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Jai Hind and Jai Shri Ram: Can the two go together as BJP-RSS appropriates Netaji, Tagore and other Bengal icons before assembly polls?

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Kolkata: Jai Hind! Jai Shri Ram!

Can the two salutations go together? It depends on which side of the great indian political ring you are now placed, particularly, if you are a Deshi. Right now, the ring itself has been shifted to Bengal as the state is gearing up for assembly poll by May 2021.

On 23 January, we witnessed the latest show-down between Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the mascot of the BJP-RSS and state chief minister cum Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee. The occasion was the 125th birth anniversary of ‘Netaji’ Subhas Chandra Bose, the legendary leader of Azad Hind Fauj or Indian National Army (INA) that took support from the Axis power in WWII to liberate India from the British Yoke. Venue was the premises of Victoria Memorial in Kolkata, dedicated to the queen of British empire at its zenith and now controlled by the central ministry of culture.

As soon as Bengal’s big sis was invited to speak, some of Modi-bhakts greeted her with the chants of Jai Shri Ram! It was clearly meant for taunting her as she had taken it as an affront earlier and even chased away BJP supporters. This time too, a visibly angry Mamata called it an ‘insult to an invited dignitary’ and refused to address. She ended her protest with Jai Hind! Jai Bangla! The two friends-turned foes hardly exchanged a glance, let alone a smile.

Modi could have stopped his minions by raising his index finger or wave of hand. He often makes such gestures either to warn the opposition parties or dismiss his detractors. But he chose to sit nonchalant.

What Jai Hind stands for

Bose, a Bengali icon with a pan-Indian appeal and a well known figure across the Indian subcontinent had coined the call– Jai Hind or Hail India. A mix of two Hindi and Urdu words respectively, it simply resonated his ideals of Hindu-Muslim unity as well as recognition of plural backgrounds of the INA soldiers. Indians from diverse regions, religions, castes and language groups placed their loyalty to a common homeland without any religious tinge and took oath to fight together for its freedom. It became popular among rank and file of all castes and creeds as well as a war cry against the Brits.

jai hind jai shri ram West bengal narendra modi mamata banerjee election
Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose with his INA members I Courtesy: dailyo.in

INA perished in the whirlpools of the war fortunes of great powers despite reaching the borders and shores of India but triggered a seismic tremor in Indian psyche that ultimately led to our freedom. Jai Hind became the words of popular greeting both among the ruling elites who believed in secular nationalism and the masses who followed them. Bose’s end is still a mystery and highly contested one. But that has only lingered his legend as a tragic hero. In post-colonial India, many believed in his second coming as the redeemer of the hopes of the freedom era and the unifier of a divided land after the murder of Gandhi.

What Jai Shri Ram stands for

In contrast, Jai Shri Ram (Hail lord Ram) was coined in the late eighties as both the war cry of the Hindu revivalists led by Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and byword for their camaraderie. It has nothing to do with the devotion of Hindu faithfuls to the god-king of the epic Ramayana whose reign had become a byword for a benevolent and just rule and was revered across faiths in South and south-east Asia.

The war cry in his name has become a blood-curdling call for vengeance against Muslims in India and the mantra to trigger mass hysteria among Hindus, particularly in the Hindi heartland since 1992. Further, it has been morphed into an assertion of victory since Modi became the PM and master rooster of the BJP in 2014, the RSS political wing. More he has gained absolute power, the more the saffron cry connotes a heady invincibility that demands immediate submission of the religious and political minorities including the civil society. Fall in line, else, face the Lynch mobs or police hounds.

Nevertheless, the criers of Jai Shri Ram need to appropriate and subsume Jai Hind to get an aura of wider respectability and acceptability since the RSS did not join the anti-British struggle. So the Sangh Parivar is hell-bent to usurp Gandhi sans his calls for Hindu-Muslim Amity and non-violence despite the fact that his murderer was its fellow-traveller and now being worshipped in Modis India.

Amvedkar is also in the A- list sans his call for annihilation of castes and seperate Dalit identity beyond Brahminical Hindu order.

jai hind jai shri ram West bengal narendra modi mamata banerjee election
Courtesy: PTI/Scroll.in

Politics on appropriation: Bengal’s icons

Similar RSS-BJP exercise is on with Swami Vivekananda, Rabindranath Thakur (Tagore) and Subhas Bose, all Bengali icons who also enjoy pan-Indian reverence and beyond the borders. Swami, the reformer monk had bridged Vedanta philosophy to modernity and spoke against any race or religion’s superiority. Today he has been turned on his head as the hero of Hindu supremacists.

Tagore, the philosopher-poet deplored not only Hitler-Mussolini and Japanese militarism but also the dangers inherent in nationalism. He detested ritualistic rigor of Brahminical Hinduism as well as bigotry of all religious communities while promoting pluralism and interfaith dialogues, particularly, Hindu-Muslim Amity. But RSS-BJP has been trying hard to make a critic of Islam and Christianity. His poetic images of Sonar Bangla (Golden Bengal), has now become part of BJP’s poll campaign. Bose who followed Vivekananda in spirituality and was loved by Tagore is the latest target.

Bose and his legacy: BJP eyes a special effect

On Subhas Bose’s birthday, Modi spoke at length on Netaji’s legacy and the nationalist hero’s relevance in India under his watch as well as his personal inspiration. He virtually made Netaji an ambassador for his ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyan’ or campaign for self-reliant India to make local corporate brands global. It’s also a new slogan to attract the global capital which may flee Covid-hit China and other countries in a corollary to his earlier Make in India campaign.

Modi even related Boss’s ‘parakram’ or bravery as the INA leader to current Indian army’s military might from ‘LOC to LAC’ or against Pakistan and China respectively. But he mentioned the icon as a devout Hindu who used to read Bhagwad Gita, the Hindu holy book. But he did not bother to mention Bose’s secular public life and composite nationalism encapsulated in the INA salutation– ‘Jai Hind’ salutation.

Modi’s silence on Bose’s pluralist politics and focus on Hindu-Muslim unity in undivided Bengal and India was deliberate and part of an orchestrated campaign. It was more evident during the light and sound presentation on Netaji. It focused on his clashes with Gandhi and other Congress leaders including his fellow traveller- turned rival, Jawarlal Nehru.

Clearly, the narrative suits BJP-RSS to target Congress today as well as stoke the Bengali sentiments that Bose was deprived in his life and death. Ironically, Mamata too shares it but wants to use it against ‘outsider’ Modi and his party.

Joe Biden is a bad news for Modi and his party

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Abki Bar Trump Sarkar”, shouted an exultant Narendra Modi at the Howdy Modi event held in Houston, Texas, in September 2019 which was also addressed by then United States President Donald Trump. Besides the leaders of Trump’s Republican Party, nine to ten Democrats were also reported to be present.

Alas! Modi’s wish could not be fulfilled. Trump was ousted in disgrace by the electorate and Joe Biden was installed in the White House. And that is not a good news for Modi and his RSS-dominated outfit. Nor does it augur well for the organisers who were feeling on cloud nine after the ‘Howdy Modi’ event. About 50,000 people were said to have attended the event, many of them owing allegiance to the RSS/BJP, though head of the BJP’s Overseas Affairs Department Vijay Chauthaiwale had claimed that the event was organised neither by the BJP nor by the (Modi) government.

Joe Biden does not want those with RSS/BJP links in his administration. According to a report in The Tribune, Biden has appointed around 20 Indian-Americans in his administration but Obama administration staffer Sonal Shah as well as Amit Jani, who worked on the Biden campaign team, have so far been excluded, allegedly due to their RSS-BJP links which was brought into the limelight by over a dozen Indian-American organisations.

“Joe Biden’s team has people like senior diplomat Uzra Zeya, who had played a role in the Devyani Khobragade case, or Samira Fazili, who had joined protest rallies in the US against the CAA, NRC and the Kashmir lockdown. But those with RSS-BJP links have not found a place as secular Indian-American organisations have maintained the pressure on the Biden-Harris transition team to keep such individuals on the sidelines”, writes The Tribune quoting sources.

