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From Dandi, India begins another march, this time against Modi’s megalomania and dandaraj, say farmer leaders

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Kolkata: On the 91st anniversary of Gandhiji’s historic March from Sabarmati to Dandi in coastal Gujarat for Salt Satyagraha to defy the arbitrary and monopoly salt laws of the British Raj, farmers from Punjab- Haryana and other states of northern India today issued an open letter to their Bengal brethren to defeat Narendra Modi’s BJP in the coming assembly polls in the state.

Farmer leaders in Bengal

They urged Bengal voters to ‘teach BJP a befitting reply in order to make Modi listen to farmers demands to repeal three farm laws ‘which are aimed at imposing a postcolonial Company Raj by the prime minister’s crony corporates, mainly, Ambanis and Adanis.

Mahatma Gandhi undertook his history Dandi March on this day in 1930 for more than a month awakening the spirit of fearless non-violent civil disobedience movement among Indians masses against the violent and arrogant British Raj. The defiance of the Raj monopoly on the collection and sale of salt brought global attention to India’s freedom struggle and rekindled the national mood to a new height. Both Yogendra Yadav and Medha Patkar spoke on the Import of the historic day and its connection to the grassroots people’s movements against the unresponsive and repressive Modi government.

“India had suffered the exploitation and devastation by the British East India company. We don’t want a West Indian company Raj now,” Hanan Mollah, one of the key SKM leaders of Samjukta Kisan Morcha and CPM politburo member said. The same refrains were echoed by other SKM leaders from Punjab, Haryana, UP, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand, both at a press conference in Kolkata Press Club and later in a public meeting called Kisan Mazdoor Mahapanchayat at Ramlila Maidan in Central Kolkata.

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People at Kisan Mahapanchayat, Ramlila Ground, Kolkata

Vote for any other party except BJP

Regarding Bengal polls, the leaders made it clear that they are not supporting any particular political party or alliance against BJP during their campaigns in the state. The bitter contest between the ruling Trinamool Congress and Left-Congress-ISF alliance for anti-BJP space in Bengal has turned the state election into a tri-cornered fight.

“We are only asking voters to punish BJP and the Modi government for betraying the popular mandate. Modi is serving the Corporates only. His government is selling out all the national properties, from agri-business to airports, Railways, banks and insurance companies to the domestic big groups and multinational corporations,” Balbir Singh Rajewal from Punjab said.

Atul Anjan, Amarjeet Singh and Rajaram Singh were among others who addressed the meetings.

The visiting leaders representing farmers – on prolonged dharna since November at Delhi borders have planned to distribute the letter among voters in 294 assembly constituencies across Bengal before the latter cast their votes in between 27 March and 29th April. The farmer leaders will also visit the other poll-bound states including Assam, Tamil Nadu and Kerala as well as the union territory of Puducherry. The letter in English and other state languages will be distributed there too. Results of the polls will come out on 2 May.

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A Kolkata-based activist Nousheen Baba Khan expressing her solidarity with farmers at Kisan Mahapanchayat

See the Excerpts from the farmers’ letter to their Bengal brethren

The letter, written as an appeal from an individual farmer says: “Dear Kisan friends in Bengal, you don’t know me. We haven’t met. You may have seen me in the throngs of people on the TV. For more than a hundred days, I am staying on the roads around Delhi on tractors and trolleys. I have suffered bone-chilling cold as well as torrential rains in the winter. Now it is blazing summer. I am staging dharnas on the roads far away from my village.

“I am not fighting for something for me alone. We are on the roads to save farmers all over the country as well as our next generation. We are fighting for the existence as well as dignity and honour of all farming communities. We have lost more than 300 of our friends who have died of cold and other ailments as well as accidents. Some committed suicides as they failed to stomach the injustice and humiliation which the Modi government has heaped on us.”

Swearing by the memories of their fallen Comrades the letter highlighted ‘Four Points’ against Modi government’s propaganda.

