Singur: Voters differ on aborted Tata factory but soaring fuel prices and falling rates for locally grown potatoes unite them

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Singur: Elderly Kakoli Manna and Sameer Kumar Das, neighbours at Mallickpur, a few kilometres away from the ‘Tatar Math’ felt that the Nano car factory could have provided jobs to some unemployed youth including locals. But they admitted that they were not farmers who had sold their land voluntarily or lost it during the hasty and coercive acquisition drive by the Left Front government in 2006.

“We need a balance between industry and agriculture. Unfortunately, this is not happening,” Das, a retired government employee, said. He indicated his earlier preference for the Lefts while being soft on the BJP now. Many CPM loyals had voted for the Hindutva party in the last few polls because of TMC’s corruption and highhanded manner, he said.

“Every party indulges in mandir-masjid politics. I think that Modi is the most courageous prime minister after Indira Gandhi. Some of my friends still prefer BJP in 2021. Others would have voted for the Left-Congress but their alliance with Abbas Siddiqui has made my friends hesitant. Lefts should have waited till 2026 for a comeback on its strength rather than depending on a conservative and upstart Pirzada,” Das said, revealing the dilemma of the LF Hindu voters.

singur voters bengal elections fuel prices potatoes rate farmers
Kakoli Manna | Courtesy: Dalit Camera

Manna, a housewife who runs a grocery shop with her husband, immediately contradicted her neighbour. “It matters little whether Modi is courageous in other fronts or not. But he has made our life miserable by an unprecedented and ever-increasing price of domestic gas as well as petrol-diesel. It has snowballed into an overall price rise. Modi is so insensitive that he does not spare the poor dependent on kerosene. Priced at Rs 45 per litre, our regular customers are not able to buy it. So the kerosene stock at our shop is still unsold making it a bad investment for us,” Manna said.

Das readily agreed but criticised TMC supremo and chief minister Mamata Banerjee for not being ‘vocal enough’ against the price hike. Manna, however, made it clear that she would vote for Mamata. “We have many complaints about civic amenities. But I will still go for her. She has provided food to the poor during the lockdown months. Young students and girls have got cycles and stipends from the government,” she reasoned.

Courtesy: Dalit Camera

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Nayantara Dhara and Purnima Adhikari, both from Gopal Nagar close to ‘Tatar Math’ tried to make a balance between the past and present. “We did not sell our land for the factory. But we would have welcomed it if there was a negotiation with farmers first before the takeover,” elderly Dhara said. Both the women listed better roads and security for women as well as financial assistance to girl students as well as pensions to widows and old persons among the reasons for their support to Mamata.

Not everybody is fortunate enough to sail through the ruling party hierarchy to get the government’s benevolence as the tradition of clientele politics continues in Bengal. Sukhi Malik and her sister-in-law Sushmita from Purushottampur were going to attend the TMC-facilitated farmers’ meeting at Ratanpur as the party leaders had told them. They hoped to get financial assistance to build a home under Indira Awas Yojana by underlining their allegiance to the ruling party.

“We are very poor and can’t afford a latrine at our present place. My mother-in-law does not like my presence in political rallies. However, my father-in-law was a CPM supporter. He knows how things work. So he asks me to attend if it helps to get us the early sanction,” Sakhi said. Her two school-going sons have got cycles under a scheme. They know Modi too runs some schemes for the poor. “We know he often speaks on TV. But we don’t have a TV,” Susmita added.

Potatoes farmers and business worry over the falling price

Singur is part of South Bengal’s potato-producing belt. Farmers and businessmen here are greatly dependent on the state government’s procurement, though there is no proper Mandi system in Bengal. Both local and Calcutta businessmen purchase potatoes from small farmers and store the bags in cold storage to make a better profit after the harvest season is over. But overproduction and falling purchase prices from the government’s end have led to a double whammy for them this year.

Abdul Kadir, a manager of MA Tara cold storage in Singur explained the situation. According to him, bumper production also in UP has made their marketing outside Bengal more difficult. The state government had purchased a 50 kgs bag at the rate of Rs 680 last year. Farmers get half of the price only. Nevertheless, last year’s rate encouraged them and they invested more in potato cultivation this time. The increasing fuel prices and electricity charges have already made paddy farming non-remunerative. But the state government has halved the price this time. Now businessmen are not interested in purchasing from farmers.

Does it not fit into prime minister Modi’s arguments in favour of new farm laws which will allow corporate companies, a la Adani and Ambani groups to buy from farmers directly because of the volatile market situation? Kadir felt otherwise. “In a big country like India, we cannot wish away the army of intermediaries to make room for big corporates. What is the guarantee that the latter will not exploit the farmers more in the name of ensuring a market? Farmers can be helped more if the central and state governments ensure MSP for all major food crops. It will also help common consumers,” he reasoned. This is what the farmers are asking for.

Wife of Tabrez Ansari, whose lynching case was raised at the UN, seeks justice from Jharkhand govt

Ranchi: Jharkhand, which had witnessed around 30 mob lynchings between 2016 and 2020, is again witnessing a rise. Within a week two people got killed by lynching. On March 14, a 27-year-old man was beaten to death in the state capital, Ranchi.

Amid these, Shaishta Perween, wife of Tabrez Ansari, who was beaten to death in June 2019, that led to an uproar all over the country and his issue was raised even at the United Nations, released a video appeal to chief minister Hemant Soren for speedy justice for her late husband.

25-year-old Tabrez was lynched for allegedly stealing a bike. He had got married only two months back, in April. After Tabrez’s killing, Shaishta had a miscarriage and lost her unborn child.

While 13 people were named as accused in the heinous crime, at present only prime accused Pappu Mandal is in jail, the rest all are all out on bail. The case is under-trial at court of 1st Additional Session Judge, Saraikela.

Shaishta Perween’s appeal to CM Soren:

 

“I met chief minister Hemant Soren three times since he came to power in Jharkhand. I had also met ministers Alamgir Alam and Haji Hussain Ansari when he was alive. Hemant Soren and others assured me that justice will be done soon, but it has been more than three months and I have not noticed any progress. I do not know when I will get justice,” Shaishta told eNewsroom.