It is an embarrassing situation for Modi. Hoping to spread abroad the RSS ideology with the help of the United States, he has practically mortgaged India’s sovereignty to America through several bilateral defence agreements. The first such agreement was negotiated when Manohar Parrikar was the Defence Minister. After year-long discussions with US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter, both of them had cautiously announced in Delhi that India and the United States have ‘agreed in principle to share military logistics’. The two, it appeared, had decided to release only bits of negotiations periodically for fear of the possible strong reaction of the people of India towards allowing the US, or any other country for that matter, to use Indian territory for its military purposes. The two countries had finalised a ‘Logistics Support Agreement’ that allows the two militaries to use each other’s land, air and naval bases for supplies, repair and rest. Both sides claimed that this had become inevitable to ‘counter the growing maritime assertiveness of China’.

It was repeatedly emphasised by both sides that there was no question of stationing US troops on Indian soil. ‘As and when a situation arises, like an earthquake or a natural disaster, that is when it is directed at’, Carter had announced. Parrikar said, “It is a concept of logistics support” to provide “support for each other’s platform where they need fuel and supplies”.

Modi did what no other Prime Minister had done. America had been coveting Indian territory for use of its armed forces ever since India got independence. Nehru resisted it diplomatically all his years as Prime Minister. He did not succumb to the pressure even when the Chinese assertiveness had ceased to be a mere perception but become real as that country had advanced its troops on Indian territory. Indira Gandhi virtually snubbed America during the Bangladesh war when that arrogant super-power threatened to destroy India with its legendary nuclear-powered Seventh Fleet. Even Atal Behari Vajpayee considered it terribly against the national interests of India to allow Indian territory to be used by a foreign power for its military activities. The Chandra Shekhar government had, though, allowed the US armed forces the refuelling facilities in India during the 1991 Iraq conflict and there were widespread protests within the country.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in the UPA government was inclined to accede to the US request for closer military cooperation. However, Defence Minister A K Antony, reportedly with the full backing of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, stood firm against any military relationship between India and America, and was jeered at by pro-American sections as a Leftist.

We know this land and feel the heartbeats of its people, culture of Bengal belongs to Khudiram and not Nathuram: Md Salim

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Kolkata: Politburo member and former Member of Parliament Md Salim claimed that the Left has played its role in ’20-20′ last year and when the result for 2021 Bengal assembly polls will be out, then it will be completely different from what the media has been projecting.

“Since 2019, we have been working to better our position in Bengal. For one year, BJP-TMC had locked them up, while we and our student wing have been working at the ground level since the lockdown was announced.”

“We have worked during lockdown and amphan. Our youth, students and Leftists have reached out to those in distraught. We went to people in villages, in cities, at every mohalla, whether it was to distribute mask, sanitizer or ration during the lockdown and amphan,” said Md Salim while answering one of the questions posed by eNewsroom’s on how Left parties and specially CPM is working to better their voting percentage in comparison to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls?

“Soon after 2019, people had calculated 2021, but there is 2020 in between, which people had forgotten. The media had removed 2020 from the calendar,” he said.

Accusing the ruling party of getting into a clandestine agreement with Amit Shah, he stated, “Just to make sure that Rajiv Kumar did not go to jail, TMC struck a deal with Amit Shah of 20 seats (2019 Lok Sabha). Those days are gone.” He paused and said, “In Bengali, there is an adage – bishey bishey bishok hoye (poison cuts poison).”

Salim claimed, “We know Bengal and the heartbeats of its people. The culture here is not that of RSS. Bengal belongs to Khudiram, it can’t be of Nathuram.”

Earlier, speaking at a seminar—Minorities of Bengal at Crossroads, Salim spoke at length on the issue.

Stressing on the fact the world of 2019 (Pre-corona) and 2021 (post-corona) is not the same,he mentioned that today the even the Prime Minister with having the 56’ inch chest could not claim that he can control entire country.

सुनिए ईन्यूज़रूम के सवाल और मोहम्मद सलीम के जवाब:

 

Commenting on the recent WhatsApp leak of Arnab Goswami, he said, “You can see for yourself how media before running any news talks to the government and get guided from there.”

While answering the question concerning a recent comment of CPIML general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya, where he had asked the Left parties to consider BJP as the main enemy and not TMC.

“Dipankar himself clarified that media has twisted his statement,” said Salim and added, “We are working on a Mahagathbandhan which includes all the left parties, democratic parties, NCP, RJD, Sharad Yadav’s JDU (Secular). All the schedule caste, schedule tribe and minorities parties and those parties who do not want to be with RSS-BJP or TMC. With all them together, we we are making a rock solid coalition.”

He added, “Leaving aside, RSS affiliated organizations, we will fight together. RSS has two affiliated organizations —one named BJP and other is TMC.

Talking about coalitions he mentioned how BJP now has only Apna Dalas its ally. “When TMC came to power it has the support of 22 parties. Today, they are alone, even their own people are leaving them. On the contrary we have grown. When we were in power, we had 9 parties, now we have 16 parties with us.

While saying, TMC is melting away like ice-cream in this winter and will vanish in summer, he added, “Whatever you are seeing, every week (like tele-serials), in installments, they (BJP) are taking away TMC people, soon they will have all Trinamool people.”

Earlier, speaking at the seminar—Minorities of Bengal at Crossroads, organized by Justice K.M. Yusuf Memorial Trust, Salim expressed happiness about Muslims being at the crossroad, for it means there are many roads open for the minorities.

“For me it is a matter of happiness. As being at a crossroad, means that there are several roads open for the minorities. Earlier, the situations were created in such a way that the minorities had to blindly follow a path. Now, you have a democratic choice to choose.”

Speaking on the plan of Assaduddin Owaisi’s party, AIMIM fighting Bengal assembly polls, Salim declared, “Any political party can fight from anywhere. And we should not put it into insider and outsider frame. ”

“Do not get trapped into RSS’s narrative. BJP-RSS is putting you inside gethoes, you do not have to get gethoised. They have the narrative of Hindu-Hindi-Hindustan, which means only one religion, one culture can be in India and rest are outsiders. That is what culture nationalism is all about. But we believe in composite culture for India, when our Constitution was framed in 1950, it was not made on the basis of our culture but on the need for justice and equality.”

He pointed out, “Netaji (Subhash Chandra Bose) knows this, so he said to make a slogan which does not have a religious touch then Jai Hind came into existence.”

The seminar which brainstormed one of the most relevant issues of Bengal election, participated by several prominent names of Bengal and outside including Ex- Minister Dr Abdus Sattar, senior journalist MW Haque, academician Dr Sk Abdul Matin, agricultural scientist Dr MA Hassan, social activist Uzma Naheed and social-medical activist Dr Fuad Halim.

The veteran politician summed up his speech at the seminar by saying: “Do not see the different posters and banners to decide, whom to vote, but look at your children and think, who will provide then employment and how the women of your family will be secure?”

Indian American organizations, activists urge Supreme Court to grant bail to former IPS officer Sanjiv Bhatt

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Kolkata: The Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) and Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR) along with leading politicians, civil rights activists and organizations from India and the United States urged Supreme Court of India in an online press conference to grant immediate bail to former Indian police service (IPS) officer Sanjiv Bhatt. The two organizations and the leading personalities from India term the conviction of Sanjiv Bhatt in a murder case, wrong and based on fraudulent evidence.

The personalities include Member of Parliament Shashi Tharoor, renowned documentary filmmaker and human rights defender Anand Patwardhan, human rights activist and artist Mallika Sarabhai and Magsaysay Award winner Sandeep Pandey. All criticized Bhatt’s conviction, and claimed that it would not stand under judicial scrutiny, urged the Supreme Court to set him free immediately in order to uphold the rule of law.

The Supreme Court of India has scheduled a bail hearing for Bhatt on January 22. Under Indian law, courts can grant bail to those convicted of various crimes, including murder, pending their appeal at higher courts. Bhatt was convicted in June 2019 for the death of a man in 1990. His defense was not allowed to cross-examine prosecution witnesses during the brief trial, nor was it allowed to present its own witnesses or submit evidence. India’s human rights groups have called it a sham trial.

