष्य प्राप्त हुए हैं, जिनमें चालान, विभिन्न देशों के बैंकिंग रिकॉर्ड, राजस्व खुफिया निदेशालय (डीआरआई) और भारत सरकार के वित्त मंत्रालय की सीमा शुल्क खुफिया शाखा द्वारा की गई जांच, अडानी के इंडोनेशियाई कोयला आपूर्तिकर्ताओं में से एक से लीक हुए दस्तावेज तथा तमिलनाडु की बिजली उपयोगिता कंपनी (टीएएनजीईडीसीओ) के आंतरिक रिकॉर्ड आदि शामिल हैं।

हालांकि ये निष्कर्ष निर्णायक नहीं हैं, लेकिन वे इस आरोप को मजबूत करते हैं कि अडानी समूह ने ओवर-इनवॉइसिंग की है। इन आरोपों की जड़ मई 2014 में मोदी के प्रधानमंत्री बनने से दो साल पहले, 2012 में डीआरआई द्वारा की गई जांच से जुड़ी है। यह जांच 40 कंपनियों पर केंद्रित थी, जिन्होंने इंडोनेशिया से आयातित कोयले की कीमतों में कथित तौर पर कृत्रिम रूप से वृद्धि की थी। डीआरआई ने आरोप लगाया है कि इन बढ़ी हुई लागतों का बोझ उपभोक्ताओं पर डाला गया, जिससे बिजली के बिल बढ़ गए।

30 मार्च 2016 को, 30 मार्च 2016 को, डीआरआई ने देश भर के 50 कस्टम कार्यालयों को एक ‘लुक-आउट’ सर्कुलर जारी किया, जिसमें इन कंपनियों द्वारा ओवर-इनवॉइसिंग की संभावना के बारे में चेतावनी दी गई थी। इस लेख के लेखकों में से एक ने उस वर्ष अप्रैल में पहली बार डीआरआई के निष्कर्षों की रिपोर्ट की थी।

प्रधानमंत्री मोदी 7 सितंबर 2023 को आसियान-भारत और पूर्वी एशिया शिखर सम्मेलन में भाग लेने के लिए इंडोनेशिया गए थे। (आसियान का मतलब है दक्षिण-पूर्व एशियाई देशों का संगठन।) एक महीने बाद ही अक्टूबर में, अडानी इंडोनेशियाई सरकार के साथ मलक्का जलडमरूमध्य के पास स्थित सबांग बंदरगाह को विकसित करने के लिए बातचीत कर रहे थे , जो एक महत्वपूर्ण समुद्री व्यापार मार्ग है। इस परियोजना में एक नया कंटेनर टर्मिनल और अन्य पारगमन बंदरगाह सुविधाएं स्थापित करना शामिल था, जिसका प्रारंभिक निवेश लगभग 1 अरब अमेरिकी डॉलर होने का अनुमान है।

नेपाल के हवाई मार्गों पर प्रतिबंध और अडानी

वर्तमान में भारत सुरक्षा चिंताओं का हवाला देते हुए नेपाल को विमानों के लिए उच्च ऊंचाई वाले मार्गों का उपयोग करने से रोक रहा है। यह हिमालयी देश चीन के साथ सीमा साझा करता है। सीमा के पास भारतीय हवाई क्षेत्र में नए उड़ान मार्गों को काफी सावधानी के साथ मंजूरी दी जा रही है। यह नेपाल और भारत के बीच तनाव का एक बिंदु रहा है, विशेष रूप से नेपाल में नए हवाई अड्डों के संचालन के संबंध में, जैसे कि पोखरा और भैरहवा में, जिन्हें चीन से ऋण लेकर बनाया गया था, लेकिन हवाई क्षेत्र के उपयोग पर भारत के प्रतिबंधों के कारण आर्थिक रूप से अव्यवहारिक बने हुए हैं।

नेपाल के ‘हिमाल खबर’ नामक एक अखबार ने आरोप लगाया है कि मोदी सरकार काठमांडू पर ‘विभिन्न बहानों’ के तहत पोखरा और भैरहवा तक हवाई पहुंच न बढ़ाने के लिए दबाव डाल रही है, जब तक कि अडानी को इन हवाई अड्डों के संचालन के लिए सौदा नहीं मिल जाता और इसके साथ ही निजगढ़ में प्रस्तावित हवाई अड्डे के साथ-साथ लुम्बिनी (एक बौद्ध सांस्कृतिक केंद्र) में भी एक हवाई अड्डा नहीं मिल जाता।

भारत और नेपाल की सरकारों के अधिकारियों ने जून 2023 में इन मुद्दों पर चर्चा की। इसके बाद, अडानी समूह के अधिकारियों ने जनवरी 2024 में काठमांडू का दौरा किया, नेपाली नागरिक उड्डयन अधिकारियों के साथ बातचीत की और भारत-नेपाल सीमा के पास एक नए हवाई अड्डे के निर्माण में निवेश करने की योजना की घोषणा की। इसके अलावा, भैरवाहा अंतर्राष्ट्रीय हवाई अड्डे और काठमांडू के त्रिभुवन अंतर्राष्ट्रीय हवाई अड्डे के संचालन को भी अपने हाथ में लेने की घोषणा की। बहरहाल, हाल ही में हुए सत्ता परिवर्तन के कारण ये योजनाएं अभी तक पूरी नहीं हो पाई हैं। 15 जुलाई को केपी शर्मा ओली नेपाल के नए प्रधान मंत्री बने हैं।

हाल की रिपोर्टों से पता चलता है कि अडानी समूह नेपाल में बिजली परियोजनाओं के निर्माण के अधिकार रखने वाले डेवलपर्स के साथ सक्रिय रूप से बातचीत कर रहा है, ताकि भूटान और भारत को बिजली निर्यात की जा सके। यह समूह की भारत के बाहर 10 गीगावाट  जलविद्युत क्षमता के निर्माण की योजना का हिस्सा है, जो वर्ष 2050 तक शुद्ध-शून्य कार्बन उत्सर्जन हासिल करने की उसकी अपनी रणनीति का हिस्सा है। नेपाल के अलावा, अडानी समूह भूटान, केन्या, तंजानिया, फिलीपींस और वियतनाम में भी जलविद्युत परियोजनाओं में निवेश करने की योजना बना रहा है। समूह वर्ष 2030 तक 50 गीगावाट उत्पादन क्षमता विकसित करने की भी योजना बना रहा है।

अडानी की ‘ऑस्ट्रेलिया’ में विवादित उपस्थिति

वर्ष 2014 में, ऑस्ट्रेलिया के सिडनी में ग्रुप ऑफ़ 20 (जी-20) शिखर सम्मेलन के दौरान, कैनबरा सहित अन्य शहरों में विभिन्न समारोह आयोजित किए गए थे, जहां मोदी ने गौतम अडानी और भारत के सबसे बड़े बैंक, सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र की भारतीय स्टेट बैंक (एसबीआई) की तत्कालीन प्रमुख अरुंधति भट्टाचार्य से मुलाकात की थी। बैठक में, यह घोषणा की गई कि एसबीआई और अडानी समूह के बीच एक समझौता ज्ञापन पर हस्ताक्षर किए गए थे, जिसके तहत एसबीआई अडानी की कारमाइकल कोयला खनन परियोजना के लिए अडानी समूह को 1 अरब अमेरिकी डॉलर का ऋण देगा। भट्टाचार्य ने इस कोयला खदान परियोजना को व्यवहारिक बताया था, लेकिन अडानी समूह को ऋण कभी नहीं मिला।

इसके बावजूद, अडानी की कारमाइकल कोयला खदान परियोजना अत्यधिक विवादास्पद रही थी। इसके बाद, खदान के विकास की गाथा पर्यावरण विरोध, स्वदेशी अधिकार संघर्ष और कानूनी चुनौतियों से जुड़ गई। यह परियोजना 2010 में तब शुरू हुई थी, जब अडानी ने क्वींसलैंड के गैलिली बेसिन में एक विशाल ओपन-पिट कोयला खदान विकसित करने और मुख्य रूप से भारत को निर्यात के लिए एबॉट पॉइंट टर्मिनल तक कोयले के परिवहन के लिए एक रेलवे बनाने के अधिकार हासिल कर लिए थे।