In the video statement Shaishta mentioned that had people like her got speedy justice such lynching cases would not have taken place again.

When contacted Tabrez’s lawyer Altaf Hussain informed, “On March 12 charges were framed against 13 accused. The next hearing is scheduled for April 12.”

mob lynchings in jharkhand tabrez ansari lynching

In June, Tabrez’s lynching will complete two years. In the absence of fast track court and not hearing of case on day to day basis, it will take few more years to deliver justice.

“There are around forty eyewitnesses in the case. And if the court will give a date in one month’s difference, it will take many more years to complete. I request to the court to hear the case on day to day basis,” added the lawyer.

Meanwhile, Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha, an umbrella body of civil society also tweeted after the Ranchi mob lynching case and regretted that since no system of the time-bound trial has been developed so far, which is why lynching of people is continued in the state. Along with a time-bound trial, the Mahasabha demanded from the Soren government to appoint experienced Public Prosecutors in lynching cases and compensation to victims within a month.

Delhi farmer leaders remember Singur martyrs but Tapasi Malik’s father resents denial of justice

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Kolkata: The battle for Bengal 2021 has once again catapulted Singur, along with Nandigram as one of the key political flashpoints for all three rival camps; ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC), its main challenger BJP and old adversary CPM-led Left Front (LF) and its alliance partners, Congress and Indian Secular Front (ISF). It is here the last LF government’s land takeover for Tata’s Nano factory in 2006 went horribly wrong and ignited a fierce anti-acquisition agitation that had not only led to violence and deaths but also the fall of three decades-long LF rule and Mamata Banerjee’s rise to the power in 2011.

A revisit to Singur now cannot escape the irony of history as the thousand acres of fertile farmland which was taken over for the factory is now called Tatar Math or Tata’s field even after demolition of the factory shades and its boundary walls. After the SC court has nullified the hasty acquisition, the Mamata government has returned some parts of the land to the farmers for reuse as farmland.

But all the land could not be restored to its original use because of earlier changes made for industrial purposes. So as one travels on a reinforced concrete road through the sprawling landscape, farming on some parts comes into sight. The rest has been left as fallow land with overgrown bushes where snakes have made their home. We met one which was crossing the road.

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At one end of the former factory compound, stands village Bajemelia, one of the epicenters of the agitation in 2006-7 and home of its most renowned martyr, Tapasi Malik. The charred body of the young girl who was an enthusiast of movement was found on the ground on December 18, 2006. She had gone there to attend nature’s call at the wee hours. CBI arrested two local CPM leaders, Sruhid Dutta and Debu Malik for alleged rape and murder but they later got bail.

Mamata Banerjee unveiled the bust of Tapasi and Rajkumar Bhul, another martyr who died on September 26, 2006, after she became chief minister in 2011. As we entered Tapasi’s home, we found the TMC flags over and around the busts.

Tapasi’s father was missing at the farmers’ meet

Medha Patkar, a veteran of Singur-Nandigram land wars in 2006-7 paid homage to both at a public meeting a few kilometres away on March 14. The meeting, held under the banner of Kisan Mahapanchayat was addressed by Sanyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) leaders who had come to urge Bengal voters not to vote for BJP. Speakers recalled the bond between Bengal and Punjab since the days of RasBihari Bose-Subhash Bose and Kartar Singh-Bhagat Singh during India’s freedom struggle.

singur tata factory bengal elections farmers protest Kisan Mahapanchayat farmer leaders
Monoranjan Malik|Picture: eNewsroom

They also tried to connect between Singur-Nandigram agitations and the ongoing farmers’ movement against the Narendra Modi government’s pro-corporate farm laws. “This government is by the companies and for the companies. Vote to punish it so that Modi climbs down from his tower of arrogance and listens to farmers and other common people,” they said.

But Tapasi’s father, Monoranjan Malik was not there, though local TMC satrap and Mamata’s minister, Becharam Manna was supervising the arrangement. Manna has managed to bag party tickets both for Singur, at the cost of sitting MLA, elderly Rabindranath Bhattacharya while fielding his wife, Karobi in adjoining Haripal to replace him. Sulking, retired teacher Bhattacharya, known as Mastermoshi has joined BJP and got the nomination for Singur.

Monoranjan is also opposed to Manna but has not switched sides. Sitting at his two-storied home, he said he was not invited to the farmers’ rally at Ratanpur. “Medha ji knew me and came to my home. But I was not informed this time. Who bothers for my slain daughter and me?” the middle-aged said ruefully. He has grievances against Mamata too. “I am still with Didi. But neither Tapasi nor I have got any justice. Both of us were used by the party in its campaign till Didi came to power. Now she gives tickets to TV serial players but ignores people like us,” Malik added.

According to him, Mamata government has only provided him a small shop in the Kisan market named after Tapasi along with 16 other affected families. He still pays EMI for the home loan. Neither his political aspiration was met as local party feuds denied him even a panchayat membership. The aggrieved man claimed that BJP had tried to entice him but he refused.

Srijan Bhattacharya, CPM youth leader and Singur candidate this time has met Malik during his campaign. “I wished him good but I have no regret for opposing the Tata factory. I lost my daughter because of it,” he said. Both BJP and LF-Congress-ISF alliance are training their guns on Mamata for ruining industrialization since the Singur-Nandigram episode. CPM state secretary Surya Kanta Misra made it clear at the latest Brigade rally that the party would rerun its corporate-driven industrialization policy, albeit ‘with people’s support’.

 

This is the first part of the two parts report from Singur

Medha Patkar and Rakesh Tikait endorse Mamata Banerjee against BJP in Nandigram

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Nandigram: West Bengal’s political divide and violence over the turf war is now taking a communal turn before the assembly polls that begin on March 27. A revisit to Nandigram after more than a decade underlines the painful but unmistakable fact.

The predominantly agricultural constituency sprawling over two administrative blocks close to Haldia port and industrial area in East Midnapore district came to fame after violence erupted over the move to acquire farmland for a controversial chemical hub and special economic zone by the Buddhadeb Bhattacharya government in 2007.

Along with similar agitation in Singur, the Nandigram episode was the key catalyst for a change of guard in Bengal that ended 34 years long Left Front rule and heralded Mamata Banerjee’s rise to power in 2011.