Shashi Tharoor, a member of Parliament and formerly an Undersecretary General at the United Nations, said he was “outraged by the injustice meted out” to Bhatt, whose “conscientious service to society” and “indomitable capacity for speaking truth to power” had put him in jail.

“Sanjiv’s case is a reflection of the grim times that we live in, where constitutional values and fundamental privileges that have been granted by the constitution to all Indians appear in many cases to be diluted and in many cases perhaps even supplanted by illiberal forces,” Tharoor said. “All Indians with a conscience like Sanjiv Bhatt’s must stand up and fight back against such challenges that threaten to undermine the very foundation of our republic.”

Filmmaker and human rights defender Anand Patwardhan said Bhatt had been jailed “for no other reason than the fact that he opposed the massacre in 2002” and spoke against it. Patwardhan said the civil society “should build a movement for Bhatt’s release.”

Human rights activist, classical dancer and actor Mallika Sarabhai said there was a “definite agenda” not only in the retribution against Bhatt but in the case of most critics of the Modi government.

“I hope that today we will be able to appeal to the better sense of our great courts to say what is being done to Sanjiv is wrong and needs to be corrected immediately,” she said.

Gandhian activist and Magsaysay Award winner Sandeep Pandey said Bhatt was the “most courageous” of all police officers as he filed an affidavit stating that Narendra Modi had “chaired a meeting in which the police officers were told to go soft on the Hindutva brigade which was rampaging against the Muslims.”

Pandey said that “manipulation of cases” was a “common story” in the Modi government.

Renowned activist S. R. Darapuri, who is a former Inspector-General of Police in Uttar Pradesh, said he could related to Bhatt’s predicament as they both were “upright and righteous” police officers who had both been “at the receiving end of State oppression.”

Saurin Shah, Ahmedabad-based lawyer who defended Bhatt at his flawed trial, gave a detailed chronology of the case. In October 1990, Bhatt was posted at Jamnagar, Gujarat, when local police arrested 133 rioters, one of whom died 18 days after release. Importantly, none of the 133 people, including the person who died later at a private hospital, had made any allegations of police torture or brutality, even when they met a magistrate. The medical record at the jail where the rioters were imprisoned do not mention any injuries to anyone.

The alleged murder victim, Prabhudas, was twice examined by the jail doctor and at the local government hospital, and none recorded any complaint of torture or injuries.

Commending Bhatt as a “brave officer” who “spoke truth to power,” Raju Rajagopal, co-founder of Hindus for Human Rights, recalled that Bhatt had witnessed the “fateful decision” by Modi, who was at that time Gujarat’s chief minister, that the “law enforcement shall stand down to give Hindu nationalist organizations free rein to attack” Muslims. Bhatt had been “incessantly hounded by the authorities since that time,” Rajagopal said.

“In 2018, he was interrogated on a decades-old case, was tried on completely bogus charges without any opportunity for the defense to call their witnesses, and was put him away for life.”

Rasheed Ahmed, Executive Director of IAMC, said the Indian government must stop “politically managing Sanjiv Bhat’s case and let the law take its course under the supervision of independent judges not the judges who are either scared of government or have themselves becomes political.”

“There is no ambiguity that Sanjiv Bhatt’s conviction and incarceration are politically motivated and that the charges against him are baseless,” Ahmed said. “The courts clearly know it but the political masters want him silenced so that their own crimes stay in the dark rooms out of the public eye.”

Ahmed said that Bhatt deserved a “fair trial and an “independent judiciary”.

Farmers’ Democracy Rally will be held after the Government-run Republic Day Parade in Delhi: AIKSCC

Kolkata: Hum Do, Humara Do. The Narendra Modi government has refreshed the slogan for the birth control campaign of the Indira Gandhi era. Earlier it was meant to promote a small family of four. Now it replaces the couple with prime minister Modi and home minister Amit Shah. Their two children, guess who? (Mukesh) Ambani and (Gautam) Adani. This retort came from Yogendra Yadav, the pollster-turned politician and the Swaraj India president at a well-attended public meeting in Kolkata on Wednesday, organised by the state unit of the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee (AIKSCC).

Soft-spoken Yadav, one of the televised faces of the leadership of ongoing farmers’ movement against three farm laws at Delhi borders, drew applause from the audience when he alluded to the vintage slogan that later became embarrassing for the iron lady of Indian politics because of her two sons. Many now compare Modi’s authoritarianism to her style.

History is being repeated, Yadav said, with the reintroduction of ‘Company Raj’; the reign of East India Company of the early British era that had a monopolistic control on trade and commerce in colonial India. Today’s company raj will be enforced through the pro-corporate three farm laws that are meant to facilitate monopoly of Ambani and Adani-led groups in contract farming and agro-business, he maintained.

Few other crony capitalists may also gain from the new laws which in the name of market-oriented reforms in agriculture and agro-marketing would effectively end the government protection to farmers and leave them at the mercy of the monopolists. The new laws give them license to hoard and control the supply and prices of food grains and other essential items.

As the BJP-RSS regime is calling the movement a Punjab phenomenon bereft of any impact in the rest of the country, Yadav reminded his Kolkata audience of the similar vein aired by the British administration about Bengali revolutionaries. Interspersing his Hindi address with Bengali sentences, he said: “Today, Punjab farmers are fighting not for them alone but for the entire country. The regime is forcing its so-called gifts of pro-monopoly laws down the throats of the farmers, poor and middle class consumers as well as the opposition parties. The cornerstones of our republic and secular democracy will be saved if the farmers can come out of the government’s ghera bandi (encirclement) which have been imposed on us after Note-Bandi (demonetization) and Desh Bandi (Corona Lockdown) that had brought huge miseries to masses.”

farmers protest republic day parade aikscc kolkata bengal
Good number of farmers and other participants remain present during the Wednesday sabha

Parallel but peaceful rally on Republic Day

He deplored the government’s efforts to use the Supreme Court, first to end the farmer’s protest, then to outlaw their plan to hold tractor rally in Delhi to observe Kisan Ganatantra March (Kisan Republic Day Parade) on 26 January in parallel to the official Republic day parade. “They are spreading all sorts of canards about peasants’ violence but we will ensure total peace on our part as the national tricolor belongs to We the People of India. Farmers will enter Delhi not to take over it but to win people’s hearts”.

Later at an impromptu press meet, Yadav clarified that the proposed tractor rally (Kisan Republic Day Parade) would be held along outer ring road in Delhi, far away from Rajpath where the official parade takes place, that too after the government-run function is over. Farmers who are about to move into national capital territory on that day would not try to stay put there as the government fears, he added.

Similar rallies will be organised in state capitals across the country, Ashok Dhawale, the president of CPIM peasant wing, All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), said. “Let the Modi regime and SC court stop the farmers if they can. Dhawale, the party’s MLA in Maharashtra was the key man behind the spectacular farmers’ rally from Nasik to Mumbai in 2018. Many middle class Mumbaikars were initially hostile as they worried about disruptions in the city life. However, the miseries and grits of the marchers moved their hearts as some of them came out to welcome the rustics.

farmers protest republic day parade aikscc kolkata bengal
Biman Bose, Left Front Chairman (in white kurta-dhoti) speaks to the female artist during the sabha called by AIKSCC

Maintaining that farmers across faith-caste-language and regional identities are rising to the occasion, he said a massive march on wheels will begin from Nasik to the state capital as well as from other districts from 23 January. Maharashtra chief minister and Shiv Sena chief, Uddhav Thakre who was an ideological ally of BJP-RSS as well as his current partner NCP chief Sharad Pawar, an all-weather veteran and Congress leader Balasaheb Thorad will attend the rally in Mumbai.

Both Modi and Mamata are enemies for CPIM and allied Lefts

Nevertheless, state politics of pollbound Bengal came to the fore as Dhawale and Amal Halder, the state secretary of CPIM peasant front also trained their guns on chief minister and TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee for failing the farmers in the state. CPIM-led Left Front supporters who had not joined the city sit-in demonstration en masse since it’s beginning on January 9 were found today in some numbers.