पर्यावरणविदों ने इस परियोजना से ग्रेट बैरियर रीफ को नुकसान पहुंचने और जलवायु परिवर्तन में इसके नकारात्मक प्रभाव की संभावना के बारे में चिंता जताई। ‘स्टॉप अडानी’ जैसे समूहों ने खदान के खिलाफ सक्रिय रूप से अभियान चलाया। उनका तर्क था कि अडानी द्वारा कोयले का बड़े पैमाने पर दोहन ऑस्ट्रेलिया के कार्बन फुटप्रिंट को काफी हद तक बढ़ा देगा, जो वैश्विक जलवायु लक्ष्यों को प्राप्त करने में कठिनाई पैदा करेगा। पानी के उपयोग को लेकर चिंताएं असहमति का एक और कारण थीं। स्थानीय किसानों और पर्यावरण कार्यकर्ताओं ने तर्क दिया कि यह खदान सूखाग्रस्त क्षेत्रों में आवश्यक भूजल संसाधनों को खत्म कर सकती है।

खदान को वांगान और जगलिंगौ समुदाय के लोगों से भी काफी विरोध का सामना करना पड़ा , जिनकी पारंपरिक भूमि में खनन क्षेत्र शामिल है। जबकि स्वदेशी समुदाय के कुछ सदस्यों ने इस परियोजना का समर्थन किया, कई लोगों ने इसका विरोध किया और अडानी पर उनके अधिकारों और सांस्कृतिक विरासत की अनदेखी करने का आरोप लगाया। परियोजना को रोकने के लिए वांगान और जगलिंगौ लोगों की कानूनी लड़ाइयों का दस्तावेजीकरण किया गया है। कई वर्षों तक मुकदमेबाजी के बावजूद, ऑस्ट्रेलियाई सरकार ने अडानी को परियोजना को आगे बढ़ाने की अनुमति दी, लेकिन काफी छोटे पैमाने पर। अक्षय ऊर्जा की ओर वैश्विक बदलावों को देखते हुए खदान की आर्थिक व्यवहार्यता पर सवाल उठना जारी है।

बॉब ब्राउन फाउंडेशन सहित व्यापक विरोध के बावजूद, अडानी ने कोयला खनन शुरू किया और पहली खेप दिसंबर 2021 में निर्यात की गई। बहरहाल, खदान मूल रूप से प्रस्तावित क्षमता के केवल छठे हिस्से पर काम कर रही है (6 के बजाय 1 करोड़ टन प्रति वर्ष)। यह अडानी की खदान के तीव्र विरोध का प्रत्यक्ष परिणाम था। नकारात्मक प्रचार को संभालने के प्रयास में, अडानी ने अपनी ऑस्ट्रेलियाई सहायक कंपनी का नाम बदलकर ब्रावस माइनिंग एंड रिसोर्सेज कर दिया । इस रीब्रांडिंग को कई लोगों ने अडानी नाम से जुड़े बढ़ते विवाद से ऑस्ट्रेलियाई परिचालन को दूर करने के प्रयास के रूप में देखा।

ऑस्ट्रेलिया से प्राप्त कोयले का उपयोग संभवतः समूह के गुजरात के मुंद्रा में प्रस्तावित विवादास्पद कोयला-से-पीवीसी संयंत्र में पॉली-विनाइल क्लोराइड (पीवीसी) के निर्माण के लिए किया जा सकता है।

जबकि भारतीय स्टेट बैंक से ऋण प्राप्त करने में अडानी समूह को असफलता मिली, कई और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय ऋणदाताओं ने क्वींसलैंड में अडानी कोयला-खनन परियोजना को वित्तीय सहायता नहीं दी। जून 2024 में, समूह ने अमेरिका स्थित फैरलॉन कैपिटल मैनेजमेंट और किंग स्ट्रीट कैपिटल मैनेजमेंट से अपने ऑस्ट्रेलियाई कोयला बंदरगाह के लिए मौजूदा ऋण को पुनर्वित्त करने के लिए 33.3 करोड़ डॉलर का निजी ऋण प्राप्त किया।

इस लेख की पहली और दूसरी किस्त भी पढ़े।

‘अडानी वॉच’ से साभार। अनुवादक अ. भा. किसान सभा से संबद्ध छत्तीसगढ़ किसान सभा के उपाध्यक्ष हैं।

ऐतिहासिक जनादेश, बड़ी जिम्मेदारी: क्या इस बार हेमंत सरकार मुसलमानों को न्याय, रोजगार और अधिकार दे पाएगी

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रांची: अब यह कोई रहस्य नहीं कि झारखंड के मुसलमानों ने इंडिया ब्लॉक के लिए सामूहिक रूप से मतदान किया है और हेमंत सोरेन और झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा (जेएमएम) की अगुवाई वाली सरकार को लगातार दूसरी बार राज्य में स्थापित करने के लिए ऐतिहासिक बहुमत दिलाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है।

झारखंड के इतिहास में कोई भी सरकार दोबारा निर्वाचित नहीं हुई है, लेकिन राज्य में मुसलमानों और आदिवासियों के भारी समर्थन के कारण यह संभव हो सका। हालांकि, 2019-2024 के कार्यकाल के दौरान, दोनों समुदायों की प्रमुख मांगें अधूरी रहीं। परिणामस्वरूप, चुनाव से पहले इन समुदायों के सदस्यों, विशेषकर मुसलमानों में नाराजगी बढ़ रही थी।

चुनाव के दौरान मुसलमान, बीजेपी और उसके सहयोगियों के निशाने पर रहे। उन्हें घुसपैठिया करार दिया गया, और अगर एनडीए सत्ता में आती तो वह झारखंड में एनआरसी (राष्ट्रीय नागरिक रजिस्टर) लागू करने का ऐलान कर चुका था। असम के मुख्यमंत्री हिमंत बिस्वा सरमा से लेकर प्रधान मंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी तक ने मुसलमानों के खिलाफ नफरत फैलाने और भय फैलाने वाले भाषण दिए।

रघुवर दास (2014-2019) के नेतृत्व वाली भारतीय जनता पार्टी (भाजपा) की सरकार में झारखंड में मॉब लिंचिंग की कई घटनाएं हुई। जब हेमंत सोरेन सरकार सत्ता में आई तो उसने 2021 में मॉब लिंचिंग विरोधी बिल विधानसभा में पास कर दिया। हालांकि, राज्यपाल ने बिल वापस लौटा दिया।

“मॉब लिंचिंग विरोधी विधेयक को आपत्तियों के दूर करने के बाद राज्यपाल को वापस भेजा जाना चाहिए। सरकार को यह सुनिश्चित करना होगा कि विधेयक पारित हो जाए और फिर से रुके नहीं। इसके अतिरिक्त, सरकार को सभी मॉब लिंचिंग पीड़ित परिवारों को मुआवजा देना चाहिए,” रांची के एक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता तनवीर अहमद ने ईन्यूज़रूम को कहा।

तनवीर ने आगे कहा कि नवगठित इंडिया ब्लॉक सरकार को अन्य लंबित मुद्दों पर तेजी से कार्रवाई करनी चाहिए। “10 जून, 2024 के रांची गोलीबारी मामले में पीड़ितों को इंसाफ मिलना चाहिए। प्रभावित परिवार को मुआवजा दिया जाना चाहिए। 10,000 अज्ञात लोगों के खिलाफ दर्ज प्राथमिकी खारिज हो और नामित आरोपियों के खिलाफ मामले उसी तरह हटाये जाना चाहिए जैसे पत्थलगड़ी मामले में हेमंत सोरेन सरकार ने किया था। मामले की जांच सीआईडी ​​से कराई जानी चाहिए,” तनवीर ने कहा।

तनवीर ने इस बात पर जोर दिया कि सरकार को अल्पसंख्यकों, विशेषकर मुसलमानों पर अधिक ध्यान केंद्रित करने की जरूरत है, क्योंकि पिछले पांच वर्षों में बहुत कम काम हुए हैं। “राज्य में एक उर्दू अकादमी और मदरसा बोर्ड की स्थापना की जानी चाहिए। सरकार को हज हाउस का उपयोग अल्पसंख्यक छात्रों को यूपीएससी और जेपीएससी जैसी सरकारी परीक्षाओं के लिए तैयार करने के लिए एक प्रशिक्षण केंद्र के रूप में भी करना चाहिए।”

उन्होंने अल्पसंख्यक बहुल क्षेत्रों में बेहतर स्वास्थ्य और शिक्षा के बुनियादी ढांचे की आवश्यकता पर भी प्रकाश डाला। उन्होंने कहा, “मुस्लिम-बहुल क्षेत्रों में मुख्यमंत्री उत्कृष्टता विद्यालय और नए प्राथमिक स्वास्थ्य केंद्र स्थापित होने चाहिए।”