The spiral of prolonged violence claimed the lives and properties of both CPM supporters and rival Bhoomi Uchched Pratirodh Committee (BUPC), across the faith line. But the emergence of BJP as the main challenger to Mamata’s Trinamool Congress(TMC) in this Hindu-dominated area with a sizable Muslim population has changed the political discourse, now aimed at communal consolidation.

Mamata fights her former key protege

Mamata Banerjee is fighting her former protege and cabinet minister, Suvendu Adhikari, now one of the BJP wannabe chief ministerial faces and born-again Hindutva hero in this key constituency. Adhikari is playing the Hindu card brazenly calling Mamata ‘an aunt of infiltrators from Bangladesh and Rohingya refugees from Myanmar’, mostly Muslims.
A desperate Mamata is also visiting temples and invoking Hindu deities, more than relying on her developmental claims. Both are claiming to be true inheritors of the spirit of Nandigram’s defiance against the dominant power.

It may worry Mamata and anti-BJP civil society that there was hardly any Hindu presence at a public meeting addressed by top leaders of the ongoing farmers’ movement around Delhi borders.

As the Narendra Modi government has refused to repeal the pro-corporate farm laws and ensure legal guarantee for minimum support price on the farmers’ products, Samyukt Kisan Morcha has urged voters of four poll-bound states not to vote for BJP. Punish the regime at the polls as it is run by the corporates for the corporates and selling off national wealth, from agriculture to airports, they said at rallies in Kolkata, Singur, Nandigram and Asansol.

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The rise in fuel prices: does not it hurt Hindus too?

The spirited speeches by SKM leaders including Rakesh Tikait, Rajendra Singh Rajewal, Gurnam Singh Chaduni and Medha Patkar could have generated ripple effects in favor of Mamata in Nandigram. But the thin presence at the rally held a day before the anniversary of the infamous Nandigram police firing on March 14, 2007 made TMC’s half-hearted effort for the mobilisation evident.

The meeting, held under the banner of farmers’ mahapanchayat was organized with the help of local TMC leaders who had put up some festoons and posters welcoming the leaders of SKM on the way to the venue. But the uneven field beside a narrow bypass road between Hindu and Muslim neighbourhoods near was unsuitable for a big footfall.

“Many more locals would have turned up had we been informed properly, particularly about Medha di’s presence. Women here are fond of her,” Anwaraun Bibi, a middle-aged grandma with her daughter’s child on her lap, said. Medha had visited both Singur and Nandigram many times during the anti-land acquisition protests.

Bibi, the diehard Mamata supporter, felt that her Hindu neighbors should have come more in numbers to listen to farmer leaders. “We too are from farming families. Modi’s friends Ambani and Adani will make us buy rice at Rs 200 per kg which is still available at Rs 25. The fuel prices have already skyrocketed. Does it not hurt Hindus too?”

Medha and Tikait endorsed Mamata

Officially, the SKM only called for an anti-BJP vote leaving the choice of alternatives from other parties to them. But Medha did not hide her close relation with Mamata this time too. She met the chief minister at SSKM hospital where she had been admitted following a foot injury during a roadshow after filing her nomination for Nandigram.

Both Mamata and her party have claimed it an ‘attack’ on her by some unknown men from the rival side indicating a BJP conspiracy. But BJP has called it a ‘drama’ and demanded a high-level enquiry. The Election Commission has so far called it an ‘accident’.

In an impassioned speech, Medha recalled the heydays of united farmers’ resistance against land grab and exhorted locals not to fall into the BJP’s trap of religious divide. “Think of the future of your next generation before you vote,” she urged.

Unlike other leaders, Medha named Suvendu and criticised him tersely. ” Suvenduda, you were with us, the farmers. Now you have changed sides after receiving the CBI notice. If you try to poison people’s minds by raking up Hindu-Muslim divisive issues, people of Nandigram will not forgive you.”

Tikait, who knows neither contestant, also endorsed Mamata. “They have caused injury to the sole woman chief minister of the country. Now you should hurt the BJP by casting your votes against the party,” he thundered. Echoing Mamata’s popular poll-time tune, ‘ Khela Hobe (now there will be a great game)’ the Western UP leader said: “Khela Hobe. The lotus flower (BJP poll symbol) will begin to wither away from Nandigram. The great game now starts from Bengal,” he said pithily.

Left’s woman candidate against Mamata

Nevertheless, there is a game within the game. Left Front-Congress-Indian Secular Front alliance, the third arm in the triangular battle for Bengal has put Minakshi Mukherjee, a CPM youth wing leader in Nandigram. Both TMC and the alliance have been labelling each other as ‘BJP’s B team’.

Hannan Mollah, a CPM politburo member and an important leader of the SKM was initially reluctant to attend the Nandigram meet. After he reportedly changed his mind and reached the venue, he was denied a place on the podium. Molla complained of a ‘TMC takeover to humiliate him and undermine the farmers’ unity’.

But the Sikh youths in charge of the security of visiting leaders insisted that his name was not in the changed list of the scheduled speakers. Some Sikh organizers from Kolkata went to the CPM peasant wing leader to salvage the situation but the air was not cleared till late.

The ISF led by Abbas Siddique, one of the scions of a popular Pir Clan, has aimed at cutting a big slice of Mamata’s Muslim votes including in Nandigram. But a random interaction with the audience gave an impression to the contrary.

The majority of Muslims are for Mamata

“We fully stand by Mamata Didi. It was Didi who rushed to help us after the police firing on March 14. Suvendu may make a dent into Hindu votes but we hope majority Hindus here will not approve his betrayal to Didi and his new zeal for divisive issues,” an elderly Lutfa Bibi said.

Others complained of communal instigation from BJP. “We have never experienced communal tension earlier. Now the turncoats are threatening us over petty quarrels. BJP policies are completely different” Sk. Abdul Hi, an aged tailor said.

Kamirul Islam, a youth private tutor who teaches children at Hindu homes, agreed. “My father says he never faced such an explicitly communal mindset during Congress or CPM. Now BJP lingo is scary. So we have to support TMC despite its many shortcomings. I want a regular job. But security comes first,” he added.