“The BJP regime is the number one enemy of the farmers. In Bengal, both the TMC and BJP are our enemies. Mamata paid lip service to the farmers but tried to crush Bharat Bandh called by the Left trade unions that supported farmers’ demands too. Didn’t she join the BJP-led government under A B Vajpayee?” Dhawale said echoing his party’s line in the coming poll.

Both he and Haldar came down heavily on Mamata accusing her of failing to pay centrally declared Minimum Support Price to farmers on paddy procurement, let alone the payment of additional amount offered by CPIM-led Kerala government.

Mamata who is now facing a stiff challenge from her friend-turned foe BJP-RSS has opposed Modi government’s farm laws. She has announced her intent to pass a resolution in the assembly refusing the implementation of the central laws as Congress-ruled states. But she is yet to make the assembly session possible. Neither she has rallied her party against the farm laws, particularly, the changes in essential commodities which she felt would attract more public concerns as the other aspects of new laws are not much relevant in Bengal.

Pradip Singh Thakur, the farmer leader of CPIML (Red Star) that had spearheaded Bhangar peasant movement against Mamata government, welcomed her opposition to central farm laws but asked her to prove her sincerity in taking corrective measures.

26 जनवरी कि किसान गणतन्त्र परेड मोदी को मैसेज देने के लिए नहीं, देश को संदेश होगा जय जवान के बाद जय किसान का – योगेंद्र यादव

कोलकाता: किसान नेता और स्वराज भारत राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष योगेंद्र यादव ने आज दावा किया के 26 जनवरी कि किसान परेड नरेंद्र मोदी को मैसेज देने के लिए नहीं, बल्कि देश को संदेश होगा जय जवान के बाद, जय किसान का।

अखिल भारतीय किसान संघर्ष समन्वय समिति (एआईकेएससीसी- AIKSCC) के देश भर में चल रहें किसान आंदोलन के दौरान आज योगेंद्र यादव कोलकाता पहुंचे और 26 जनवरी के गणतंत्र दिवस के समानांतर किसान परेड आयोजन करने के समिति के फैसले के बारे में विस्तार से बताया।

एआईकेएससीसी 9 जनवरी से धरमतल्ला में भी कृषि बिल के विरोध में एक धरना दे रही है।

“हमें मजबूरी में गणतन्त्र दिवस पे किसान के ट्रैक्टर परेड का फैसला लेना पड़ा क्यूंकि प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी जी के पास देश-विदेश में हो रहे घटना पर ट्वीट करने का समय है, क्रिकेटर के सेहत का हाल-चाल जानने का वक़त है, पर देश के 125 किसान शहीद हो चुके, के लिए संवेदना व्यक्त करने का समय नहीं है,“ योगेंद्र यादव ने मीडिया को सभा के बाद बताया।

सभा में उन्होने कहा, “26 जनवरी को किसान आंदोलन शुरू हुऐ 2 मास हो जायेंगे पर हमारे किसान भाई डटे हुए हैं और बोल रहें हैँ के अगर ज़रूरत हुईं तो 2 साल तक बैठेंगे पर बिना कृषि बिल वापस किये नहीं जायेंगे।”

कृषि क़ानून, किसानों के लिए उपहार नहीं है

अपने भाषण में योगेंद्र यादव ने कहा, “कृषि क़ानून हम दो (मोदी-अमित शाह) के द्वारा हमारे दो (अंबानी- अदानी) के लिए उपहार है, किसानों के लिए नहीं।“

“कृषि क़ानून कंपनी राज लाने के लिए है, देश कि खेती-किसानी में कंपनी राजी लाने कि कोशिश है। पर किसान कह रहे हैं हमें ये उपहार नहीं चाहिए।“

सीएए-एनआरसी कि तरह किसान आंदोलन को भी हर तरह से कुचलने कि कोशिश कि गई

ईन्यूज़रूम के एक सवाल के, किया जिस तरह सिएए-एनआरसी आंदोलन के दौरान और बाद में मोदी सरकार के तरफ से कार्रवाई कि गई एक्टिविस्ट्स और विद्यार्थियों पे वैसे किसी कार्रवाई से किसान आंदोलन के नेता भी डरे हुए हैँ? योगेंद्र ने जवाब दिया, “हम सभी लोगों को भी हरयाणा से लेकर उत्तर प्रदेश कि सरकारों ने डराने-धमकाने, केस लगाने का काम किया है। एनआईए कि नोटिसेस भी मिल रही है, उत्तर प्रदेश में हमारे कार्यकर्ताओं पे गुंडा एक्ट लगा, उनका बाउंड भरना पड़ा के वो इस तरह के आंदोलन में भाग नहीं लेंगे। मुझे भी अरैस्ट किया गया। आज भी झारखंड के किसान को उत्तर प्रदेश में रोक दिया गया है।”

“मोदी जी कहते हैँ  के किसान कि बात को सर झुका कर सुनेंगे पर करते वो ये है, जिसे इंग्लिश के कहावत से समझा जा सकता है Iron fist with velvet gloves (मखमल में लपेटा हुआ लोहे का घुसा),” योगेंद्र ने उदाहरण देते हुए कहा।

सभा के दौरान भी योगेंद्र यादव ने कहा के मोदी सरकार ने सभी तरह से आंदोलन को दबाने और थकाने कि कोशिश कर ली, पर वो कामयाब नहीं हुए। किसान संयुक्त मोर्चा में शामिल 400 से ज्यादा संगठनों में से एक भी अलग नहीं हुए। और ये आंदोलन अब देश भर में फैल चुका है।

योगेंद्र ने ये भी कहा के आंदोलन कोई बड़े किसानों का नहीं बल्कि छोटे-छोटे किसानों का है। और ये जानकारी दी के 26 जनवरी को दस लाख देश भर से दिल्ली आएंगे, पर वे रुकेंगे नहीं और परेड ख़त्म होने पे वापस हों जायेंगे।

अंत में सभी किसान नेताओं ने ये दावा किया के आंदोलन पूरी तरह अहिंसक रहा है और आगे भी रहेगा। गणतंत्र दिवस परेड में कोई विघन्न नहीं डालेंगे, किसान का परेड अलग होगा।

सभा को नासिक से आए अखिल भारतीय किसान सभा के अशोक दावले, और बंगाल के कई संगठनों के नेताओं ने भी संबोधित किया।

अर्णब के व्हाट्स चैट पर बोलना था प्रधानमंत्री को, बोल रहे हैं राहुल गांधी, क्यों?

1

16 जनवरी को व्हाट्सएप चैट की बातें वायरल होती हैं। किसी को पता नहीं कि चैट की तीन हज़ार पन्नों की फाइलें कहां से आई हैं। बताया जाता है कि मुंबई पुलिस TRP के फर्ज़ीवाड़े को लेकर जांच कर रही थी। उसी क्रम में इस मामले में गिरफ्तार पार्थो दासगुप्ता से बातचीत में रिपब्लिक टीवी के मालिक और एंकर अर्णब गोस्वामी कई तरह की जानकारी होने के दावे करते हैं जिनका संबंध राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा से भी है और कैसे उन जानकारी के इस्तमाल से रेटिंग में कथित तौर पर घपला किया जा सकता है जिससे चैनल या अर्णब गोस्वामी को करोड़ों की कमाई हो सकती है।