तनवीर ने वक्फ संशोधन विधेयक 2024 पर भी कहा। “यदि केंद्र वक्फ संशोधन विधेयक पारित करता है, तो झारखंड विधानसभा को राज्य में इसके कार्यान्वयन के खिलाफ एक प्रस्ताव पारित करना चाहिए।”

आमया संगठन के अध्यक्ष शमीम अली ने 3,712 उर्दू शिक्षकों की तत्काल भर्ती का आह्वान किया, यह प्रक्रिया वर्षों से लंबित है। उन्होंने उर्दू स्कूलों में शुक्रवार की छुट्टियां रद्द करने के आदेश को वापस लेने की भी मांग की। शमीम ने कहा, “झारखंड में अल्पसंख्यकों के लिए बजट भी बढ़ाया जाना चाहिए।”

शमीम और तनवीर ने सांसद और कांग्रेस नेता पप्पू यादव, जो हेमंत सोरेन के शपथ ग्रहण समारोह के लिए रांची में थे, से भी संसद में वक्फ संशोधन विधेयक 2024 का विरोध करने का अनुरोध किया।

 

ये इंग्लिश में प्रकाशित रिपोर्ट का अनुवाद है।

Historic Mandate, Historic Responsibility: Can Hemant Soren Deliver Justice, Jobs, and Rights for Jharkhand’s Muslims?

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Ranchi: It is now an open secret that the Muslims of Jharkhand have voted en masse for the INDIA bloc and played a crucial role in securing a historic majority to install Hemant Soren and the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) government for a second consecutive term in the state.

No government in Jharkhand’s history has ever been re-elected, but this became possible due to the overwhelming support of Muslims and tribals in the state. However, during the 2019–2024 term, the major demands of both communities remained unfulfilled. As a result, there was growing resentment among members of these communities, particularly Muslims, ahead of the elections.

During the elections, Muslims remained a target of the BJP and its allies. They were labeled as infiltrators (ghuspetiyas), and if the NDA comes to power, it plans to implement the NRC (National Register of Citizens) in Jharkhand. Hate speeches and fear-mongering against Muslims were delivered by figures ranging from Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma to Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government led by Raghubar Das (2014–2019), Jharkhand witnessed several mob lynching incidents. When the Hemant Soren government came to power, it passed the anti-mob lynching bill in the assembly in 2021. However, the Governor returned the bill.

“The anti-mob lynching bill should be sent back to the Governor after addressing the objections. The government must ensure that the bill gets passed and is not stalled again. Additionally, the government should compensate all mob lynching victim families,” said Tanveer Ahmad, a social activist based in Ranchi, in his remarks to eNewsroom.

Ahmad further stated that the newly formed INDIA bloc government must act swiftly on other pending issues. “The Ranchi firing case of June 10, 2024, must be addressed. The affected family should receive compensation, the FIR filed against 10,000 unidentified individuals should be dismissed, and the cases against the named accused should be handled as the Hemant Soren government did in the Pathalgadi case. The matter should be investigated by the CID,” he suggested.

Ahmad emphasized that the government needs to focus more on minorities, especially Muslims, as little progress was made in the past five years. “An Urdu Academy and Madarsa Board should be established in the state. The government should also utilize the Haj House as a training center to prepare minority students for government exams like UPSC and JPSC.”

He further highlighted the need for improved health and education infrastructure in minority-dominated areas. “There should be a Chief Minister’s School of Excellence and new primary health centers in Muslim-majority regions,” he added.

Ahmad also addressed concerns over the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024. “If the Center passes the Waqf Amendment Bill, the Jharkhand assembly should pass a resolution against its implementation in the state.”

Shamim Ali, president of the AMYA organization, called for the immediate recruitment of 3,712 Urdu teachers, a process that has been delayed for years. He also demanded the reversal of the order canceling Friday holidays in Urdu schools. “The budget for minorities in Jharkhand should be increased as well,” said Ali.

Ali and Ahmad also requested Member of Parliament and Congress leader Pappu Yadav, who was in Ranchi for Hemant Soren’s oath-taking ceremony, to oppose the Waqf Amendment Bill 2024 in Parliament.

Ahmed Wali Faisal Rahmani: Legitimised by Constitution yet Caged by Choices: The Plight of Indian Muslim Leadership

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[dropcap]A[/dropcap]s co-founder, the visionary Hazrat Maulana Minnatullah Rahmani (RA) was the “General Secretary” of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), which was established in 1973. Its first office was rooted in the sanctity of Khanqah Rahmani, Munger, Bihar. Under their profound leadership, the Board ushered in a transformative era, reshaping the daily lives and affairs of Indian Muslims.

The deep-rooted association between AIMPLB and the Rahmani family of Bihar has been a cornerstone of its legacy. However, in light of recent developments, the esteemed Sajjada-Nasheen of Khanqah Rahmani found it necessary to resign, marking a poignant moment in this historic relationship.

Why did the Sajjada-Nasheen of Khanqah Rahmani Munger, Hazrat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani resign from an influential post of Secretary of AIMPLB, which many would live their life for?

Any Muslim leader with the current impoverished status of the Indian Muslim community would certainly not entertain offensive statements by people of social stature questioning his commitment and dedication towards the upliftment of the community merely based on his OCI status when the law-of-the-land, the AIMPLB bylaws and the government allows him to hold and discharge duty even as an executive of any NPO.

Certain individuals with ill intentions are attempting to falsely depict AIMPLB as a government entity. This deliberate misrepresentation not only misguides the community but also robs them of the opportunities and guidance that genuine leadership could provide. Thoughtful Muslims must recognize and resist these attempts, as they are often driven by personal ambitions, seeking to exploit and erode the rich legacy of Indian Muslims in this land of love, harmony, and spirituality.

 <<<ﯾﺎ أﯾﮭﺎ اﻟذﯾن آﻣﻧوا إن ﺟﺎءﻛم ﻓﺎﺳق ﺑﻧﺑﺄ ﻓﺗﺑﯾﻧوا أن ﺗﺻﯾﺑوا ﻗوﻣﺎ ﺑﺟﮭﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﺗﺻﺑﺣوا ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﺗم ﻧﺎدﻣﯾن>>>

The Qur`anic verse, “O ye who believe! If a wicked person comes to you with any news, ascertain the truth, lest ye harm people unwittingly, and afterwards become full of repentance for what you have done(49:6)”, serves as a crucial reminder of the importance of verifying the facts and seeking truth.

The leadership of Hazrat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani sb as Ameer-e-Shariat of Imarat-e-Sharia, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, and parts of West Bengal has filled the critical void of relevant leadership within the Indian Muslim community. While many respected Maulanas have made commendable contributions, the urgent need for effective and transformative action to uplift the community raises serious questions about the leadership principles guiding various organizations working toward this.

As the Ameer of Imarat-e-Sharia, Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani has held a position of immense responsibility. Under his leadership, the organization has played a pivotal role in guiding Indian Muslims on religious, legal, and social matters while advocating for their constitutional rights.

Why shouldn’t capable individuals Lead Islamic Organizations in India? Is being an Overseas Citizen of India a legal barrier? What are the real problems of the Indian Muslim Community and who can be trusted for a solution?

Legal and Constitutional Framework

Section 7A of the Citizenship Act, 1955-which grants OCI status to someone who held an Indian passport in the past, grants freedom in activities at par with an Indian Citizen except as stated in Section 7B of the act, namely: any constitutional voting rights, election to Lok Sabha/Rajya Sabha/Legislative Assembly/Council, holding Constitutional posts such as President, Vice President, Judge of Supreme Court/High Court etc. and buying agricultural lands.

The Citizenship Act, of 1955, explicitly allows Overseas Citizen of India Holders to work and discharge duties in NPOs and other central government institutions such as IISERs, IITs, IISc, AIIMSs and Central Universities. OCI/PIO Holders with cards dated 03.03.2021 or before are treated at par with Indian nationals for Government Medical and Engineering seats(SC’s WP(Civil) 891/2021).

AIMPLB is registered under the Societies Registration Act 1860. The by-laws of AIMPLB, Clause 5 of the Board’s rules and regulations state about the formation of a board with members from different sects(5(a) -5(c)). These by-laws do not draw distinctions within the categories of the memberships.