  • The BJP government’s farm laws have been imposed on farmers without any discussion with them. These laws will destroy the farmers and agriculture.
  • The BJP leadership has insulted the protesting farmers by calling them Anti National terrorist and agent provocateurs.
  • The ministers feigned to discuss with the protesters but never cared to address their grievances.
  • The government has resorted to various repressive measures on the farmers including the use of tear gas, water cannons, Lathi charge and false criminal cases.

Maintaining that the Modi government has not cared for constitutional and democratic norms that include proper responses to demands of People in the street, the letter further said: “This ruling party only understands one language —the language of votes, seats and power. Freedom fighter Bhagat Singh had once said that the British rulers won’t listen to the voices of Indians unless we throw bombs. In today’s India we need to hit this deaf BJP government where it will be hurt most: in the election results. ”

Pointing to the fact that there are no elections in the states where the farmers’ movement has a strong social base, it urged Bengal voters to stand by them in solidarity. “If Bengal teaches BJP a befitting lesson, its arrogance will be shattered and the Modi government will listen to the farmers,” it added.

Punjab-Haryana-UP farmers warn Bengal voters against a BJP takeover

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Kolkata: The future of the farmers who are on dharna around Delhi for more than a hundred days and the honour of martyred participants in the movement now rest on voters of Bengal. If BJP manages to bag Bengal, the Narendra Modi government will trumpet it as the state’s support to its pro-corporate farm laws. So please don’t vote for BJP in the coming assembly polls. 

This is the crux of the appeal of the farmer leaders from Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa while they were addressing a rally organised by an independent ‘No vote to BJP’ campaign in Kolkata on Wednesday. More than 10 representatives of various factions of Bharatiya Kisan Union joined the colorful procession of students and youth as well as many rural people, from far and near districts. The rally, organised by a forum called ‘Bengal against fascist BJP’, had begun at Ram Lila Maidan and ended at the downtown Dharmatala. It included many women and children.

Farmer leaders from Singhu, Tikri and Gazipur border have started landing in Kolkata before addressing open-air rallies Nandigram & Singur, both epicenters of peasant movements before Mamata Banerjee came to power and in Asansol, the industrial hub with a huge upcountry population in the coming days. Tamil Nadu, Kerala as well as Bengal’s neighbouring Assam are also going to the polls. But the BJP’s no holds barred Bengal offensive has attracted national attention. 

The leaders of Sanyukt Kisan Morcha which is spearheading the farmers’ movement in Delhi have decided to reach out to the voters in poll-bound states as Prime Minister Modi has refused to roll back his hastily passed three farm laws. Farmers widely perceive these laws as a three-layered license to Modi’s crony corporate groups to monopolise agriculture and agri-business at the cost of farmers’ minimum price security as well as poor and middle-class consumers of essential food products.

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A leader of Sayunkt Kisan Morcha speaks at No Vote To BJP campaign event at Kolkata

Rekindle the bond between Bhagat Singh and Jatin Das

“Modi runs a cruel, insensitive and stubborn regime that only cares for loyal capitalists like Ambanis and Adanis. The PM has not bothered to send a condolence message to the families of more than 300 farmers who have lost their lives during this prolonged agitation since November. It is our earnest appeal to Bengal friends to give Modi a befitting reply over this insult and arrogance,” Abhimanyu Kohar from Sanyukta Kishan Morcha, Haryana said amid cheers from the audience. 

Raminder Singh from Punjab reminded the bond between Bengal and Punjab since the early phases of India’s freedom struggle. He highlighted the camaraderie between anti-British revolutionaries of the two states from the days of Rash Behari Basu and Ghadar party in Punjab and later generation of Bhagat Singh, Jatin Das and the Indian National Army of Netaji Subhas Bose. Student and youth activists waved flags and festoons with images of Bhagat Singh and his Bengal Comrades embossed on them.