सरकार ने इस मामले को संवेदनशीलता से नहीं लिया। कम से कम उसे अपने स्तर पर महाराष्ट्र की मुंबई पुलिस से इसकी पुष्टि करनी चाहिए थी कि बातचीत की सत्यता क्या है क्योंकि इस चर्चा से राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा और कूटनीतिक संबंध प्रभावित हो सकते हैं। आतंक के गंभीर मामलों में जांच करने वाली NIA भी पहल कर सकती थी और बुलाकर इस मामले में पूछताछ कर सकती थी। इन सबके बजाय सरकार की गहरी चुप्पी ने संदेह के बादलों को और भी गहरा कर दिया। इस दौरान हम सभी की आलोचना होने लगी कि अर्णब गोस्वामी के कथित व्हाट्स एप चैट पर आप चुप क्यों हैं? मैंने अपना कारण बताया था कि मैं ऐसी चीज़ों में जल्दबाज़ी पसंद नहीं करता। मैं रूका रहा कि आधिकारिक बयानों का इंतज़ार करना चाहिए। मुझे उम्मीद थी कि सरकार कुछ करेगी।बोलेगी। सरकार ने मुख्यधारा के कुछ अख़बार, वेबसाइट और एक दो न्यूज़ चैनलों पर इस मामले की चर्चा के बाद भी कुछ नहीं कहा। सज्ञान नहीं लिया। 19 जनवरी आ गया।

राहुल गांधी किसानों को लेकर एक पुस्तिका जारी करने प्रेस कांफ्रेंस में आते हैं। उनसे कई तरह से सवाल-जवाब होते हैं। एक सवाल इस व्हाट्स एप चैट को लेकर चुप्पी के बारे में होता है जिसके जवाब में राहुल गांधी पहले अंग्रेज़ी में और फिर हिन्दी में बोलते हैं। हिन्दी वाला हिस्सा शब्दश: यहां दे रहा हूं।

“एक पत्रकार को डिफेंस का सेंसेटिव इंफो बालाकोट से पहले इंफो दी जा रही है उसी पत्रकार ने पहले कहा कि पुलवामा के बाद कहा कि ये हमारे लिए अच्छा हुआ है। रिप्लेक्शन आफ प्रधानमंत्री. जो इनका माइंड सेट है वो इनका है। कि हमारे चालीस लोग मर गए अब हम चुनाव जीत जाएंगे।एक पत्रकार को डिफेंस का सेंसेटिव इंफो बालाकोट से पहले इंफो दी जा रही है उसी पत्रकार ने पहले कहा कि पुलवामा के बाद कहा कि ये हमारे लिए अच्छा हुआ है। रिप्लेक्शन आफ प्रधानमंत्री. जो इनका माइंड सेट है वो इनका है। कि हमारे चालीस लोग मर गए अब हम चुनाव जीत जाएंगे। आपने इंफ़ो दी, 4-5 लोगों के पास थी। ऐसे मिशन में सूचना पायलट को लास्ट में मिलती है। एयर चीफ, एन एस ए, प्र म, गृह को दी। इन पांच में से किसी ने इस व्यक्ति को सूचना दी। क्रिमिनल ऐक्शन है। पता लगाना पड़ेगा किसने दी और उन दोनों को जेल में जाना पड़ेगा। मगर ये प्रोसेस शरू नहीं हुोई क्यों प्रदानमंत्री ने सूचना दी होगी। तो वो तो होगी नहीं। शायद बाद में हो। प्र म को पता था। PM, डिफ़ेन्स मिनिस्टर एन एस ए को पता था गृह मंत्री को पता था, रक्षा मंत्री को पता था इन पांच में से किसने दिया। सीधी सी बात है”

राहुल गांधी स्पष्ट तौर पर कहते हैं कि किसी देश पर हमले की सूचना आफिशियल सीक्रेट एक्ट के तहत आती है। इस फैसले की गोपनीयता सिर्फ पांच लोगों के पास थी। इन्हीं पांच लोगों में से एक के पास होगी। इन्हीं पांच में से किसी एक ने मिस्टर अर्णब गोस्वामी को सूचना दी थी जो राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा से समझौता है। आप जब इसे व्हाट्स एप चैट से साझा कर रहे हैं तो मुमकिन है कि दुश्मन देश हैक पर जान सकता था और भारत के लिए उल्टा हो सकता था। राहुल गांधी से पहले उनकी पार्टी के रणदीप सुरजेवाला, मनीष तिवारी, तृणमूल कांग्रेस की माहुओ मोइत्रा, राजद के मनोज झा और शिव सेना के संजय राउत ने सवाल उठाया था। सबके सवाल में संदेह के चिन्ह थे। वैसे इस चैट के सामने आते ही गहरी चुप्पी पसर गई थी। नेताओं से पहले प्रशांत भूषण ने ट्विट किया और उसी को आधार बना कर कई जगहों पर ख़बर की गई।किसी ने ठोस तरीके से हमला नहीं किया बल्कि ज़िक्र कर छोड़ दिया कि सरकार की नज़र में ये बात जाए और इसका कुछ खंडन या स्पष्टीकरण आए। नहीं आया।

कहने का मतलब है कि सरकार को पता था कि व्हाट्स एप चैट को लेकर चर्चा हो रही है। राहुल के बयान के बाद और ख़बरों के छपने के बाद भी पता है। तो अब क्यों नहीं कुछ बोल रही है? इतना कहा जा सकता था कि सरकार की नज़र में यह बात है और जांच हो रही है। संदेश गया कि सरकार इस इंतज़ार में है कि लोगों का ध्यान इससे भटक जाए। सरकार ने सामने से इसका सामना नहीं किया। सोशल मीडिया में वायरल होता रहा।

अब सवाल है कि क्या अर्णब गोस्वामी को हमसे से तीन दिन पहले बालाकोट हमले की सटीक जानकारी थी? चैट की बातचीत की तारीख़ 23 फ़रवरी 2019 की है और हमला 26 फ़रवरी 2019 को होता है। तीन दिन पहले की बातचीत है लेकिन हम कैसे जान सकते हैं कि अर्णव को जानकारी तीन दिन पहले ही हुई थी? क्या अर्णव को और पहले से जानकारी थी? अर्णव ने पार्थो दासगुप्ता के अलावा किस किस को बताया था? क्या इसका इस्तमाल एक सरकार के लौटने की गारंटी के आधार पर मार्केट में पैसा लगाने वालों के बीच भी हुआ था? कई तरह के सवाल हैं।

व्हाट्स चैट का जो हिस्सा वायरल है उसका एक छोटा सा अंश दे रहा हूं। आप देख सकते हैं। मूल बातचीत अंग्रेज़ी में है। ये हिन्दी अनुवाद है।

अर्णब गोस्वामी: हां एक और बात, कुछ ब़ड़ा होने वाला है
पार्थो दासगुप्ता: दाऊद?
अर्णब गोस्वामी: ‘ नहीं सर, पाकिस्तान, इस बार कुछ बड़ा होने वाला है’
पार्थो दासगुप्ता: ‘ ऐेसे वक्त में उस बड़े आदमी के लिए अच्छा है, तब वो चुनाव जीत जाएंगेय.स्ट्राइक ? या उससे भी कुछ बड़ा
अर्णब गोस्वामी: ‘ सामान्य स्ट्राइक से काफी बड़ा। और साथ ही इस बार कश्मीर में भी कुछ बड़ा होगा। पाकिस्तान पर स्ट्राइक को लेकर सरकार को विश्वास है कि ऐसा स्ट्राइक होगा जिस से लोगों में जोश आ जाएगा। बिलकुल यही शब्द इस्तेमाल किए गए थे।

यह बेहद संगीन मामला है। सरकार को उसी वक्त एक्शन लेना चाहिए था और इस पर प्रतिक्रिया देनी चाहिए थी। मैं खुद सरकार की प्रतिक्रिया का इंतज़ार करता रहा। ये क्या हो रहा है कि सुरक्षा के ऐसे संवेदनशील मामलों को बिना किसी चेक के पसरने दिया जा रहा है जबकि अनाप शनाप फेसबुक पोस्ट करने वालों को पीट दिया जाता है और जेल में डाल दिया जाता है।