Similarly, the Indian Trust Act of 1882 in Section 1, in the savings clause reads as follows:

“Savings – But nothing herein contained affects the rules of Muhammadean law as to waqf, or the mutual relations of the members of an undivided family as determined by any customary or personal law, or applies to public or private religious or charitable endowments, or to trusts to distribute prizes taken in war among the captors, and nothing in the second Chapter of this Act applies to trusts created before the said date.”

We also draw a reasonable analogy from a case law. In 2018, SCC Online ITAT 17108 of the Income tax appellate tribunal, most of the trustees ( 4 out of 5) were residents outside India while only one trustee was an Indian citizen and had a domicile in India). Even then (four Trustees were not even OCI citizens of India), the Appellate Tribunal held in favour of the validity of the Trust.

An Overseas Citizen of India can not be assumed to be a foreigner in the traditional sense because of the subsequent legislative intervention an Overseas Citizen of India is a different concept than a “foreigner” in The Foreigners Act, 1946. There is no law governing the “Not for Profit Organizations” that contains special provisions with regards to a Foreigner, NRI, OCI and PIO being inducted in the governing body of a society or a company registered under Section 8 of The Companies Act, 2013.

Finally, the FCRA(Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, 2010) does not prohibit any Foreign National of Indian Origin from being a part of the governing body of a society/trust seeking registration under it. Below is the relevant FAQ published by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Question: “Foreigners can be appointed as Executive Committee members of an association seeking registration or prior permission?

Answer: Organizations having foreign nationals, other than of Indian origin, as members of their executive committees or governing bodies, are generally not permitted to receive foreign contributions.”

Clearly, the Constitutional Act under which AIMPLB was formed (Societies Registration Act 1860) and Indian Trust Act 1882, the bylaws of AIMPLB (Section 5), the Income Tax Tribunal, the Citizenship Act of 1955 and its amendment of 2004 and subsequent directives by the Indian government and the laws pertaining to FCRA, 2010 does not distinguish an Indian citizen and an Overseas Citizen of India to be an executive member of AIMPLB.

Since the legal and constitutional rules allow such an appointment, several well-known Trusts, IITs, IISERs, AIIMSs and IISc are availing this to uplift their contribution towards nation-building. Prof. Manjul Bhargava, an Overseas Citizen of India holder and a US citizen was a major contributor and a prominent member of the NEP committee. He helped the country draft a historic educational policy, NEP 2020. Siddharth Varadarajan, the co-founder of The Wire and an OCI has served journalism as an editor of Times of India and The Hindu. However, as a US citizen, his commitment to journalism and its cause is exceptional. There are numerous similar examples of OCI holding executive positions in Trusts and government bodies which I skip for the sake of brevity. We, Indian Muslims too, should avail this privilege and contribute towards societal and nation-building.

Representation of Indian Muslims

Sayyidina Hazrat Maulana Ameer-e-Shariat belongs to the esteemed and renowned Ahl-e-Bayt family through Hazrat Mungeri RA. Three generations of the family’s service have been witnessed and documented by Indian Muslims. From being a founder of the renowned Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama, Lucknow; and founder of AIMPLB, to the great initiative of Rahmani30 whose alumni have bridged the gap between the Ilm and contemporary society; the Mungeri family has been a means of benefit of this world and hereafter for the entire Indian Muslim community.

Hazrat Maulana has been the unwavering torchbearer of the revolutionary vision of his esteemed father, the late Hazrat Maulana Wali Rahmani Sb. (RA). This vision materialized into the transformative initiative of Rahmani30, an unparalleled platform requiring both professional excellence and profound dedication to sustain.

Rahmani30 has proudly placed Indian Muslims on the nation’s excellence map, qualifying 1055 JEE Mains 366 JEE Advanced, 3 ISI ( Indian Statistical Institute)  and similarly registering excellent results in NEET, CA/CS — a testament to its unparalleled success. More than just an academic initiative, it embodies a rare harmony of Deen and Duniya, empowering Indian Muslims to excel both spiritually and professionally, all without compromising on religious values or academic excellence. Rahmani30 stands as a shining beacon of hope and achievement in independent India, a legacy unmatched in its commitment to holistic empowerment.

After being in charge of the responsibilities of Imarat-e-Sharia and Khanqaah Rahmani and its associated schools, madrasas and institutions, Hazrat Maulana has further intensified the reforms that his father, Hazrat Maulana Wali Rahmani RA had initiated. He successfully ran an Islamic School in Pomona, California USA and has implemented a lot of his experience in the Rahmani School of Excellence, Munger, Bihar.

The legal perspectives of the proposed Waqf Bill that Hazrat Maulana presented while touring various cities were exceptional. The simplicity with which the amendments were explained, through case-by-case examples, connected a common Muslim to the ground reality of the proposed bill. The audience were explained the amendments in fluent Urdu, English and Hindi often through one-on-one interactions.

Hazrat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani Sb.’s contributions to empowering and uplifting the community are immense, spanning numerous impactful initiatives, many of which are beyond enumeration.

Community Sentiments and Trust

The position of Ameer-e-Shariat is not just administrative; it carries profound spiritual, legal, and symbolic significance. I asked Hazrat about his contributions to the Waqf protest, where he had successfully strategized a proactive response mechanism within the framework of the Constitution. Under his leadership, his team developed a comprehensive infrastructure and response system for the Ummah, managing an astounding 3.66 crore emails. His humble reply was, “I did it for Allah.”

Hazrat is a true embodiment of Fana-fiLLAH.

”ﻣﺧﻠﺻﯾن ﮨداﯾت ﮐﮯ ﭼراغ ﮨﯾں Baihaqi”-

 The Spirituality of a person is not for hands to write or eyes to read but rather, for the hearts to feel through presence.

Who can be a better bearer of trust and honour sentiments than him who seeks no recognition even for his irreplaceable contribution?

His Professional Background and Relevance

The Professional background that Hazrat Ameer-e-Shariat possesses is rare even among the educated elites of the Indian Muslim community. He is well-versed in Urdu(native), English(native), Arabic(near-native) and Hindi and has successfully delivered his role as the Director of Strategies at the University of California Systems which comprises 10 campuses including Berkeley, Los Angeles and Davis!

Every community wants its leaders to truly understand its problems. Today’s basic needs are Education, Technology and Healthcare with the sweetness of Emaan. Without an iota of disrespect to the Akaabireen-e-Ulama, is it not that Hazrat Ameer-e-Shariat, Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani DB has the deen and duniya that the Indian Muslim community seeks and within the legal frame that our constitution and government has defined?

Is it, not the time that Indian Muslims hand over their reign to someone who can truly work for their duniya and akkhirat in the contemporary perspective?

Maintaining the Integrity of Indian Islamic Institutions

Guided by the esteemed Hazrat Maulana Minnatullah Rahmani (RA), his grandfather, and mentored by his father, Hazrat Maulana Md. Wali Rahmani (RA), Hazrat Maulana represents a harmonious blend of profound spiritual insight and professional mastery. His upbringing has ingrained in him an unshakable commitment to accountability, transparency, and dedicated leadership.

With hands-on experience in the cosmopolitan ethos of California, he has demonstrated exceptional skill in addressing challenges with integrity, program management, and operational excellence.

Hazrat Maulana is tirelessly striving to elevate Indian Islamic institutions by instilling a culture of responsibility and unwavering accountability. What could be more reassuring for the community than a leader who seamlessly blends exceptional competence with an unyielding commitment to their progress and well-being?

Finally, I would like to humbly put that the Indian Muslim community should wisely choose its leader, it is imperative for the leader to have the qualities that are sought in the community’s future. The leader is bound to be an inspiration.

It is a time when the Indian Muslim community needs to separate leaders from liabilities; and understand and differentiate competitors who can lead them to the goal and who are ambushing to misguide them by making fake promises and narrating unplanned exaggerated dreams.

Can we trust a driving school whose trainers can’t drive?

Can we trust a doctor who hasn’t gone to medical school?

Can someone rectify the community when (s)he/herself is not rectified?

Should Indian Muslims let this chance of being served by a Religious, Educated, Spiritual and Responsible leader who, despite his status wants to serve the community as a servant, go by?

Is the community forced to continue with those leaders whose doors are shut with bodyguards or with someone happy to share his privileges with common Muslims of the country?

Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani is an appropriate choice for a leader for the Indian Muslim community. It is a pity that those who seek national politics to be based on work and leadership have stooped to raise an issue that serves no legality in the eyes of the law of the land.

Every Indian Muslim seeking a positive #change for the community should stand by contribution and not delusions.

 مسلم نے بھی تعمیر کِیا اپنا حرم اور

تہذیب کے آزر نے ترشوائے صنم اور

ان تازہ خداؤں میں بڑا سب سے وطن ہے

جو پیرہن اس کا ہے، وہ مذہب کا کفن ہے

(Rough translation of it) Muslim also built his Haram and
The burden of civilization has destroyed the sanam and
Among these new gods, the greatest is the homeland
The veil that belongs to him is the shroud of religion

Beyond the Mainstream: How VT Rajashekar Shaped Alternative Media in India

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[dropcap]I[/dropcap]t was sometime in October 1991 that sitting on the lawns of Lokayat, the place Dr Mulk Raj Anand used to stay in Delhi, reading morning papers that day, a letter to the Editor column of The Hindustan Times, attracted me. I read the letter in three columns writing about the media and the casteism in it. The sender of the letter was Vontibettu Thimmappa Rajshekar Shetty commonly known as VT Rajashekar, Editor of Dalit Voice magazine. Those were the days when the letters column of some of the dailies used to be extremely informative and many big names would write it. I noted down the address and wrote a letter to VT Rajashekar also popularly known among his friends and readers as VT or VTR. Surprisingly, his answer came in the form of a few copies of the magazine along with his note. This was the beginning of a relationship that I nurtured with VT Rajashekar till his demise.

Interestingly, Dalit Voice started its journey in 1981 and Dr Mulk Raj Anand, the author who wrote Untouchables in 1927, was the first one to support it. He encouraged VT and his name used to appear as patron of the magazine in the beginning. Unfortunately, the events in Punjab in the early 1980s, resulting in Operation Blue Star and subsequently the assassination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi were the turning point for both VT and MRA. Mulk Raj Anand spoke against terrorism unquestionably while VT somehow got hugely influenced by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. VT Rajashekar condemned Operation Blue Star and considered Bhindranwale as a great leader and perhaps an ‘emancipator’ of Dalits.

Rajshekar informed me about his connection with Dr Mulk Raj Anand. “I was dismissed from the Indian Express and became big news all over India. Anand read it somewhere. He said, I read about you, I am coming to meet you.”

“Then he came, and I showed him all my books. He appreciated and suggested, you must start a paper. I’ll give the name ‘Dalit Voice’. He also proposed to give some initial (seed) money. He was also ready to contribute with some articles. So, Dalit Voice started,” mentioned the editor. Rajshekar says that their difference over Punjab was not ‘intellectual’ but Mulk Raj Anand’s blind admiration for Indira Gandhi.

VT Rajashekar was courageous and had a very wide understanding of the movements in different parts of the world. It is he who started the Dalit connection with the Black Movement in the United States and the issue of African Americans. All this happened at the time when Dalit Bahujan movements were confined to their political battlefield but Rajshekar broadened our horizon of thinking. Thinkers like Runako Rashidi would continue to write in Dalit voice supporting the close association with both movements.

Dalit Voice became a platform for all those who were looking for alternative media. He made us believe in ourselves. He was the reason, I can say it firmly, young voices like me, actually got attracted to alternative voices and decided to get away from all that is known as ‘mainstream’ media. There was no dearth of words and idioms in his vocabulary. The most fascinating part of Dalit Voice was the ‘Reader’s column’ which provided names and contact details of the letter writers. It made people contact each other. At the time, when there was no internet or email had not become part of common usage, the Dalit Voice letters column linked us with one another. Once your letter is published in the magazine, rest assured, that several people will contact you or phone you. It became like a family where people would respect each other and would share their thoughts. I never say any other magazine or journal linking its readers network that powerfully.

Interestingly, VT ensured that all those who wrote a ‘letter to the editor’, get a copy of Dalit Voice by post with a personal note about the ‘article’ or ‘letter’ published, giving page number. At the time, when the media rarely entertained the Ambedkarite voices or anti-caste forces, getting published in Dalit Voice gave us more confidence. It was not the ‘quality’ that mattered but we felt encouraged by the fact that we became a part of the family that VT was developing. His vision was extremely broad which included all oppressed nationalities including SC-ST-OBC-Minorities. I used to get emails and phone calls from readers in different parts of the country. So, apart from giving the readers a political understanding of the current crisis built up by the Brahmin Bania elite class, Rajashekar ensured that the readers were in touch with each other. This quality of him was rare. Any letter that he wrote me or call that he made to me was added with a few contracts, asking me to meet the person and vice versa. That way, he built up a powerful network of Ambedkarite Periyarist Bahujan intellectuals the world over. It was through the pages of Dalit Voice that I came to know about VT Hirekar, Bishop Azariah, Henry Thyagaraj, Dr Velu Annamalai, Runako Rashidi and many other powerful voices.

It was also a fact that many of their views were extremely difficult to digest but he remained categorical and unapologetic about them. He felt that Sikhs were wronged in Punjab and he wrote about it. He had a very wide Muslim readership apart from Ambedkarites the world over. Many people felt that he was the platform for the BSP and BAMSCEF supporters but the fact was Dalit Voice was truly a platform where you got to hear all kinds of voices involved in different political struggles. He was sharp and will bring a new angle to the issues. He was openly opposed to the violent methods of Naxalites and others and has been critical of them and warned the Dalits to be careful of them.

The problem with his ideological rigidity was the philosophy of ‘enemy’s enemy is a friend’. He wanted all the forces of justice to fight Brahmanism in India. Many Ambedkarites did not like the language he used and he had lots of trouble because of his political position. His passport was confiscated as soon as he landed at the airport from Libya and in 1986 he was arrested under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act. He got released later.
During a conversation, he informed me that the passport was confiscated after he returned from Libya where he had a meeting with Libyan leader Col Gaddafi. He had gone to participate in the World Black Conference there where he got an opportunity to speak. He told me, ‘I was given 3 minutes to speak, as everyone was given 3 minutes, I prepared my thoughts and spoke. It was televised, which I did not see. There was a standing ovation. Then I came back to my room, had my lunch and was taking a rest when somebody knocked on the door. I opened it and a man at the door who looked like an Indian said he was the Press Trust of India chief Tripoli. He said, “I saw your speech on TV, live TV speech. I said, thank you very much.  Then he said, “You have criticized India!” “Can you criticize India abroad?” I asked, “who said that we should not criticize India outside the country?”. He then added, ‘It is an intellectual discussion! We can criticise even God! We criticize God also! Any criticism is very important to go forward. I told him I was the chief reporter. Afterwards, his stay at the Indian Express became difficult and finally, he was dismissed from there. He fought his case and won the court.

The most impressive part of VT Rajashekar and Dalit Voice was that it was professionally edited and all through since the beginning, there was rarely any occasion where it missed publication. We all used to think that it must have a big office in Bengaluru with many staff but later found out that Dalit Voice was purely a one-man show. He had a typist cum all-in-one assistant but every other technical work like editing etc was done by him only. Imagine, one man bringing out a journal for nearly 30 years. It was not a hugely funded magazine but it became known the world over.

It was not that people did not criticise him for the language that he wrote or the ‘conspiracy theories’ that he would unravel in the magazine. He was blamed for living a ‘luxurious’ lifestyle and many more things. The fact was that one might not have agreed with his ‘theories’ but he was honest to his commitments and for the cause of the empowerment of Dalit Bahujans. It was the only magazine which brought writings from all parts of India as well as the African writings of resistance. Those were the times when magazines were there but most of the contents were limited to regions and mostly to Baba Saheb Ambedkar. It was Dalit voice where we not only got an introduction to the important work of Periyar as well as Shyam Sundar, a great leader from Hyderabad who founded Bhim Sena but we came to know about many other regional icons.

VTR knew the power of media and he wanted to start a media house which could function as a platform for the Bahujan forces in the country. He was close to Late Kanshiram and later tried the idea to start a journal in Delhi but as he said politicians would not take the issue seriously. According to him, only Lalu Yadav was serious in that matter however things could not materialise.