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An 80-year-old woman also registered her protest by taking part in the march

Mocking Modi for his promise to turn Bengal into ‘Sonar Bangla’, the Punjab farmer leader recalled the BJP mascot’s false assurances during his poll campaigns in 2014 and 2019 had that included the direct transfer of shares of black money recovered from foreign banks and cores of jobs for unemployed youth.

“Now he is busy selling off public properties from railways to airports, banks to insurance companies. He is hellbent on killing Sonar Punjab. Please don’t get hooked on Modi’s jumlabaji (empty rhetoric) anymore in Bengal,” Singh said in a caution to the local voters. 

Bengal and the rest of the country will suffer if Modi succeeds

Other farmer leaders mentioned the series of pro-corporate legal moves by the Centre including so-called labor laws reforms, major dilutions in the environmental impact assessment act since the Covid Lockdown. They linked the soaring fuel prices and costlier foodgrains to these anti-people moves. Exhorting Bengal voters not to allow Modi to ‘extinguish the flame of farmers’ movement they warned that it would seal the fate of toiling people’s struggles in other states too.

A huge banner in Bengali at the meeting site too exhorted: Save agriculture, farmers as well as forests and environment from the company Raj. It also called to save the constitution and Indian democracy in the wake of concerted attacks on fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution including the right to free expression and assembly.

Other festoons and posters decried the violation of basic constitutional tenets including secularism and equality before law through the imposition of religion-based citizenship by the passage of the anti-Muslim Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register for Citizens (NRC) project.

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Cultural artists also took part in the call – No Vote To BJP

Remember what happened to Bengalis in Assam and Tripura

Dipankar Bhattacharya, general secretary of the CPIML delved into the import of the anti-BJP campaign in the next two months. Bengal poll begins on 27 March and ends on 29th April. The results will come out on 2 May. In between, he said, hold high the revolutionary heritage of Bhagat Singh and constitutional cornerstones laid down by Baba Saheb Ambedkar (their birth anniversaries on 23 March and 14 April respectively) and tenets of International Workers movement on May Day (1 May).

Referring to the plight of around 20 lacs people, mostly Bengalis, who have been disenfranchised during the Assam NRC exercise, Bhattacharya reminded the BJP’s threat to expel one to two crore Bengali-speaking people from Bengal by labelling them as Bangladeshi infiltrators.

Kasturi Basu, one of the organisers also warned of Modi’s call for a ‘double engine government’ in Bengal; a euphemism for saffron rule both at the centre and the state. “Please remember that the double engine governments have brought disaster to the lives of millions of Bengalis both in Assam and Tripura. Had there been no Brahminical BJP rule at the Centre and UP simultaneously, the raped and murdered Dalit girls in Unnao and Hathras could have saved themselves,” she said. 

No relation with TMC and Left-Congress alliance

The organisers had to deal with the angularities among the anti- BJP political parties in Bengal, mainly between the incumbent Trinamool Congress regime and CPIM-led Left Front-Congress- Indian Secular Front Alliance. These two camps are at the loggerheads making Bengal a ground for a tri-corner battle. The TMC has welcomed the No Vote to BJP campaign while the CPIM supporters have accused the campaign of siding with TMC. Many others close to the campaign felt that a call to voters to cast for the most potent anti-BJP candidates in their constituencies would have cleared the air. 

However, Kushal Debnath, one of the main organizers said that they were leaving to the people’s choices. “We are not asking to vote for any particular anti-BJP party or alliance. Voters are free to make their choices according to their judgments and experiences,” he said.

Clarifying further, Debnath added, “All these parties represent the ruling classes. But there is a qualitative difference between the fascist economics and politics of the BJP government and authoritarian or autocratic rules by other parties.”

Pushed by unknown men Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee gets injured

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Kolkata: West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has allegedly been attacked in Nandigram, from where she filed her nomination papers today.

Mamata Banerjee claimed that while boarding at her car, she was pushed by few people. In the incident, Bengal CM received injuries at her head, waist and leg. She was brought to PG Hospital, Kolkata for treatment.