Most are happy over Mamata’s old and new popular projects like Kanyashree, Rupashree aimed at girl students, distribution of cycles under Sabuj Sathi as well as rice for RS two per Kg, pension for old age and health insurance scheme, Swastha Sathi. They are angry over rampant corruption and high-handedness by TMC leaders. But Mamata still enjoys their confidence.

कॉर्पोरेट के नजरिए से बंगाल चुनाव का विश्लेषण

पने कभी ध्यान से सोचा कि आखिरकार पश्चिम बंगाल में ऐसा क्या खास है जो पिछले कई सालों से भाजपा अपनी पूरी ताकत लगा कर यहाँ के राजनीतिक समीकरण को अपने पक्ष में करने मे इतनी आतुर नजर आती है?

राजनीतिक विश्लेषण तो बहुत से समीक्षक करते हैं लेकिन वे नही बताते कि पश्चिम बंगाल का इलेक्शन जीतना पूर्वोत्तर भारत और उसके जरिए पूरे उत्तर पूर्वी एशिया के देशो तक अडानी अम्बानी के कॉर्पोरेट गैंग की पकड़ बना देगा।

दरअसल बंगाल चुनाव में भाजपा के पीछे अडानी अम्बानी की कॉर्पोरेट लॉबी पूरी ताकत से धन बल के साथ जुटी हुई है, साम दाम दंड भेद का हर सम्भव तरीके से इस्तेमाल हो रहा है।

दस साल पहले सोची समझी रणनीति के तहत वाम का किला ढहाया गया और अब उस किले को ढहाने वाले को ढहाया जा रहा है। वाम के किले में सेंध ममता ने लगाई और अब ममता के किले में सेंध बीजेपी लगा रही है ममता को 21 सदी के पहले दशक में कॉर्पोरेट घरानों और नए उदार अमीरों का अंध समर्थन मिला था लेकिन 2021 में तो असली डाकू आए हैं।

दरअसल अभी तक वाम के लाल रंग के कारण बंगाल एक ऐसा मजबूत गढ़ था जहाँ अडानी अम्बानी अब तक अपना खेल खुल कर नही खेल पा रहे थे। इसलिए अडानी अम्बानी गैंग के लिए 2021 में पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनाव जीतना करो या मरो जैसा प्रश्न है वह बंगाल को भी देश की ‘मुख्य धारा’ में शामिल करने के लिए हर कीमत देने को तैयार है। बीजेपी का विकास ‘मॉडल’ अब बंगाल में भी दोहराए जाने को तैयार है।

हम सब जानते हैं कि अडानी का कब्जा पूरे देश की कोस्टल लाइन पर हो गया है, अडानी ग्रुप के पास देश का सबसे बड़ा पोर्ट नेटवर्क है। पश्चिमी तट के जितने भी प्रमुख बन्दरगाह है वह मोदी के गुजरात के मुख्यमंत्री बनने के बाद से उसके नियंत्रण में आना शुरू हो गए थे 2014 से 2019 के दौर में पूरी तरह से उसके कब्जे में आ चुके हैं देश के पूर्वी तट पर भी एक एक करके बन्दरगाह वह अपने कब्जे में कर रहा है, अब सिर्फ बंगाल का हल्दिया पोर्ट ही ऐसा है जहाँ उसे राज्य सरकार के प्रतिकार का सामना करना पड़ता है, हल्दिया पोर्ट से नेपाल तक को माल सप्लाई होता है।

अडानी अम्बानी इस वक्त बंगाल को साउथ-ईस्ट एशिया और नॉर्थ-ईस्ट इंडिया को जोड़ने के लिए एक गेटवे की तरह देख रहे हैं।

बिहार में कॉर्पोरेट की पहली जीत हो चुकी है, भाजपा नीतीश कुमार को इस चुनाव में वह सबक सिखा चुकी हैं, अब भाजपा बड़ा भाई है और जेडीयू छोटा भाई, नीतीश के पर कतरे जा चुके हैं, वहाँ वे बीजेपी के रबर स्टैंप के बतौर मुख्यमंत्री की कुर्सी पर बैठे हैं।

अडानी समूह ने 2018 में  कह चुका है कि वह पश्चिम बंगाल के हल्दिया में कंपनी की खाद्य तेल रिफाइनरी की क्षमता को दोगुना करने के लिए 750 करोड़ रुपए का निवेश करेगा मुकेश अंबानी भी पश्चिम बंगाल में 5,000 करोड़ रुपए का निवेश करने का ऐलान कर चुके हैं। यह निवेश पेट्रोलियम और खुदरा कारोबार में किया जाएगा।

वाराणसी से हल्दिया के बीच गंगा में विकसित हो रहे जलमार्ग पर अडानी ग्रुप 10 जलपोतों का संचालन करने जा रहा है पटना टर्मिनल तक भी वह दो हजार टन क्षमता के जहाज चलाना चाहता है।

इसके अलावा उन्हें एक पूरी तरह से अनछुआ व्यापार क्षेत्र मिलने जा रहा है, भारत को जमीन के रास्ते दक्षिण-पूर्व एशिया से जोड़ने की योजना है। भारत-म्यांमार-थाईलैंड को सड़क मार्ग से जोड़ने के लिए भारत के सहयोग से ट्राई लेटरल हाईवे का निर्माण चल रहा है। अब थाईलैंड और भारत के मध्य व्यापार बढ़ाने के लिए थाईलैंड के रानोंग बंदरगाह से भारत के चेन्नई व अंडमान को भी समुद्र मार्ग से जोड़ने की योजना है।

बांग्‍लादेश भी तीनों तरफ से पूर्वोत्तर भारत से घिरा हुआ है यानी वहाँ भी व्यापार की अपार संभावनाएं हैं और मोदी अपने हर दौरे में अडानी अम्बानी के लिए वहाँ जाकर बड़े बड़े प्रोजेक्ट हासिल करते आए हैं।

साफ है कि अडानी अम्बानी जैसे गुजराती पूंजीपतियों के लिए बंगाल चुनाव जीतना बहुत महत्वपूर्ण है इससे उन्हें पूर्वोत्तर भारत और उस रास्ते के जरिए दक्षिण-पूर्व एशिया तक पैर जमाने का मौका मिल जाएगा।