During VP Singh’s tenure in 1990, he shifted to Delhi but after the massive anti-Mandal protest, he returned to Bangalore. He was a member of the National Committee of Baba Saheb Ambedkar Centenary Celebration Committee formed by the government at that time. His close friend and member of Dalit voice, Dalit Ezhilmalai became a Minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government. VT came back to Delhi at that time but could not stay for long. Later, he informed me that he was not satisfied with his friends associated with the BJP and became corrupt.
Slowly, the new generation of Bahujan leaders were taking shape in the Universities and colleges. A number of the Dalit organizations flourished. Civil society and NGOs too grew up. Dalits and OBCs too have had many political parties. VT Rajashekar never used Dalit Voice in criticizing any Dalit Bahujan leader unless he was seen as working against the community’s interests. He tried to bring them together but in politics, you can’t do that. Political leaders want unquestioned loyalty. Political leaders can’t support independent media because they are habitual of propaganda and ‘chamchas’ roaming around them and publishing the stories of their visits, inaugurations and speeches hence any independent intellectual is not wanted by them. VT was loved by all but politicians realized that he would become a burden for them politically as the ideas that he was pursuing would only be detrimental to their politics where they need devotees and not political activists and intellectuals.

Secondly, most of them only wanted a propaganda paper for them and VT was too independent to bow to any political leadership. He was a man of spine and deep convictions hence did not compromise.

He reflected on it during a conversation with me at his house in Mangalore.

VBR: Do you think that the absence of truly strong intellectualism among our communities in our country has hurt the democratic movements? A people who don’t surrender in front of the power?

VTR: Intellectualism is not a readymade packet which is purchased from a shop. It has to be nourished like a plant, it has to grow. Now this intellectualism is to be nourished in the sociology department, literature department etc. I have given all my books to St. Xavier College here in Mangalore. After one year of donating all the books, I went there to see how they were being used. The librarian came in and said sir, “You have given the books. From that day we have properly arranged the books and put them in a lock. Until today we have not opened.”

VBR: So that means, we don’t want our students to read the dissenting notes or books…

VTR: Not that we don’t want. The students are not interested. Students are interested in passing exams. They want to pass the examinations. This is not the case in other parts of the world. I have gone to Sweden and many places around the world. Libraries are packed, bookstores are packed. But here, nobody is interested in books. Gone intellectuals !! You see. Money, money, money. Christian churches, in terms of scholars, have the biggest colleges in the country. They are not interested.

VBR:  As you have been writing against the Hindutva fanaticism or communalism which can only be countered by Dalit intellectual tradition but still, we are unable to do that.

VTR: Unable because you see, to hit a King Kong, you must have the strength. You have not grown at all. Have we got any person of stature or intellectuals? Babasaheb Ambedkar was number one an intellectual than a political leader. Shyam Sundar was an intellectual, an honest intellectual. You see Lalu Prasad Yadav is interesting. He is a fighter. He knows he is into some drama; he knows it but beyond them nothing today.

VTR was deeply disappointed by Lalu Yadav’s inability to support his media initiative. He did not have much faith in others. Slowly, Dalit Voice became a victim of its contradictions. His caste theory did not help much. In the new era or what can be safely called the Post Mandal era, the issue of identities that he raised ultimately became detrimental to him. There was a time when no none ever dared to question who he was but the time came when people started asking about his caste and slowly came to know that he belonged to Shetty i.e. powerful Bunt community in South Karnataka. The fight for power and connection with power elites divide people and then the identity issue is used to settle scores. Dalit Voice initially was termed as a magazine of BSP-Ambedkarite people and frankly speaking it is the Ambedkarite initially who supported it wholeheartedly. Slowly, it started changing the track and a time came when people started questioning whether it was Dalit voice or Muslim voice and that too he was accused of promoting extremist and radical Islamic writings. He refused to address the issue of the contradiction between Dalits and OBCs as well as between Muslims and Dalits. Frankly, there were powerbrokers everywhere and they used the caste card more for their interests.

The magazine was running under a difficult circumstance. A few committed people like one Dr Siddhu in Delhi, tried to bring Dalit Voice in Hindi too but it was not successful. He thought that the Hindi heartland would accept him but it did not happen. He had a sizable fan following in Punjab but not that much in Uttar Pradesh except those who were comfortable in the English language. Moreover, in the Hindi heartland, the Manu-stream media was compelled to give space to Dalit Bahujan Voices but Ambedkarites like advocate Bhagwan Das, VT Rajashekar or LR Balley would not find space in the media. The new age Ambedkarites were soft and working in link with this mainstream media. A new narrative was building up. Many of the young generations people in north India can only speak about Om Prakash Valmiki and other Hindu poets and writers who they got to read in the daily newspapers but sadly very few people are aware of the work of Advocate Bhagwan Das, LR Balley or VT Rajshekar.  It reflects that we modern Ambedkarites are learning Ambedkarism from Brahmanical media or those who are getting published in the Brahmanical media. Rajshekar and his brand of honest intellectuals did not compromise on that front and never tried to get into the media they criticized so vehemently.

Despite all their shortcomings, he had a huge fan following. I found that when along with Ambedkarite activist Rajani Tilak, we organized an event to celebrate Twenty-Five Years Celebrations of Dalit Voice in Delhi. VTR was keen that there should be a programme in Delhi but no one was coming forward to support it as it needed resources. One day, I informed him that I could think of organizing a one-day programme in Delhi because despite all my reservations, I respected VTR a lot and there was a personal relationship hence I felt it was our duty to do it. VTR wanted a space in the New Delhi area where those coming from outside Delhi would find it easier to reach by 10 am. I was worried whether we would be able to get so many people in Delhi. It was difficult to get the places so I ultimately zeroed in on the Gandhi Peace Foundation located near ITO. Many of the ‘followers’ of VTR resented when this information was announced at Dalit Voice about the Delhi programme, My response to them was that we had hired the place and there is nothing wrong in organizing an event. However, it was very difficult to control VT and many times he could also be a source of deep discomfort.

On the day, when the Delhi Voice Conference was organized, we all reached on time. As we reached the main hall of the Gandhi Peace Foundation, VT became aggressive. He realized the photograph of Gandhi in the front and back and that would have made things problematic for him so he said we need to cover the photograph of Gandhi so that he is not seen with the photograph of Gandhi any more. It was an embarrassing situation for me but thanks to Gandhi Peace Foundation friends they did not create obstacles and provided cloth sheets to cover all the photographs of Gandhi. After that, VTR asked me to anchor the event while he sat on the dais along with Rajani Tilak. Local people from Delhi and NCR had started coming in. By 1130, the hall was over-packed. There was a large number of people coming from Punjab. He noticed who were the people coming from. He had invited several people from Embassies and was keen on speaking with them.

Anyway, the programme showed his popularity among the Ambedkarite Dalit Bahujan political activists. It went on till late in the evening and he was responding to each question raised by the readers. The point I want to make is that he was a professional journalist and knew his target audience. His sharp and witty language was a toast for many. North Indians were not habitual of that kind of language except for some time in the BSP meetings but after the party came to power they became more cautious and all that ‘Tilak Taraju Talwar’ aggression vaporized as the party understood power politics. After BSP’s ascendency to power in Uttar Pradesh a positive thing happened the activists were asked to do away with abusing languages which many of them had become habitual of. Chief Minister Mayawati herself became extra cautious when speaking to the people and that is why even today, most people realise that despite all her drawbacks, she has been the most reasonable leader who speaks with great caution. The GPF meeting made me realise the limitations of VTR and his inability to handle criticism or dissenting viewpoints. Also, he was becoming more and more a ‘preacher’ rather than a journalist. All the articles in Dalit Voice would pass through his edit and most of the time people would realise the original article is substantially changed to make it suit the language of Dalit Voice. Most of the time, he wanted the North Indian leaders to listen to him but they never bothered and his dream to start a media center could never materialize.

The fact is that the rise of BSP politics and different other Dalit Bahujan parties, usage of identity and religious symbols, growth of NGOs, growth of digital platforms and media, growth of new young dynamic Ambedkarites who could speak with power of their convictions and still ready to converse with those who disagree were the things, which in my opinion, resulted in declining readership.  While none can deny the important role VT played in strengthening the Dalit Bahujan movement by providing his platforms to diverse intellectuals, activists and leaders the world over, it is also a fact that the deeply centralized style of functioning left him alone at the end. Dalit Voice means VT and there was one who could take the responsibility to run the paper because he never nurtured any newcomer in the organization and a newcomer will only join if there is financial security. He was running it out of conviction and he would not have gone to people begging for money so the one-man show ran for nearly 35 years and it became difficult because of age too, to make its impact.