According to Times of India report at 1.39 am, on March 11:

“Initial examination suggests severe bony injuries in her (Mamata’s) left ankle, foot & bruises, injuries in right shoulder, forearm & neck. CM complained of chest pain, breathlessness since the incident. She is kept under close watch for 48 hours,” said Dr M Bandopadhya, IPGMER & SSKM (PG) Hospital.

The attacked has angered TMC caders, who also shouted Governor Go Back when Bengal Governor Jagdeep Dhankar reached PG Hospital to visit Mamata Banerjee.

And later at several places, a large number of Trinamool supporters and cadres sat on dharna to protest the attack alleging the BJP for it.

mamata banerjee attacked nandigram bengal elections TMC Kolkata
Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata, before getting admitted at PG Hospital

After the ‘attack’ many chief ministers including Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal, Jharkhand CM Hemant Soren, Bihar’s leader of opposition Tejashwai Yadav tweeted and expressed concern about the attack on Bengal chief minister.

Hemant Soren, whose cavalcade was attacked in Ranchi few months, demanded a high lever inquiry into the matter.

“Our Didi is the only female chief minister in India, and she is being attacked by BJP. This is what BJP represents. Women are not safe in BJP ruled state, so now women of Bengal have to think how safe they will be when BJP will come to power,” said a woman protester.

While another protester reacted, “There was no such violence in Bengal that a chief minister gets attacked. This happened since BJP wants to come to power. Bengal does not want such a violent party.”

From Nandigram, Suvendu Adhikari, Mamata’s earlier confidant is contesting against her as a BJP candidate.

Significantly, yesterday only, Election Commission has removed the earlier Director General of Police (DGP) Virendra and ordered to appoint a new DGP Nirajnayan with immediate effect. And Mamata said that when she was pushed, there were no policemen around her.

How ‘No Vote To BJP’ becomes a movement in Bengal

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Kolkata: Sumita Das is a practicing doctor while Samim Ahmed is a professor and Kashturi Basu is a full time social activist and documentary filmmaker. The common thread that binds them together is the fact that they all are the convenors of the ‘No Vote to BJP’ campaign in West Bengal. The trio are among the 45 conveners of the campaign, who have been assigned to make the campaign reach the grassroot of Bengal. And within two months of the campaign being flagged off, the call for citizens – comprising students, activists and professionals reached out to almost every part of Bengal.

Why No Vote to BJP?

A convention took place on January 4, where concerned citizens, mostly from the left background, who have been active in several pro-people movements in Bengal participated and acknowledged that the Bharatiya Janata Party is a threat to secularism and democratic rights of the people.

“We were concerned about the fact that despite so many secular people being in Bengal, BJP managed to get a large number of votes in 2019. We felt that we had to reach out to as many people as we could and show the real face of BJP and its propaganda, and how the saffron party fools people,” said Dr Sumita.

Adding to that Kasturi said, “Our campaign is targeted to those floating and undecided voters, who are first-time voters or who had voted BJP in 2019. We will speak to them, try to convince them to move away from the influence of the BJP.”

An ideological campaign, not just for election

While Kasturi stressed, “No Vote to BJP campaign will not end with the election. We are not satisfied even if BJP comes second in the Bengal elections. This is not a one-liner campaign, it is an ideological battle against RSS-BJP. No other platform is targeting RSS. Why the BJP is fascist? It is because of the RSS. So we are mentioning RSS at most places and printed lakhs of posters and are talking about it openly.”

The angry filmmaker stated, “RSS has no place in Bengal, it should not be given one. It has a bloody history. It should be thrown away into the bay of Bengal.”

Active on real and virtual domain

“It is not just on social media. Initially, people thought that it was just a social media campaign. It also is not just about the people of Kolkata people. In sixteen districts we have more than one committee, like in Kolkata, Howrah, South 4 Pargana, Barasat, Ranaghat, Siliguri, Jalpaiguri. It is very organic and grounded. We have reached twenty districts of Bengal,” informed Kasturi.

Dr Sumita mentioned, “We are telling people how BJP is not good for students, how they are not good for labours and farmers and especially for women too.”