क्या चुनाव जीतने के लिए राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा को दांव पर लगाया जा सकता है? मान लीजिए पाकिस्तान को यह सूचना किसी तरह से हाथ लग जाती क्योंकि यह पांच लोगों के अलावा बाहर जा चुकी थी। एक एंकर एक ऐसे व्यक्ति के साथ साझा कर रहा है जिससे वह लाभ पा कर करोड़ों कमाना चाहता है। अगर इस रुट से सूचना लीक होती औऱ पाकिस्तान दूसरी तरह से तैयारी कर लेता तो भारत को किस तरह का नुकसान होता इसका सिर्फ अंदाज़ा लगाया जा सकता है। कितने जवानों की ज़िंदगी दांव पर लग जाती इसका भी आप अंदाज़ा लगा सकते हैं। तभी तो ऐसी सूचना गोपनीय रखी जाती है। काम को पूरा करने के बाद देश को बताया जाता है। सुरक्षा मामलों का कोई भी जानकार इसे सही नहीं कह सकता है।

क्या अर्णब गोस्वामी पार्थो दासगुप्ता से गप्प हांक रहे थे? क्या यह संयोग रहा होगा कि वो हमले की बात कह रहे हैं और तीन दिन बाद हमला होता है और चुनावी राजनीति की फिज़ा बदल जाती है? लेकिन इसी चैट से यह भी सामने आया है कि कश्मीर में धारा 370 समाप्त किए जाने के फैसले की जानकारी उनके पास तीन दिन पहले से थी। अगर आप दोनों चैट को आमने-सामने रखकर देखें तो संयोग और गप्प हांकने की थ्योरी कमज़ोर साबित होती है। हम नहीं जानते कि बालाकोट स्ट्राक की जानकारी अर्णब के अलावा और किस किस एंकर को दी गई थी? क्या उसी के हिसाब से न्यू़ज़ चैनलों को तोप बनाकर जनता की तरफ मोड़ दिया गया और जनता देशभक्ति और पाकिस्तान के नाम पर वाह वाह करती हुई अपने मुद्दों को पीछे रख लौट गई थी?

राहुल गांधी कहते हैं कि इस मामले में कुछ नहीं होगा। उनकी बात सही है। ऐसी सूचना प्रधानमंत्री, राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा सलहाकार, गृहमंत्री, रक्षा मंत्री और वायुसेना प्रमुख के पास होती है। इनकी जांच कौन करेगा? भारत जैसे देश में मुमकिन ही नहीं है। अमरीका या ब्रिटेन में आप फिर भी उम्मीद कर सकते हैं।

ब्रिटेन में प्रधानमंत्री टोनी ब्लेयर के खिलाफ जांच कमेटी बैठी थी कि उन्होंने झूठ बोलकर ब्रिटेन की सेना को इराक युद्ध में झोंक दिया था। ब्लेयर दोषी पाए गए थे और उन्हे देश और सेना से माफी मांगनी पड़ी थी। आप इंटरनेट में चिल्कॉट कमेटी की रिपोर्ट के बारे में पढ़ सकते हैं। इसलिए इन पांचों से तो कोई पूछताछ होगी नहीं और अर्णब को इसलिए बचाया जाएगा क्योंकि इन पांचों में से किसी एक को बचाया जाएगा। प्रधानमंत्री को भी पद की गोपनीयता की शपथ दिलाई जाती है। क्या प्रधानंमत्री ने शपथ का उल्लंघन किया है? यह साधारण मामला नहीं है।

जैसा कि मैंने कहा था कि अर्णब का मामला सिर्फ अर्णब का मामला नहीं है। गोदी मीडिया में सब अर्णब ही हैं। सबके संरक्षक एक ही हैं। कोई भी आपसी प्रतिस्पर्धा में अपने संरक्षक को मुसीबत में नहीं डालेगा। इसलिए राहुल गांधी की प्रेस कांफ्रेंस के बाद जब प्रकाश जावड़ेकर बीजेपी मुख्यालय पहुंचे तो उनकी इस प्रेस कांफ्रेंस में राहुल के जवाब को लेकर या व्हाट्स एप चैट को लेकर गंभीर सवाल जवाब ही नहीं हुए। क्या बीजेपी कवर करने वाले पत्रकार इतना सहम चुके हैं? समझा जा सकता है। आखिर कितने पत्रकार बात बात में नौकरी गंवा देंगे और सड़क पर आ जाएंगे? यह सवाल तो अब पत्रकार से ज़्यादा जनता का है। और जनता को नोट करना चाहिए कि बीजेपी कवर करने वाले पत्रकार बीजेपी से या केंद्र सरकार के मंत्री से सवाल नहीं पूछ सकते हैं। आईटी सेल को भी काठ मार गया है। वो मेरी एक गलती का पत्र वायरल कराने में लगा है। कमाल है। क्या देश ने तय कर लिया है कि आई टी सेल दो और दो पाँच कह देगा तो पाँच ही मानेंगे। चार नहीं।

तो क्या दूसरों को देशद्रोही बोलकर ललकारने वाला गोदी मीडिया या अर्णब गोस्वामी खुद देश के साथ समझौता कर सकते हैं? और जब करेंगे तो उन्हें बचाया जाएगा? इस देश में किसानों और पत्रकारों को NIA की तरफ से नोटिस भेजा जा रहा है और राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा की सूचना बाज़ार के एक धंधेबाज़ सी ई ओ से साझा की जा रही है उस पर चुप्पी है। राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा के नाम पर मुखर होकर बोलने वाले ऐसे फौजी अफसर भी चुप हैं जो रिटायरमेंट के बाद अर्णब के शो में हर दूसरे दिन आ जाते हैं। उन्होंने भी नहीं मांग की कि इस मामले की जांच होनी चाहिए।

गोदी मीडिया इस मामले में चुप है। क्योंकि वह उसी संरक्षक का हिस्सा है जहां से सबको अर्णब बने रहने का प्रसाद मिलता है। जीवनदान मिलता है। क्या आप अपनी आंखों से देख पा रहे हैं कि आपके प्यारे वतन का कितना कुछ ध्वस्त किया जा चुका है? क्या आपको लग रहा है कि गोदी मीडिया के दस एंकरों और सरकार के बीच गिरोह जैसा रिश्ता बन गया है? आपने इस रिश्ते को मंज़ूर किया है। आपने सवाल नहीं उठाए हैं। फर्ज़ कीजिए। ऐसी जानकारी कोई बड़ा अधिकारी मेरे या किसी और के साथ चैट में साझा कर देता तब इस देश में क्या हो रहा होता? मैं आपको शर्मिंदा नहीं करना चाहता हूं। मैं जानता हूं कि जितनी बातें पिछले छह साल में कही हैं वही बातें घट चुकी हैं। वही बातें घट रही हैं। वही बातें घटने वाली हैं।

Pulwama, Balakot and burning of Coach S-6 of Sabarmati Express

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The leaked WhatsApp chat between Republic TV founder-editor Arnab Goswami and former CEO of the Broadcast Audience Research Council (BARC) Partho Dasgupta only confirms what was already being suspected that the Pulwama terrorist attack resulting in death of 40-odd CRPF jawans on February 14, 2019 could not be what the Narendra Modi wanted the people to believe. Within a fortnight, on February 27 to be precise, the IAF bombed the terror camp at Balakot in Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. The Modi government then claimed that the IAF strike was in retaliation to Pakistan-trained terrorists’ attack on CRPF vehicles in Pulwama district. It was never explained by the government how the suicide bomber had been able to penetrate the high security network to reach the CRPF vehicles, particularly as the security in the region was made more tight about that time in view of the ongoing Amarnath Yatra. Nor did the government come up with a precise number of terrorists killed in the IAF strike on the Balakot training camp.

As the government had failed to satisfy the people on both Pulwama and Balakot incidents, suspicion had grown in public mind that the Modi coterie was itself engineering terrorist attacks with a view to making some political gains in the elections. Hari Shankar Vyas, Editor-Owner of Hindi daily “Naya India” and once an ardent supporter of Narendra Modi, wrote in one of his columns that NSA Ajit Doval was squarely responsible for Pulwama terrorist attack as well as for providing wrong information about Balakot target to Indian Air Force with the result that terrorists and their madarsa escaped the air attack. Now the Goswami-Dasgupta chat gives a broad – but unmistakable – hint that these incidents were contrived to make Modi sweep the Lok Sabha polls, a few months away.