When I met him at his Mangalore house and inquired about Dalit Voice then he informed me that no printer was ready to print the magazine. The fact is that after Modi’s assuming power, all publishers and printers became extra cautious as they had to run business so none of them dared to print Dalit Voice. VT informed me that RSS people had threatened all the publishers so none could come to rescue him. He thought people elsewhere would support him but it is good that he shut the publication otherwise he would have faced numerous charges filed against him. In today’s politics every party, leader and intellectual cares for his connections and doesn’t want to hurt his/her business interest.

There are very few like VT Rajshekar who could speak powerfully and loudly to the Brahmanical elite of India. He was feared for that and that is the reason why no editor in what he termed as Brahmin Bania media would dare to publish his article and some advised him to take the ‘letters to editor’ route to propagate his ideas which he actually used.

The sad part is that no north Indian leader including Lalu Yadav or any one BAMSCEF or BSP even acknowledged anything about VT Rajashekar but the two tributes from Karnataka and Tamil Nadu Chief Ministers reflected how much he was respected. Siddaramaiah said he was a voice for the human rights of the marginalized but MK Stalin paid the truly Periyarist tribute saying, ‘The passing away of Renowned journalist, writer and thinker VT Rajashekar marks the loss of a bold and uncompromising voice against caste oppression. Through Dalit Voice, he shaped intellectual discourse and amplified marginalized voices. His dedication to social justice and the fight against caste discrimination inspired generations. Heartfelt condolences to his family and loved ones.’

Two years back veteran Ambedkarite LR Balley passed away in Jalandhar. In an interview, I asked him who after Balley and he said that he is forming a trust to run it but he said an individual can not be replaced so there may be a person better than him or worse but not like him. VT Rajashekar too has left us with that dilemma as to who after VT Rajashekar. I read somewhere that his son got established with the help of some friend, a digital archive online but people like us who were associated with him never got any information. Frankly speaking, in the absence of families knowing anything about the individual working, the work is mostly demolished. They don’t know who the people are associated with but opt for ‘famous’ people who might never have been on the same platform.

Why does Dalit Voice have to suffer? It is not the loss of VT Rajashekar who lived his life gracefully but millions of young Dalit Bahujans who could have got connected and learned a few new things intellectually. The reason is that Dalit Bahujan intellectual discourses are great but it has not reached an institutional level and that is the reason why papers like Janta, Samta, Mooknayak, Bhim Patrika and now Dalit Voice enter into archives once their editors or publishers pass away. All his life VT Rajashekar spoke about this and everyone knew that a powerful media would have helped the Dalit Bahujan leadership, unfortunately, most of them feel they can get away with helping a few ‘pious’ Brahmins in the Bania media. The power of propaganda was known to Periyar and that is why Tamilnadu’s Dravidian movement remains a powerful organ in north India’s Bahujan leadership depended on Brahmanical media and till did it not have its own media institution, it might come to power but that would not empower Dalit Bahujan Communities but only the Brahmanical elite as VT Rajashekar would always say. In this new age of naked media dancing to the tone of Sethji Bhat ji classes as Jyoti Ba Phule said the powerful voice of VT Rajashekar will always be missed and remembered. He was a man of deep-rooted conviction who lived life on his terms and conditions and never compromised on that. A big salute to this towering intellectual and dedicated man to the cause of Oppressed and persecuted minorities the world over who taught us to speak with courage and confidence.

Sambhal Sparks Alarm on Constitution Day: Is Judicial Integrity Under Siege?

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he incident that happened in Sambhal town of Uttar Pradesh is alarming and the government must ensure that there is no rumour-mongering and attempt to create further escalation of tension. A habitual Public Interest Litigation (PIL) expert filing petitions after petitions in various courts to create controversies needs to be called out. How can the local courts give such permission to survey a mosque (here Jama Masjid) or a temple which exists? It means any petitioner can go anywhere and file a case in the court that there was a temple underneath a mosque or any other place of worship and the local courts seem to be more than happy to entertain such a plea.

All this became more possible because of a big blunder in the judgement of the Supreme Court regarding Ayodhya land dispute. That time, they themselves agreed that their judgement was more a matter of reconciliation and not really on right or wrong. It was a matter of faith of the majority community and lingering for years hence the court gave a verdict where it actually condemned the demolition of the Babri Mosque.

The problem with that judgement was that not a single judge thought of writing that this judgement was to create an environment of mutual respect and relationship. We know courts do not speak merely the language of the law but also arbitrators of peace in conflict resolutions. There was already a Places of Worship Act’ which was duly passed by the Parliament. Either this government brings a new law overriding that or respects that. Don’t allow people to use theatrics to create a law and order crisis in the state.

The Sambhal incident is a warning. It is that law and order is not merely the responsibility of the local police. It remains under constant pressure because it has to follow orders from the top. So the political executive must not allow such things to happen again. We know political leadership these days enjoys such things as it helps their crisis. It is crisis management to keep people in crisis, therefore the Supreme Court must act, take a suo moto cognizance of this and frame unambiguous guidelines for the lower courts related to entertaining such frivolous petitions.

We are passing through a disturbing phase when the ruling party does not seem to bother an inch about such a situation. It has learnt the art of managing the elections and it is in electoral mode all the time which results in a crisis in governance.

We hope the Supreme Court acts in the greater interest and frames guidelines so that lower courts do not entertain such pleas and know what is their limit and what they should do.

On Constitution Day, we must realise that living with Constitutional morality is the only way out. The nation needs to take seriously the warning that Baba Saheb Ambedkar gave in the constituent Assembly. Let’s remember that India can not become a Vishwaguru if we allow street fights to happen every day on every street and corner of our cities and villages. This must stop in the greater interest of people.

धर्म, जाति और पैसे की सियासत में उत्कृष्ट विधायक की हार: क्या झारखंड को मिलेगा विनोद सिंह जैसा दूसरा जनप्रतिनिधि?

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गिरिडीह, मार्च 2024: बगोदर विधायक विनोद सिंह और झारखंड के खान भूतत्व विभाग मंत्री बादल पत्रलेख के बीच विधानसभा में संवाद:

विनोद सिंह: 2021 में अभ्रक और ढिबरा के उत्पादन के लिए झारखंड सरकार के नियम बनने के बाद (मानक संचालन प्रक्रिया) एसओपी नहीं बनने से सिर्फ नियम बनकर रह गया, और 15 महीने के बाद भी कोई लाभ नहीं मिल रहा। मंत्री जी बताएं, कब तक एसओपी बन जाएगा?

बादल पत्रलेख: विभाग इस मामले को लेकर संवेदनशील है। कई सारे विभागों से रिपोर्ट आने का इंतजार है, उसके बाद एसओपी बनाई जाएगी।

विनोद सिंह: बिलकुल, सरकार संवेदनशील है, पर कितना समय लगेगा, ये बता दें।

विधानसभा अध्यक्ष रविन्द्र नाथ महतो: जी, मंत्री जी बताएं कब तक बनेगा एसओपी?

बादल पत्रलेख: रिपोर्ट आते ही, जल्द।

विनोद सिंह: एक समय बताएं।

विधानसभा अध्यक्ष: एक समय बता दीजिए, मंत्री जी।

बादल पत्रलेख: जी, तीन महीने में।

ऐसे कई संवाद हैं झारखंड विधानसभा के, जहां विनोद सिंह, बिना किसी नतीजे पर पहुंचे कभी नहीं माने।

झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा के नेतृत्व में इंडिया गठबंधन की सरकार ने 81 विधानसभा सीटों में से 56 पर जीत हासिल कर ली। भारतीय जनता पार्टी के तमाम नफरती कोशिशों के बावजूद, उसे राज्य की सत्ता में काबिज होने से रोक दिया, हालांकि गठबंधन के 4 मंत्री भी हार गए।

लेकिन जिस एक हार पर झारखंड के बाहर भी चर्चा हो रही है, वह है बगोदर के सीपीआई(एमएल) विधायक विनोद सिंह। अपने शालीन व्यक्तित्व, कानून और संविधान की अच्छी समझ, लोगों के बीच 24 घंटे उपलब्ध होने, और कभी जाति, धर्म या पैसे की ताकत की राजनीति न करने वाले विनोद सिंह ने सड़क से सदन तक हर तरह के मसलों को उठाकर अपनी एक विशिष्ट पहचान पिछले 15-20 सालों में बनाई थी।