इसी के लिए हिंदुत्व की जमीन तैयार की जा रही है जब बिहार में कॉरपोरेट पूंजीपतियों ने अपने कदम बढाने शुरू किए तो उन्होंने बेगुसराय जिले के सिमरिया में कुंभ के नाम एक बहुत बड़ा धार्मिक इवेंट करवाया था इस इवेंट में गुजरात के कई उद्योगपतियों ने अपना पैसा लगाया था। इस पैसे से बीजेपी ने वहाँ वोटों की तगड़ी फसल काटी है।

इसी पैटर्न पर पिछले कुछ सालों से बंगाल में धार्मिक ध्रुवीकरण का माहौल बनाया जा रहा है, ओर जमकर पैसा झोंका गया है। 2019 के लोकसभा चुनाव में इस पैसे से मिली सफलता हम देख चुके हैं और 2021 में भी भाजपा लोकसभा चुनाव जैसी सफलता की उम्मीद कर रही है।

बंगाल चुनाव में भाजपा के पीछे से जो अडानी अम्बानी जैसे बड़े कॉर्पोरेट घरानों का एजेण्डा है उसे एक बार ध्यान से समझना जरूरी है।

ऐसा आपने कितनी बार देखा है कि निवर्तमान 4 सांसदो को केंद्र का सत्ताधारी दल विधायक बनाना चाहता हो?

खेल बहुत गहरा है!

ये लेखक के निजी विचार है।

From Dandi, India begins another march, this time against Modi’s megalomania and dandaraj, say farmer leaders

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Kolkata: On the 91st anniversary of Gandhiji’s historic March from Sabarmati to Dandi in coastal Gujarat for Salt Satyagraha to defy the arbitrary and monopoly salt laws of the British Raj, farmers from Punjab- Haryana and other states of northern India today issued an open letter to their Bengal brethren to defeat Narendra Modi’s BJP in the coming assembly polls in the state.

Farmer leaders in Bengal

They urged Bengal voters to ‘teach BJP a befitting reply in order to make Modi listen to farmers demands to repeal three farm laws ‘which are aimed at imposing a postcolonial Company Raj by the prime minister’s crony corporates, mainly, Ambanis and Adanis.

Mahatma Gandhi undertook his history Dandi March on this day in 1930 for more than a month awakening the spirit of fearless non-violent civil disobedience movement among Indians masses against the violent and arrogant British Raj. The defiance of the Raj monopoly on the collection and sale of salt brought global attention to India’s freedom struggle and rekindled the national mood to a new height. Both Yogendra Yadav and Medha Patkar spoke on the Import of the historic day and its connection to the grassroots people’s movements against the unresponsive and repressive Modi government.

“India had suffered the exploitation and devastation by the British East India company. We don’t want a West Indian company Raj now,” Hanan Mollah, one of the key SKM leaders of Samjukta Kisan Morcha and CPM politburo member said. The same refrains were echoed by other SKM leaders from Punjab, Haryana, UP, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand, both at a press conference in Kolkata Press Club and later in a public meeting called Kisan Mazdoor Mahapanchayat at Ramlila Maidan in Central Kolkata.

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People at Kisan Mahapanchayat, Ramlila Ground, Kolkata

Vote for any other party except BJP

Regarding Bengal polls, the leaders made it clear that they are not supporting any particular political party or alliance against BJP during their campaigns in the state. The bitter contest between the ruling Trinamool Congress and Left-Congress-ISF alliance for anti-BJP space in Bengal has turned the state election into a tri-cornered fight.

“We are only asking voters to punish BJP and the Modi government for betraying the popular mandate. Modi is serving the Corporates only. His government is selling out all the national properties, from agri-business to airports, Railways, banks and insurance companies to the domestic big groups and multinational corporations,” Balbir Singh Rajewal from Punjab said.

Atul Anjan, Amarjeet Singh and Rajaram Singh were among others who addressed the meetings.

The visiting leaders representing farmers – on prolonged dharna since November at Delhi borders have planned to distribute the letter among voters in 294 assembly constituencies across Bengal before the latter cast their votes in between 27 March and 29th April. The farmer leaders will also visit the other poll-bound states including Assam, Tamil Nadu and Kerala as well as the union territory of Puducherry. The letter in English and other state languages will be distributed there too. Results of the polls will come out on 2 May.

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A Kolkata-based activist Nousheen Baba Khan expressing her solidarity with farmers at Kisan Mahapanchayat

See the Excerpts from the farmers’ letter to their Bengal brethren

The letter, written as an appeal from an individual farmer says: “Dear Kisan friends in Bengal, you don’t know me. We haven’t met. You may have seen me in the throngs of people on the TV. For more than a hundred days, I am staying on the roads around Delhi on tractors and trolleys. I have suffered bone-chilling cold as well as torrential rains in the winter. Now it is blazing summer. I am staging dharnas on the roads far away from my village.

“I am not fighting for something for me alone. We are on the roads to save farmers all over the country as well as our next generation. We are fighting for the existence as well as dignity and honour of all farming communities. We have lost more than 300 of our friends who have died of cold and other ailments as well as accidents. Some committed suicides as they failed to stomach the injustice and humiliation which the Modi government has heaped on us.”

Swearing by the memories of their fallen Comrades the letter highlighted ‘Four Points’ against Modi government’s propaganda.

  • The BJP government’s farm laws have been imposed on farmers without any discussion with them. These laws will destroy the farmers and agriculture.
  • The BJP leadership has insulted the protesting farmers by calling them Anti National terrorist and agent provocateurs.
  • The ministers feigned to discuss with the protesters but never cared to address their grievances.
  • The government has resorted to various repressive measures on the farmers including the use of tear gas, water cannons, Lathi charge and false criminal cases.

Maintaining that the Modi government has not cared for constitutional and democratic norms that include proper responses to demands of People in the street, the letter further said: “This ruling party only understands one language —the language of votes, seats and power. Freedom fighter Bhagat Singh had once said that the British rulers won’t listen to the voices of Indians unless we throw bombs. In today’s India we need to hit this deaf BJP government where it will be hurt most: in the election results. ”

Pointing to the fact that there are no elections in the states where the farmers’ movement has a strong social base, it urged Bengal voters to stand by them in solidarity. “If Bengal teaches BJP a befitting lesson, its arrogance will be shattered and the Modi government will listen to the farmers,” it added.