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Screenshot of Dipankar Bhattacharya’s tweet

Apolitical nature

And it is just ‘No Vote To BJP’, but other groups like Bengal and Fascism, Sharamjivi Adhikar Abhiyan Yatra are sending out the same message to people and doing an extensive campaign. To connect with more and more people, volunteers are making innovative campaign videos, setting discourse, distributing leaflets, holding citizen conventions, conducting street corner meets as well as meetings at haat-bazaar.

According to the volunteers, the campaigner has been impactful and now political parties are noticing it.

Kasturi even claimed, “It has become so powerful that right from BJP state president Dilip Ghosh, to CPM’s Sujan Chakraborty and even chief minister Mamata Banerjee all mentioned about No Vote To BJP Campaign.”

CPIML’s general secretary, Dipankar Bhattacharya tweeted about the campaign on March 8.

“But it is a completely apolitical campaign. We are not telling anyone whom to vote for. If people want to press the NOTA button, they can do so,” Kasturi mentioned.

A video by No Vote to BJP campaign

BJP is hiding NRC before the election

But we are bringing it out, telling people that it is on their agenda and BJP is not going away from NRC, the budget has passed, the law has been made, NPR has started. It is not a simple issue but the biggest crisis that the people of Bengal can face.

She also rued upon the role of opposition parties in Bengal, “See the opposition parties (Bengal’s opposition), they are doing lip service on NRC (citizenship) issue. But we are setting the agenda and we are highlighting it.”

“We do not want NRC, we do not want new education policy, we do not want communal politics, we do not want new labour code and farm bills, and we do not want RSS in Bengal,” Kasturi added.

No vote to BJP, now a mass movement

“We have reached every block of Bengal and tomorrow, people from every district are expected to be present at our scheduled rally cum sabha that will be hosted at the Ramlila Ground, Kolkata,” informed Samim Ahmed. Tomorrow, people will see how strong the movement has become, he added.

Nandigram: The epicenter of anti-land grab movement suffers from communal politics as Mamata fights her former confidant

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Kolkata: Mamata Banerjee has apparently landed herself into the BJP trap of Hindu-Muslim politics as her address to Trinamool Congress workers on Tuesday revealed before filing her nomination for mixedly populated Nandigram on Wednesday.

Nandigram in East Midnapore district became the final springboard for Mamata’s leap to power along with Singur in neighboring Hooghly in 2011 following massive agitation against land acquisition for the big-ticket but controversial industry by Buddhadeb Bhattacharya government in the last leg of 34 years long left rule.

A decade after being in power, Bengal’s big sis is now confronting her local https://champrisainternational.com/pre-starter-chick-care/ satrap turned BJP challenger Suvendu Adhikari in a prestige fight for a third term in the assembly polls that begins from March 27. The huge personal and political stakes have made the TMC supremo visibly desperate. So much so that she spent considerable time chanting Sanskrit Chandi Stotra (invocation of goddess Durga) to underline her Hindu credentials and bonafide claim of being a practicing devotee.

It’s not a Nandigram-specific act of playing to the tune of the BJP agenda. She has been churning out Chandi or Saraswati Vandana mantras in her election rallies elsewhere too. “Do they want to teach me about Hindu dharma? I don’t parrot some lines taught to me before rallies to impress voters  or use teleprompters to make it sound impromptu. My mantras come to me naturally as I have memorized them since my childhood and practice them in my daily Pujas”, she blurted out.

It was her riposte to the prime minister and BJP mascot Narendra Modi who has not only grown his beard and hair to have a saintly look but also made it a point to quote from ‘our shastras’ in his poll campaign.

But the reigning Hindutva hero has no compulsion or intention to make a balance in his public show of religious affinity. Mamata has it in her special brand of secularism. So she named the religious symbols and places of worship for Muslims and all other minority communities. The catchline came at the end: “I am asking for support from all Mandirs and Masjids, Hindus and Muslims. Will you all vote for me and ensure Trinamool victory in this constituency and around?”