जब कोविड का दौर था, उस समय जिस विधायक ने प्रवासी मजदूरों के लिए सबसे ज्यादा काम किया, कोविड से मारे गए लोगों का स्वयं खड़े रहकर अंतिम संस्कार करवाया, और पीड़ित परिवारों के साथ मजबूती से खड़े दिखे, वह विनोद सिंह ही थे।

कोविड के प्रभाव से बाहर आने के बाद, उन्होंने अपने क्षेत्र में सबसे ज्यादा स्कूल, इंटर कॉलेज और डिग्री कॉलेज को सरकार से पास करवाया। इतने सारे काम किसी और क्षेत्र में नहीं हुए।

पिछले विधानसभा कार्यकाल में उन्हें उत्कृष्ट विधायक का खिताब भी मिला था।

उत्कृष्ट विधायक विनोद सिंह झारखंड चुनाव परिणाम बगोदर जनप्रतिनिधि
फुर्सत के पलों में विनोद सिंह (फ़ाइल पिक्चर) | साभार: फ़ेसबूक/विनोदसिंह

पर झारखंड, खासकर बिहार से सटे कोडरमा लोकसभा क्षेत्र, जिसमें बगोदर भी आता है, वहाँ ‘अब’ इतना काफी नहीं है। अगर उम्मीदवार की जाति के अनुसार अच्छा-खासा वोट नहीं है, पार्टी धर्म की राजनीति नहीं करती और चुनाव में पैसे नहीं बांटती, तो उस उम्मीदवार का जीतना संभव नहीं।

हाँ, एक दौर था, जब उम्मीदवार की जाति या धर्म नहीं, बल्कि उसका काम देखा जाता था। अगर उसका व्यक्तित्व शानदार होता, तो यह काफी माना जाता। पर अब बनारस हिंदू विश्वविद्यालय से स्नातकोत्तर डिग्री प्राप्त व्यक्ति ने सार्वजनिक तौर पर धार्मिक गतिविधियों में हिस्सा लिया या नहीं, यह ज्यादा महत्व रखने लगा है।

यह तो उम्मीद ही नहीं की जा सकती कि कोई विनोद सिंह के किए कामों के समानांतर कुछ कर पाएगा। पर इससे भी बड़ी बात यह है कि पूरे राज्य के लोगों के हक-अधिकार की बात उठाने वाले पूर्व सीपीआई (एमएल) विधायक की तरह राज्य को कोई दूसरा नेता मिल पाएगा।

विनोद सिंह को 2019 के मुकाबले मात्र 3,317 वोट कम मिले

पर उनके प्रतिद्वंद्वी के वोट 43,845 बढ़ गए। ऐसा किसी सिटिंग विधायक के लिए तभी हो सकता है, जब उसके खिलाफ बहुत ज्यादा एंटी-इनकम्बेंसी (सत्ता विरोधी लहर) हो या लोगों में गुस्सा हो।

लेकिन जहां एक उत्कृष्ट विधायक हो, और सामने वह उम्मीदवार हो, जो खुद एंटी-इनकम्बेंसी के कारण 2019 में हार चुका हो, और 2024 में 40,000 से ज्यादा वोट लाकर जीत जाए, तो इसे जाति, धर्म और पैसे की सफलता नहीं कहेंगे तो और क्या?

झारखंड के जीत के चाणक्य: सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू की रणनीतिक कौशल की कहानी

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रांची: इंडिया ब्लॉक को 56 सीटें मिलना और झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा को झारखंड में सबसे ज्यादा 34 सीटें मिलना न केवल हेमंत और कल्पना सोरेन के कठोर चुनाव प्रचार का परिणाम है, बल्कि गिरिडीह के झामुमो विधायक सुदिव्य कुमार द्वारा तैयार की गई रणनीति का भी है। शनिवार को चुनाव परिणाम घोषित हुए, सुदिव्य सोनू ने कल्पना सोरेन के साथ दूसरी बार अपनी सीट सुरक्षित कर ली, जिन्होंने पड़ोसी गांडेय निर्वाचन क्षेत्र से जीत हासिल की।

सुदिव्य सोनू की रणनीति ने इंडिया ब्लॉक और विशेष रूप से पीएम नरेंद्र मोदी, अमित शाह और बाबूलाल मरांडी की तिकड़ी के खिलाफ जेएमएम की जीत हासिल की।

कौन हैं सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू?

गिरिडीह के 54 वर्षीय विधायक झामुमो के समर्पित कार्यकर्ता हैं। ऐसे युग में जब राजनेता बहुत आसानी से पार्टियां बदलते हैं, सोनू तीन दशकों के अधिक समय से झामुमो के प्रति वफादार रहे हैं। 2004 में जब शिबू सोरेन को केंद्रीय कोयला मंत्री के पद से इस्तीफा देना पड़ा था और पीरटांड और चिरुडीह मामलों में कानूनी लड़ाई का सामना किया, तो सोनू दृढ़ता से उनके साथ खड़े रहे, और उन्हें कानूनी लड़ाई लड़ने में मदद की।

हेमन्त सोरेन के करीबी

शिबू सोरेन के साथ अपने रिश्ते के बारे में बोलते हुए, सोनू ने एक बार टिप्पणी की थी, “बाबा (शिबू सोरेन) ने मेरे पिता से मुझे अपने साथ रहने देने का अनुरोध किया था। उन्होंने कहा था कि वह मुझे अपने बेटे की तरह पालेंगे।” जैसे-जैसे शिबू सोरेन सक्रिय राजनीति से पीछे हटने लगे, सोनू की करीबी हेमंत सोरेन से बढ़ती गई और वह उनके भरोसेमंद रणनीतिकारों में से एक बन गए।

सोनू ने 2019 में झामुमो के लिए एक मजबूत सोशल मीडिया टीम स्थापित करने में भी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई, एक ऐसा कदम जिसने हेमंत सोरेन के सत्ता में आने में अहम योगदान दिया। खुद पर ध्यान आकर्षित करने वाली अन्य सोशल मीडिया टीमों के विपरीत, यह टीम श्रेय का दावा किए बिना झामुमो के संदेश को बढ़ाते हुए, विवेकपूर्वक काम करती है।

कल्पना सोरेन के राजनीतिक उत्थान में एक प्रमुख व्यक्ति

जब यह स्पष्ट हो गया कि हेमंत सोरेन को मुख्यमंत्री पद से इस्तीफा देना पड़ सकता है और कल्पना सोरेन एक महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक भूमिका निभाएंगी, तो यह सोनू ही थे जिन्होंने उनके लिए गैर-आरक्षित गढ़, गांडेय निर्वाचन क्षेत्र की सिफारिश की थी। उनकी रणनीति रंग लाई और कल्पना सोरेन ने सफलतापूर्वक उपचुनाव लड़ा और जीत हासिल की। पांच महीने के भीतर, उन्होंने आम चुनाव में सीट दोबारा हासिल कर ली।

इंडिया ब्लॉक की स्टार प्रचारक कल्पना सोरेन का शामिल होना 2024 में झारखंड की राजनीति में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक घटनाक्रम है। कल्पना के करिश्माई व्यक्तित्व का एनडीए के पास कोई मुकाबला नहीं है।

इंडिया ब्लॉक के टिकट वितरण में भी ख़ास भूमिका

सुदिव्य सोनू ने झामुमो और कांग्रेस के बीच इंडिया ब्लॉक के टिकट वितरण में भी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई। उन्होंने यह सुनिश्चित किया कि झामुमो में अन्य दलों के नेता आए। उनके प्रयासों से झामुमो की स्थिति काफी मजबूत हुई, पार्टी को भाजपा से दर्जन भर नेता आए जिनमे मौजूदा और पूर्व विधायक भी शामिल थे।

हालाँकि धनवार सीट पर उम्मीदवार खड़ा करने के झामुमो के फैसले से इंडिया ब्लॉक के भीतर मतभेद पैदा हो गया, लेकिन सोनू ने इस कदम का बचाव करते हुए बताया, “न केवल निज़ामुद्दीन अंसारी चुनाव लड़ने के लिए अड़े हुए थे, बल्कि यह हमारे राजनीतिक समीकरण के लिए भी आवश्यक था। झामुमो नेतृत्व का भी मानना था कि अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय अधिक प्रतिनिधित्व के पात्र हैं।”

इस रणनीतिक कौशल ने झामुमो को 34 सीटों की ऐतिहासिक संख्या हासिल करने में मदद की – जो अब तक सबसे अधिक है।