Punjab-Haryana-UP farmers warn Bengal voters against a BJP takeover

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Kolkata: The future of the farmers who are on dharna around Delhi for more than a hundred days and the honour of martyred participants in the movement now rest on voters of Bengal. If BJP manages to bag Bengal, the Narendra Modi government will trumpet it as the state’s support to its pro-corporate farm laws. So please don’t vote for BJP in the coming assembly polls. 

This is the crux of the appeal of the farmer leaders from Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa while they were addressing a rally organised by an independent ‘No vote to BJP’ campaign in Kolkata on Wednesday. More than 10 representatives of various factions of Bharatiya Kisan Union joined the colorful procession of students and youth as well as many rural people, from far and near districts. The rally, organised by a forum called ‘Bengal against fascist BJP’, had begun at Ram Lila Maidan and ended at the downtown Dharmatala. It included many women and children.

Farmer leaders from Singhu, Tikri and Gazipur border have started landing in Kolkata before addressing open-air rallies Nandigram & Singur, both epicenters of peasant movements before Mamata Banerjee came to power and in Asansol, the industrial hub with a huge upcountry population in the coming days. Tamil Nadu, Kerala as well as Bengal’s neighbouring Assam are also going to the polls. But the BJP’s no holds barred Bengal offensive has attracted national attention. 

The leaders of Sanyukt Kisan Morcha which is spearheading the farmers’ movement in Delhi have decided to reach out to the voters in poll-bound states as Prime Minister Modi has refused to roll back his hastily passed three farm laws. Farmers widely perceive these laws as a three-layered license to Modi’s crony corporate groups to monopolise agriculture and agri-business at the cost of farmers’ minimum price security as well as poor and middle-class consumers of essential food products.

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A leader of Sayunkt Kisan Morcha speaks at No Vote To BJP campaign event at Kolkata

Rekindle the bond between Bhagat Singh and Jatin Das

“Modi runs a cruel, insensitive and stubborn regime that only cares for loyal capitalists like Ambanis and Adanis. The PM has not bothered to send a condolence message to the families of more than 300 farmers who have lost their lives during this prolonged agitation since November. It is our earnest appeal to Bengal friends to give Modi a befitting reply over this insult and arrogance,” Abhimanyu Kohar from Sanyukta Kishan Morcha, Haryana said amid cheers from the audience. 

Raminder Singh from Punjab reminded the bond between Bengal and Punjab since the early phases of India’s freedom struggle. He highlighted the camaraderie between anti-British revolutionaries of the two states from the days of Rash Behari Basu and Ghadar party in Punjab and later generation of Bhagat Singh, Jatin Das and the Indian National Army of Netaji Subhas Bose. Student and youth activists waved flags and festoons with images of Bhagat Singh and his Bengal Comrades embossed on them.

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An 80-year-old woman also registered her protest by taking part in the march

Mocking Modi for his promise to turn Bengal into ‘Sonar Bangla’, the Punjab farmer leader recalled the BJP mascot’s false assurances during his poll campaigns in 2014 and 2019 had that included the direct transfer of shares of black money recovered from foreign banks and cores of jobs for unemployed youth.

“Now he is busy selling off public properties from railways to airports, banks to insurance companies. He is hellbent on killing Sonar Punjab. Please don’t get hooked on Modi’s jumlabaji (empty rhetoric) anymore in Bengal,” Singh said in a caution to the local voters. 

Bengal and the rest of the country will suffer if Modi succeeds

Other farmer leaders mentioned the series of pro-corporate legal moves by the Centre including so-called labor laws reforms, major dilutions in the environmental impact assessment act since the Covid Lockdown. They linked the soaring fuel prices and costlier foodgrains to these anti-people moves. Exhorting Bengal voters not to allow Modi to ‘extinguish the flame of farmers’ movement they warned that it would seal the fate of toiling people’s struggles in other states too.

A huge banner in Bengali at the meeting site too exhorted: Save agriculture, farmers as well as forests and environment from the company Raj. It also called to save the constitution and Indian democracy in the wake of concerted attacks on fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution including the right to free expression and assembly.

Other festoons and posters decried the violation of basic constitutional tenets including secularism and equality before law through the imposition of religion-based citizenship by the passage of the anti-Muslim Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register for Citizens (NRC) project.

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Cultural artists also took part in the call – No Vote To BJP

Remember what happened to Bengalis in Assam and Tripura

Dipankar Bhattacharya, general secretary of the CPIML delved into the import of the anti-BJP campaign in the next two months. Bengal poll begins on 27 March and ends on 29th April. The results will come out on 2 May. In between, he said, hold high the revolutionary heritage of Bhagat Singh and constitutional cornerstones laid down by Baba Saheb Ambedkar (their birth anniversaries on 23 March and 14 April respectively) and tenets of International Workers movement on May Day (1 May).

Referring to the plight of around 20 lacs people, mostly Bengalis, who have been disenfranchised during the Assam NRC exercise, Bhattacharya reminded the BJP’s threat to expel one to two crore Bengali-speaking people from Bengal by labelling them as Bangladeshi infiltrators.

Kasturi Basu, one of the organisers also warned of Modi’s call for a ‘double engine government’ in Bengal; a euphemism for saffron rule both at the centre and the state. “Please remember that the double engine governments have brought disaster to the lives of millions of Bengalis both in Assam and Tripura. Had there been no Brahminical BJP rule at the Centre and UP simultaneously, the raped and murdered Dalit girls in Unnao and Hathras could have saved themselves,” she said. 

No relation with TMC and Left-Congress alliance

The organisers had to deal with the angularities among the anti- BJP political parties in Bengal, mainly between the incumbent Trinamool Congress regime and CPIM-led Left Front-Congress- Indian Secular Front Alliance. These two camps are at the loggerheads making Bengal a ground for a tri-corner battle. The TMC has welcomed the No Vote to BJP campaign while the CPIM supporters have accused the campaign of siding with TMC. Many others close to the campaign felt that a call to voters to cast for the most potent anti-BJP candidates in their constituencies would have cleared the air. 