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Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee greets locals at Nandigram on Tuesday I Courtesy: Twitter/Banglar Gorbo Mamata

It was pathetic to listen to the chief minister that she had too little to claim for the developmental work for Nandigram except a college or two, a super-specialty hospital and a Kisan Mandi et al. She tried to rekindle the memory of Nandigram agitation and her role in it as the opposition leader. Around one and half decades have passed since then and the children have come to age looking for jobs. Mamata could not offer them much except promising to make Nandigram a world-renowned place again. She was Infuriated by Modi’s mocking over her scooty-ride to her office to highlight the soaring fuel prices and her eventual fall in Nandigram.

It is no coincidence that neither Modi could rattle the figures of jobs he had created in the six years of his rule at the Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata a few days back while promising to make Bengal ‘Sonar Bangla’, a veritable El Dorado for the Army of jobless and other hapless people.

The demography and changing politics over it

The fact remains that Hindus and Muslims together fought for their land in this predominantly rural constituency with Haldia port and industrial belt close to it. It consists of two blocks. Both the blocks are Hindu-dominated but the Muslim population is higher in Block 1 (34%) in comparison to Block 2 (12%). Once a Congress Citadel, Nandigram turned to be a CPI base during LF rule. During the LF rule, CPIM strongman Lakshman Seth and former Tamluk MP ruled the roost in the port town and its rural catchment.

However, with the anti-land grab agitation surging ahead, Nandigram changed hands in 2009, two years before the left rout. TMC continued to win it with higher margins in 2011 (61%) and 2016 (67%) respectively. Young Subhendu Adhikary who became a close confidant of Mamata won both times. His family gradually replaced Seths as the de facto ruling family in the entire district by bagging power from parliament seats to municipalities.

The increasing clash of interests and ambitions mainly with Mamata’s nephew Abhishek, her heir apparent, led Shubhendu to sulk despite his inclusion in the cabinet. Meanwhile, the Adhikary family became edgy over BJP’s poll fortune in their fiefdom, albeit at the cost of the Left and Congress mainly. The saffron vote percentage had risen from a mere six percent in 2014 to almost 37 percent in 2019 in Tamluk parliamentary seat that includes Nandigram. It was 42 percent from eight percent during the period in the Kanthi constituency.

As the Narendra Modi-Amit Shah duo smelled blood in Bengal after BJP’s impressive tally in 2019, Subhendu was one of their prime targets among the influential defectors. The Duo’s carrot and stick policy that had been used for all the scam-tainted TMC leaders including Mukul Roy and Sobhan Chatterjee finally succeeded in netting Shuvendu just ahead of the polls.

Today Mamata’s former youth icon openly boasts of his pro-RSS inclinations since childhood and plays Hindutva cards blatantly. Before Modi spoke at the Brigade, Subhendu warned Hindus about Bengal becoming another Kashmir under Mamata and called her ‘aunt of infiltrators including Rohingyas’.

Laxman Seth is now a Congress candidate in Nandigram after trying his luck with BJP following his expulsion from CPM for corruption charges. Lefts are now in alliance with Congress and Indian Secular Front led by young Pirzada, Abbas Siddique. The Pirzada who shares CPM’s hatred of Mamata initially thought of queering her pitch in Nandigram by making a dent in Muslim votes. Now, he has reportedly settled for a bigger pie elsewhere.

Media reports say that Nandigram is in the vortex of religious politics. Hardly anybody remembers the heydays of Hindu-Muslim unity against the land acquisition and for a better future together. Hopefully, the poisonous poll-time narratives will not run deep in the social psyche and Nandigram will rise to the occasion before it is too late.