Opposition leaders, who wanted to know from the government how many terrorists were killed in IAF strike at Balakot, were branded by Narendra Modi and then BJP president Amit Shah as pro-Pakistan and traitors to the Nation. Then the family members of the CRPF jawans killed in the terrorist attack in Pulwama had also become pro-Pakistan and traitors to the Nation, as per Modi-Shah duo’s definition. Ram Vakeel of Mainpuri was one of the jawans martyred in the Pulwama terror attack. His wife Geeta Devi asked the government, through a newspaper interview, to provide proof of the terrorists killed in the IAF strike. His sister Ramraksha said the people need to know what was the outcome of the IAF strike. “How do we know that the strike occurred and the terrorists were killed”, she said. Vakeel’s mother Amitshree also demanded proof of the terrorists killed in the air strike. Earlier, Sarmishtha Devi, wife of slain CRPF jawan Pradeep Kumar of Shamli, had said that they were not satisfied with the government’s claim about Balakot air strike on terrorist camps.

Modi was perhaps emboldened to engineer Pulwama and Balakot by his ‘”successful” Godhra experiment. All the theories put forward by then Gujarat Chief Minister Modi and his government about the burning of Coach S-6 of Sabarmati Express off Godhra railway station on February 27, 2002 turned out to be bunkum. All the passengers in Coach S-6 were not Kar Sevaks returning from Ayodhya. According to a Railway Ministry statement of august 21, 2002, in Coach S-6 on that day a total of 59 passengers had made reservations, most of these were made from Lucknow and Kanpur. Three of them had cancelled their bookings. The Railway Ministry had “after comprehensive investigation” found that out of the 56 persons who had their reservations in the Coach, four were killed, nine were injured and seven were still missing”. The Railway Ministry further said that its investigation found that “32 of them were alive and safe” and that the remaining passengers who had perished in the burning coach “appear to have boarded the Coach without reservation”.

Modi, however, completed in the next few days “identification” of 58 Kar Sevaks, arranged their cremations fitting to martyrs and announced Rs 2 lakh to the next of kin of each. How did he identify them so fast because they did not even have reservations in the coach – barring a few? Then Gujarat Minister of State for Home Amit Shah had concluded that the fire was set after throwing petrol from outside. This theory was debunked by Gujarat’s own Government Forensic Science Laboratory. A team of forensic experts visited the place of offence on May 3, 2002. In order to recreate the real picture of how the offence was committed on the day of the incident, one coach was kept on the same spot. With the help of different types of containers experimental demonstrations were also carried out by using liquids inside the coach. They found that the height of the window of the coach was around 7 ft. from the ground of the place. As such, it was not possible to throw any inflammable fluid inside from outside the coach from any bucket or carboy because by doing this, most of the fluid was getting thrown outside.

This was followed by a massacre of Muslims which got a thumping victory to Modi and his party in the Assembly elections a few months later.

कहने के लिए आसान है, कानून को लागू करने दें, यदि लाभकारी नहीं रहे तो वापस ले लेंगे, पूछें नई पेंशन योजना के पीड़ितों से जिनसे यही बाते बोली गयी थी

रांची: रांची के निवासी गिरधर महतो सितंबर 2018 में शिक्षा विभाग से सेवानिवृत्त हुए। उन्हें 2011 में काम मिला था।

जब महतो ने 1982 में आवेदन किया था तो रिक्त पदों को योग्यता के आधार पर भरा जाना था। महतो ने मेरिट सूची में उच्च स्कोर किया था। लेकिन, भ्रष्टाचार की बदौलत उन्हें और उनके जैसे अन्य लोगों को उन नौकरियों से वंचित कर दिया गया, उन्हें रख लिया गया, जिन्होंने बहुत कम स्कोर किया था। 23 वर्षों के लंबे कोर्ट केस के बाद, जब उच्च न्यायालय ने महतो के पक्ष में निर्णय दिया, तो उसे अंतत: शिक्षा विभाग में नौकरी मिल गयी। लेकिन जब तक उन्हें अपनी नौकरी मिली तब वह नई पेंशन योजना (एनपीएस) के तहत आ गए और पुरानी पेंशन योजना (ओपीएस) से वंचित रह गए।

“अब मुझे पेंशन के रूप में 1500 रुपये की मामूली राशि मिल रही है। अगर मुझे पिछली योजना के अनुसार पेंशन मिलती तो मुझे 40,000 रुपये मिलते, जो कि मेरे निचले रैंक के कुछ सहकर्मियों को मिल रहा है, ” सेवानिवृत्त विज्ञान शिक्षक ने कहा।

एनपीएस की तुलना में सरकारी वृद्धावस्था पेंशन योजनाओं के तहत अधिक पेंशन राशि

हजारीबाग जिले के 62 वर्षीय अशोक कुमार को भी अपनी नौकरी के लिए कानूनी लड़ाई लड़ना पड़ा। उन्हें 1991 में हल्का कर्मचारी (राजस्व विभाग के एरिया अधिकारी) की नौकरी मिल गई थी, जो सामान्य मानदंड के अनुसार अस्थायी आधार पर थी। कर्मचारियों को बाद में स्थायी किया जाता है। ऐसा नहीं हुआ और इसलिए कुमार को भी न्याय के दरवाजे पर दस्तक देनी पड़ी।

लंबी लड़ाई लड़ने के बाद सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने उनके पक्ष में एक आदेश दिया और वह 2007 में एक स्थायी कर्मचारी बन गए। लेकिन 2019 के बाद जब वह सेवानिवृत्त हुए, तो न तो उन्हें पेंशन दी जा रही है और न ही उन्हें कोई ग्रेच्युटी राशि मिली है।

“अगर मुझे मेरी पेंशन मिलती है, तो यह केवल 1700 रुपये और 20,000 रुपये नहीं होगा, जो मुझे पुरानी पेंशन योजना के तहत मिलना चाहिए। मेरा अंतिम वेतन लगभग 40,000 था, ” अशोक ने ईन्यूज़रूम को बताया।

“क्योंकि मैं एक सरकारी कर्मचारी के रूप में सेवानिवृत्त हुआ। अब न ही मुझे और न ही मेरी पत्नी को बुजुर्गों के लिए सरकारी पेंशन मिल सकती है, जो प्रत्येक व्यक्ति के लिए एक हजार रुपये है। इसका मतलब है कि 29 साल तक सरकार की सेवा करने के बाद हमें पेंशन के रूप में जितना मिलेगा, उससे अधिक सरकारी पेंशन से मिल जाता। न केवल वृद्धावस्था पेंशन, क्योंकि मैं एक सरकारी नौकरी में था, मैं राशन कार्ड का हकदार नहीं हूं और न ही आयुष्मान कार्ड बना सकता हूँ अपने इलाज के लिए, ” अशोक ने खेद व्यक्त करते हुए कहा।

63 वर्षीय उमाकांत सिन्हा ने बताया, “मेरे पास दवा खरीदने के लिए पर्याप्त पैसे नहीं है। हाल ही में, मैंने एलआईसी एजेंट बनने के लिए एक परीक्षा पास की । ये हालत हो गयी है पूर्व के सरकारी कर्मचारियों की। पेंशन के बिना हम समाज में अपना दर्जा खो चुके हैं। ”

नई पेंशन योजना के तहत, जो लोग 1 जनवरी 2004 (दोनों केंद्रीय और राज्य सरकार के कर्मचारियों, सशस्त्र बलों को छोड़कर) के बाद सेवा में शामिल हुए हैं, उन्हें अंतिम वेतन का आधा हिस्सा पेंशन नहीं मिलता है, जैसा कि पहले हुआ करता था। वे ग्रेच्युटी के भी हकदार नहीं हैं। हालांकि, कड़े विरोध के बाद, फरवरी 2019 से ग्रेच्युटी फिर से शुरू कर दी गई है।