However, Kushal Debnath, one of the main organizers said that they were leaving to the people’s choices. “We are not asking to vote for any particular anti-BJP party or alliance. Voters are free to make their choices according to their judgments and experiences,” he said.

Clarifying further, Debnath added, “All these parties represent the ruling classes. But there is a qualitative difference between the fascist economics and politics of the BJP government and authoritarian or autocratic rules by other parties.”

Pushed by unknown men Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee gets injured

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Kolkata: West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has allegedly been attacked in Nandigram, from where she filed her nomination papers today.

Mamata Banerjee claimed that while boarding at her car, she was pushed by few people. In the incident, Bengal CM received injuries at her head, waist and leg. She was brought to PG Hospital, Kolkata for treatment.

According to Times of India report at 1.39 am, on March 11:

“Initial examination suggests severe bony injuries in her (Mamata’s) left ankle, foot & bruises, injuries in right shoulder, forearm & neck. CM complained of chest pain, breathlessness since the incident. She is kept under close watch for 48 hours,” said Dr M Bandopadhya, IPGMER & SSKM (PG) Hospital.

The attacked has angered TMC caders, who also shouted Governor Go Back when Bengal Governor Jagdeep Dhankar reached PG Hospital to visit Mamata Banerjee.

And later at several places, a large number of Trinamool supporters and cadres sat on dharna to protest the attack alleging the BJP for it.

mamata banerjee attacked nandigram bengal elections TMC Kolkata
Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata, before getting admitted at PG Hospital

After the ‘attack’ many chief ministers including Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, Jharkhand CM Hemant Soren, Bihar’s leader of opposition Tejashwai Yadav tweeted and expressed concern about the attack on Bengal chief minister.

Hemant Soren, whose cavalcade was attacked in Ranchi few months, demanded a high lever inquiry into the matter.

“Our Didi is the only female chief minister in India, and she is being attacked by BJP. This is what BJP represents. Women are not safe in BJP ruled state, so now women of Bengal have to think how safe they will be when BJP will come to power,” said a woman protester.

While another protester reacted, “There was no such violence in Bengal that a chief minister gets attacked. This happened since BJP wants to come to power. Bengal does not want such a violent party.”

From Nandigram, Suvendu Adhikari, Mamata’s earlier confidant is contesting against her as a BJP candidate.

Significantly, yesterday only, Election Commission has removed the earlier Director General of Police (DGP) Virendra and ordered to appoint a new DGP Nirajnayan with immediate effect. And Mamata said that when she was pushed, there were no policemen around her.

How ‘No Vote To BJP’ becomes a movement in Bengal

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Kolkata: Sumita Das is a practicing doctor while Samim Ahmed is a professor and Kashturi Basu is a full time social activist and documentary filmmaker. The common thread that binds them together is the fact that they all are the convenors of the ‘No Vote to BJP’ campaign in West Bengal. The trio are among the 45 conveners of the campaign, who have been assigned to make the campaign reach the grassroot of Bengal. And within two months of the campaign being flagged off, the call for citizens – comprising students, activists and professionals reached out to almost every part of Bengal.

Why No Vote to BJP?

A convention took place on January 4, where concerned citizens, mostly from the left background, who have been active in several pro-people movements in Bengal participated and acknowledged that the Bharatiya Janata Party is a threat to secularism and democratic rights of the people.

“We were concerned about the fact that despite so many secular people being in Bengal, BJP managed to get a large number of votes in 2019. We felt that we had to reach out to as many people as we could and show the real face of BJP and its propaganda, and how the saffron party fools people,” said Dr Sumita.

Adding to that Kasturi said, “Our campaign is targeted to those floating and undecided voters, who are first-time voters or who had voted BJP in 2019. We will speak to them, try to convince them to move away from the influence of the BJP.”

An ideological campaign, not just for election

While Kasturi stressed, “No Vote to BJP campaign will not end with the election. We are not satisfied even if BJP comes second in the Bengal elections. This is not a one-liner campaign, it is an ideological battle against RSS-BJP. No other platform is targeting RSS. Why the BJP is fascist? It is because of the RSS. So we are mentioning RSS at most places and printed lakhs of posters and are talking about it openly.”

The angry filmmaker stated, “RSS has no place in Bengal, it should not be given one. It has a bloody history. It should be thrown away into the bay of Bengal.”

Active on real and virtual domain

“It is not just on social media. Initially, people thought that it was just a social media campaign. It also is not just about the people of Kolkata people. In sixteen districts we have more than one committee, like in Kolkata, Howrah, South 4 Pargana, Barasat, Ranaghat, Siliguri, Jalpaiguri. It is very organic and grounded. We have reached twenty districts of Bengal,” informed Kasturi.

Dr Sumita mentioned, “We are telling people how BJP is not good for students, how they are not good for labours and farmers and especially for women too.”

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Screenshot of Dipankar Bhattacharya’s tweet

Apolitical nature

And it is just ‘No Vote To BJP’, but other groups like Bengal and Fascism, Sharamjivi Adhikar Abhiyan Yatra are sending out the same message to people and doing an extensive campaign. To connect with more and more people, volunteers are making innovative campaign videos, setting discourse, distributing leaflets, holding citizen conventions, conducting street corner meets as well as meetings at haat-bazaar.

According to the volunteers, the campaigner has been impactful and now political parties are noticing it.

Kasturi even claimed, “It has become so powerful that right from BJP state president Dilip Ghosh, to CPM’s Sujan Chakraborty and even chief minister Mamata Banerjee all mentioned about No Vote To BJP Campaign.”

CPIML’s general secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya tweeted about the campaign on March 8.

“But it is a completely apolitical campaign. We are not telling anyone whom to vote for. If people want to press the NOTA button, they can do so,” Kasturi mentioned.

A video by No Vote to BJP campaign

BJP is hiding NRC before the election

But we are bringing it out, telling people that it is on their agenda and BJP is not going away from NRC, the budget has passed, the law has been made, NPR has started. It is not a simple issue but the biggest crisis that the people of Bengal can face.