मिथुन कोबरा हैं, किसान आतंकवादी हैं, दीदी की स्कूटी गिर जाएगी

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कोलकाता में प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने ममता बनर्जी के बारे में कहा कि हम हर किसी का भला चाहते हैं, हम नहीं चाहते कि किसी को चोट लगे लेकिन लेकिन जब स्कूटी ने नंदीग्राम में गिरना तय किया है तो हम क्या करें।

प्रधानमंत्री की भाषा का जब कभी अध्ययन होगा तब लोग यह देख पाएँगे कि उन्होंने जिस भाषा और भाषण से जिस पद को पाया उस पद की गरिमा अपने भाषण और उसकी भाषा में कितनी गिराई है। कभी तेल के दाम कम होने पर खुद को नसीबवाला कहने वाले प्रधानमंत्री के भाषण का यह हिस्सा अजीब है। स्कूटी गिर जाने का रूपक चुनते हैं। किसी दिन यह भी कह देंगे कि आपकी कार पलट जाएगी, जहाज़ गिर जाएगा। बिहार में एक वक्त डी एन ए का मसला ले आए थे
संदर्भ यह है कि ममता बनर्जी ने स्कूटी चला कर तेल की क़ीमतों का विरोध किया था। उन्हें चलानी नहीं आती थी तो सुरक्षाकर्मी स्कूटी को सहारा दे रहे थे।

अब इस घटना को प्रधानमंत्री अपने भाषण में किस तरह लाते हैं आपको देखना चाहिए। वे तेल के दाम के विरोध की बात को गोल कर जाते हैं लेकिन उसके बढ़ने के विरोध के तरीक़े का मज़ाक़ उड़ाना नहीं भूलते। यह भी कहते हैं कि स्कूटी
नहीं गिरी नहीं तो दीदी जिस राज्य में स्कूटी बनी है उस राज्य को दोष देती।

प्रधानमंत्री कितने सतही तरीक़े से बातों को रखते हैं। अगर अन्य कारणों से उनकी लोकप्रियता नहीं होती तो लोग उनके कई भाषणों और कई भाषणों के हिस्से पर शर्म करते। कभी ऐतिहासिक संदर्भों को लेकर सीधे सीधे झूठ बोल देना तो कभी डी एन ए की बात उठाना तो कभी गुजरात दंगों के संदर्भ में यह कहना कि उन्हें तो कार के नीचे पिल्ले के आ जाने पर भी तकलीफ़ होती है। उनके भाषणों में राजनीतिक मर्यादा की गिरावट के कई प्रसंग भले भुला दिए गए हों लेकिन जब अध्ययन होगा तो लोग जान सकेंगे कि उन्होंने लोकप्रियता के नाम पर किन किन बातों को अनदेखा किया है।

जिस मंच पर प्रधानमंत्री ममता बनर्जी के लिए स्कूटी के गिर जाने का रूपक चुनते हैं तो उसी मंच पर मिथुन चक्रवर्ती कहते हैं कि वे कोबरा है। काटते ही इंसान फ़ोटो में बदल जाता है।

संवाद भले फ़िल्मी हो मगर संदर्भ तो ममता को लेकर ही था। इस घटिया संवाद के ज़रिए ममता बनर्जी को टार्गेट करते हैं और कहते हैं मैं जिसे मारता हूँ उसकी लाश श्मशान में मिलती है। मिथुन कोबरा बन कर बीजेपी में गए हैं या बीजेपी में जाने के बाद कोबरा बन गए हैं। अगर बीजेपी में नहीं जाते तो ईडी और आयकर विभाग के डर से भीगी बिल्ली बने फिरते।

प्रधानमंत्री की भाषा में राजनीतिक मर्यादा के पतन का असर दूसरे नेताओं में भी दिखता है। उनके समर्थकों की भाषा में भी दिखता है। आप मेरे ही लेख के किसी कमेंट में जाएँगे तो उनके समर्थकों की भाषा देख सकते हैं। नीचे से लेकर ऊपर तक उन्होंने लोकतांत्रिक भाषा को कुचलने का नेतृत्व किया है। मोदी संभवतः सबसे ख़राब भाषण देने वाले नेताओं में से हैं। उनके भाषण में ताली बजवाने और ललकारे की क्षमता तो है मगर वे अपनी भाषा के ज़रिए राजनीति की हर उस मर्यादा को ध्वस्त करते हैं जो किसी भी लोकतांत्रिक समाज के लिए ज़रूरी होती है। कभी लाल क़िले के भाषण से झूठ बोल दिया तो कभी संसद में घुमा फिर कर ऐसे बोल गए जैसे चतुराई ही सत्य हो।