जबकि भारत में दो करोड़ से अधिक सरकारी कर्मचारी हैं।

नई पेंशन योजना को रद्द करने और पुरानी को फिर से लागू करने के लिए एक आंदोलन (नेशनल मूवमेंट फॉर ओल्ड पेंशन स्कीम -NMOPS) जारी है।

हाल में कृषि बिल पर राजनाथ सिंह का बयान एनपीएस लागू करने से पहले भाजपा नेताओं के द्वारा दिये गए ब्यान से मिलते- जुलते

“2003 में, पेंशन अधिनियम- 1972 में संशोधन किया गया और नई पेंशन योजना शुरू की गई। इसे अब नई पेंशन सिस्टम के रूप में जाना जाता है। 2013 में, एक नियमित निकाय, PFRDA को इसकी निगरानी के लिए बनाया गया था, ” विक्रांत सिंह, अध्यक्ष, झारखंड नेशनल मूवमेंट फॉर ओल्ड पेंशन स्कीम ने ईन्यूज़रूम को बताया।

पिछले महीने रक्षा मंत्री राजनाथ सिंह ने किसानों से नए कृषि कानूनों को निरस्त करने की मांग पर बोलते हुए सुझाव दिया था कि कानूनों को एक या दो साल के लिए लागू किया जाना चाहिए और फिर अगर यह लाभकारी नहीं पाया गया तो इसे खत्म कर दिया जा सकता है।

“ऐसी ही बातें हमारे यूनियन के नेताओं के सामने कही गई थी जब वाजपेयी सरकार नई पेंशन योजना (एनपीएस) को लागू कर रही थी। हमारे नेताओं को बताया गया कि नई पेंशन योजना हमारे लिए बहुत फायदेमंद होगी। लेकिन यह विनाशकारी निकला। 2003 में, एनपीएस के माध्यम से, श्रमिक वर्ग की पेंशन को कॉर्पोरेटईज़ड कर दिया गया था और अब कृषि को कॉर्पोरेट जगत को सौंप दिया जा रहा है,” विक्रांत ने कहा।

हालांके पुरानी पेंशन योजना को लागू करने के लिए आंदोलन कर रहे संगठनो को अभी कृषि बिल के खिलाफ प्रदर्शन कर रहे किसानों के समर्थन में बोलना या एकजुटता व्यक्त करना बाकी है।

एनपीएस के खिलाफ चल रहे आंदोलन से झारखंड के लोगों के लिए एक अजीब स्थिति बन गई है। चूंकि राज्य मुश्किल से 20 साल पुराना है, राज्य के कई सरकारी कर्मचारी जो राज्य बनने के बाद शामिल हुए थे, अब से कई वर्षों बाद सेवानिवृत्त होंगे और इसलिए इस बात को समझने में विफल हैं कि आंदोलन इतना महत्वपूर्ण क्यों है।

इम्तियाज अहमद, अध्यक्ष, नेशनल मूवमेंट फॉर ओल्ड पेंशन स्कीम (गिरिडीह) ने कहा, “कई सरकारी कर्मचारी समस्या की गंभीरता को नहीं समझ रहें हैं और के उनके भविष्य के लिए इसका क्या मतलब है।”

हेमंत सोरेन ने 2019 में झारखंड विधानसभा चुनाव से पहले दावा किया था कि अगर उनकी सरकार सत्ता में आती है तो राज्य में पुरानी पेंशन योजना लागू की जाएगी। हालाँकि, सोरेन सरकार को उनके इस वादे को पूरा करना बाकी है।

ये स्टोरी इंग्लिश में पब्लिश रिपोर्ट का अनुवाद है।

Bengal’s farming women criticise SC and PM on Mahila Kisan Diwas

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Kolkata: Namita Sarkar, Pratima Haldar and Jahanara Bibi may never land up in the mighty corridors of the Parliament, Prime Minister’s Office and Supreme Court in Lutyens’ Delhi. Nevertheless, they raised their rugged fists in support of the resolutions passed by the open-air women’s assembly in downtown Kolkata that asked the Narendra Modi government to repeal the pro-corporate farm laws.

They also took exception to the Supreme Court’s suggestion to send back women and elderly who had been participating in the ongoing farmers’ agitation at Delhi borders under the open sky for almost two chilly months. So far more than 70 farmers have lost their lives in their fight against the elements; both celestial and temporal as the participants reminded.

Women’s voices from the below

“How much the top guns at the court and government know the women like us who work in the fields day and night in all seasons? Men get fatigued easily but we are hard nuts, be it by choice or compulsion. We do most of the back-breaking field work-weeding, sowing or harvesting as well as post-harvest thrashing etc. We also take part in taking our produces to local markets and haggling over prices with middlemen. Men relax at home but we don’t have any respite from household chores including taking care of our children. So, why won’t we be more perturbed about the new farm laws as it would affect the entire family and its livelihood?” Pratima, a peasant woman in her twenties, from South 24 parganas shot back.

women farmers mahila kisan diwas bengal kolkata protest farm laws bills
Namita and Pratima Halder I Pix: Rantidev Roy

“We the village women are not like our city sisters. If anybody raises alarm at night about raids by dacoits, cattle-lifters or stealing of our standing crops, we too rush out holding household weapons. Our grandmas and mothers have done it too. They faced landlords and police together. We have inherited their survival instinct. How can we sit at home now when the bigger dacoits are raiding us?” Namita, in her mid thirties, asked.

Both had come to attend the sit-in demonstration, organised by the state chapter of the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee. It has been going on in support of the farmer’s siege on Delhi Durbar for more than a week. Today’s women’s assembly was held following the central call to observe the day as Mahila Kisan Diwas.

The Prime Minister and his minions have been trying their best to portray the Punjab farmers as the villains. And the same time they are running a hardsell of the pro-corporate farm laws as beneficial to small holders cum cultivators in rest of the country including Bengal. But Jahanara Bibi and her cross-faith friends from marginal farming families are refusing to buy.

“Today we’re selling our produce mostly vegetables including cauliflower, cabbage, brinjal and tomato at throwaway price to local middlemen. The government is saying that big companies will buy our produces at a better price. But we will buy the same vegetables at a manifold price at market later as these companies hoard and control the supply to the wholesale and retail market,” young Jahanara from Bhangar said.

Listen what Namita Halder, a female farmer speaks about farm laws. Video by Mitali Biswas

 

Namita pointed out that the forced conversion to crop variety or cash crop cultivation under the corporate contract farming would hardly leave any choice for them. It would adversely affect small farmers and their land. “Contract farming has been introduced to some extent in our areas too. We have mixed experience about small companies and it is still up to our choice. If the same system becomes all pervasive, small holders like us would be compelled to follow the dictates of big companies and their client farmers. What if they insist on floriculture in my land where I now grow vegetables? My family do not know the first and our plot is suitable for the second. Do we have real choice under the new regime?”

The women’s assembly resolutions

Not only corridors of power– Parliament, Supreme Court or government are men-dominated but also the farm protest leadership and the caravans on the roads. It was heartening to see that the podium for solidarity at Dharmatala was left to the women. Leaders of mostly Left women organisations spoke there. Again for a welcome change, many village women, rustic and inarticulate but more authentic addressed their assembled sisters.

women farmers mahila kisan diwas bengal kolkata protest farm laws bills
Jahanara Bibi I Pix: Rantidev Roy

Highlighting the fact that women own only 13 per cent of the farmland in the country, the assembly felt that the news laws would further increase landlessness among the women. Instead, it wanted more land ownership to women for their socio-economic empowerment, individual and family security. Many participants spoke about the denial of minimum wages as well as equal wages to women farm hands even under NREGA and other government-sponsored and panchayat-controlled work.

Reflecting the  concerns of Bengal farmers, the  assembly passed resolutions demanding MSP (Minimum Support Price) for not only rice and wheat but also for all 23 products listed by the government. It asked for guaranteed procurement centres in each panchayat areas, an universal Public Distribution System (PDS) for food crops including rice, wheat, pulses as well as edible oil, potatoes and eggs at subsidised rates.

The Assembly also cared for the sustainable farming; health of farmland and its ecosystem by demanding reinvigoration of the traditional natural and organic farming.