She also rued upon the role of opposition parties in Bengal, “See the opposition parties (Bengal’s opposition), they are doing lip service on NRC (citizenship) issue. But we are setting the agenda and we are highlighting it.”

“We do not want NRC, we do not want new education policy, we do not want communal politics, we do not want new labour code and farm bills, and we do not want RSS in Bengal,” Kasturi added.

No vote to BJP, now a mass movement

“We have reached every block of Bengal and tomorrow, people from every district are expected to be present at our scheduled rally cum sabha that will be hosted at the Ramlila Ground, Kolkata,” informed Samim Ahmed. Tomorrow, people will see how strong the movement has become, he added.

Nandigram: The epicenter of anti-land grab movement suffers from communal politics as Mamata fights her former confidant

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Kolkata: Mamata Banerjee has apparently landed herself into the BJP trap of Hindu-Muslim politics as her address to Trinamool Congress workers on Tuesday revealed before filing her nomination for mixedly populated Nandigram on Wednesday.

Nandigram in East Midnapore district became the final springboard for Mamata’s leap to power along with Singur in neighboring Hooghly in 2011 following massive agitation against land acquisition for the big-ticket but controversial industry by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya government in the last leg of 34 years long left rule.

A decade after being in power, Bengal’s big sis is now confronting her local https://champrisainternational.com/pre-starter-chick-care/ satrap turned BJP challenger Suvendu Adhikari in a prestige fight for a third term in the assembly polls that begins from March 27. The huge personal and political stakes have made the TMC supremo visibly desperate. So much so that she spent considerable time chanting Sanskrit Chandi Stotra (invocation of goddess Durga) to underline her Hindu credentials and bonafide claim of being a practicing devotee.

It’s not a Nandigram-specific act of playing to the tune of the BJP agenda. She has been churning out Chandi or Saraswati Vandana mantras in her election rallies elsewhere too. “Do they want to teach me about Hindu dharma? I don’t parrot some lines taught to me before rallies to impress voters  or use teleprompters to make it sound impromptu. My mantras come to me naturally as I have memorized them since my childhood and practice them in my daily Pujas”, she blurted out.

It was her riposte to the prime minister and BJP mascot Narendra Modi who has not only grown his beard and hair to have a saintly look but also made it a point to quote from ‘our shastras’ in his poll campaign.

But the reigning Hindutva hero has no compulsion or intention to make a balance in his public show of religious affinity. Mamata has it in her special brand of secularism. So she named the religious symbols and places of worship for Muslims and all other minority communities. The catchline came at the end: “I am asking for support from all Mandirs and Masjids, Hindus and Muslims. Will you all vote for me and ensure Trinamool victory in this constituency and around?”

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Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee greets locals at Nandigram on Tuesday I Courtesy: Twitter/Banglar Gorbo Mamata

It was pathetic to listen to the chief minister that she had too little to claim for the developmental work for Nandigram except a college or two, a super-specialty hospital and a Kisan Mandi et al. She tried to rekindle the memory of Nandigram agitation and her role in it as the opposition leader. Around one and half decades have passed since then and the children have come to age looking for jobs. Mamata could not offer them much except promising to make Nandigram a world-renowned place again. She was Infuriated by Modi’s mocking over her scooty-ride to her office to highlight the soaring fuel prices and her eventual fall in Nandigram.

It is no coincidence that neither Modi could rattle the figures of jobs he had created in the six years of his rule at the Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata a few days back while promising to make Bengal ‘Sonar Bangla’, a veritable El Dorado for the Army of jobless and other hapless people.

The demography and changing politics over it

The fact remains that Hindus and Muslims together fought for their land in this predominantly rural constituency with Haldia port and industrial belt close to it. It consists of two blocks. Both the blocks are Hindu-dominated but the Muslim population is higher in Block 1 (34%) in comparison to Block 2 (12%). Once a Congress Citadel, Nandigram turned to be a CPI base during LF rule. During the LF rule, CPIM strongman Lakshman Seth and former Tamluk MP ruled the roost in the port town and its rural catchment.

However, with the anti-land grab agitation surging ahead, Nandigram changed hands in 2009, two years before the left rout. TMC continued to win it with higher margins in 2011 (61%) and 2016 (67%) respectively. Young Subhendu Adhikary who became a close confidant of Mamata won both times. His family gradually replaced Seths as the de facto ruling family in the entire district by bagging power from parliament seats to municipalities.

The increasing clash of interests and ambitions mainly with Mamata’s nephew Abhishek, her heir apparent, led Shubhendu to sulk despite his inclusion in the cabinet. Meanwhile, the Adhikary family became edgy over BJP’s poll fortune in their fiefdom, albeit at the cost of the Left and Congress mainly. The saffron vote percentage had risen from a mere six percent in 2014 to almost 37 percent in 2019 in Tamluk parliamentary seat that includes Nandigram. It was 42 percent from eight percent during the period in the Kanthi constituency.

As the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah duo smelled blood in Bengal after BJP’s impressive tally in 2019, Subhendu was one of their prime targets among the influential defectors. The Duo’s carrot and stick policy that had been used for all the scam-tainted TMC leaders including Mukul Roy and Sobhan Chatterjee finally succeeded in netting Shuvendu just ahead of the polls.

Today Mamata’s former youth icon openly boasts of his pro-RSS inclinations since childhood and plays Hindutva cards blatantly. Before Modi spoke at the Brigade, Subhendu warned Hindus about Bengal becoming another Kashmir under Mamata and called her ‘aunt of infiltrators including Rohingyas’.

Laxman Seth is now a Congress candidate in Nandigram after trying his luck with BJP following his expulsion from CPM for corruption charges. Lefts are now in alliance with Congress and Indian Secular Front led by young Pirzada, Abbas Siddique. The Pirzada who shares CPM’s hatred of Mamata initially thought of queering her pitch in Nandigram by making a dent in Muslim votes. Now, he has reportedly settled for a bigger pie elsewhere.

Media reports say that Nandigram is in the vortex of religious politics. Hardly anybody remembers the heydays of Hindu-Muslim unity against the land acquisition and for a better future together. Hopefully, the poisonous poll-time narratives will not run deep in the social psyche and Nandigram will rise to the occasion before it is too late.