ख़ुद कभी रोज़गार पर आँकड़े नहीं दे पाए। जो आँकड़े आते थे उसे बंद कर दिया। अपनी सरकार की नौकरियों का हिसाब नहीं दिया। आए दिन ट्विटर पर रेलवे और स्टाफ़ सिलेक्शन कमीशन को लेकर ट्रेंड होता रहता है, उस पर तो प्रधानमंत्री ने न बयान दिया न पहल की लेकिन बंगाल में जा कर रोज़गार का मुद्दा उठा रहे हैं। विपक्ष के राज्यों में भाजपा रोज़गार को मुद्दा बनाने लगी है लेकिन बिहार मध्यप्रदेश सहित अपने राज्यों में रोज़गार की बात ही नहीं करती। मोदी जी के भाषण चतुराई के लिए ही जाने जाते रहेंगे जिस चतुराई की क़ीमत जनता को ही चुकानी है। प्रधानमंत्री ने एक बार भी नहीं कहा कि किसानों को आतंकवादी मत कहो।

Modi attacks both Mamata and Left alliance as Bengal poised for a triangular fight

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Kolkata: Prime minister Narendra Modi was visibly perspiring under the March sun during the BJP’s poll rally at Brigade Parade ground in Kolkata on Sunday. Bengal is the most bitterly contested political battleground among the four poll-bound states. Political temperature has already soared above the mercury as the state is bracing up for an unprecedented eight rounds of polls for 294 seats in the state assembly that begins on March 27.

Modi’s campaign against chief minister Mamata Banerjee and her Trinamool Congress was focussed today on countering her claim to a third term in office as Banglar Meye or the Daughter of Bengal vis-a-vis Modi’s BJP as a party of rank outsiders. Even the presence of a bevy of Bengali-speaking Trinamool Congress turncoats at Brigade including Mithun Chakroborty, a former Bengali star of the Bollywood and a veteran of volta face in political circus did not assure Modi.

Nevertheless, Modi took pains to harp on BJP’s counterclaims to the ideals of best known Bengal icons, Vivekananda-Vidya Sagar- Rabindranath-Subhas Bose. He did it not only to appeal to Bengali sentiments but also to draw a straight connection between the four and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the leader of Hindu Mahasabha and later Jana Sangh, the progenitor of India’s ruling right-wing Hindu nationalist party. Despite being Bengalis, the former and latter were different in their world views like the proverbial cheese and chalk.

But historical details have never been a strong point in the narratives of either demagogue. Referring to an age-old cliche, Modi claimed his party’s creed being a ‘pure Deshi, unlike that of Congress of Nehru era or the Lefts who swear in the name of Lenin-Stalin-Mao’. Apparently, he forgot the heritage of Hitler and Mussolini which the RSS, the mother of BJP, had incorporated into its core project for Hindu communalism in the 1930s.

Communal campaign but no mention of CAA-NRC

Modi indeed harped on ‘menace of infiltration, politics of vote-bank and appeasement, the leitmotif of his party’s pet campaign for religious polarization. It was left to Subhendu Adhikary, the principal defector from Mamata camp and her deputy -turned rival in Nandigram to call his former benefactor ‘an aunt to the infiltrators and Rohingyas’. He even issued a warning to Bengali Hindus that Bengal would be turned into another Kashmir and they would await the fate of Pandits in the valley if BJP failed to bag Bengal.

Modi also showed special concerns for ‘refugees’, read, ‘persecuted Hindus from Bangladesh’. But the Motabhai kept mum over the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act for Matua, the main Dalit refugee group in Bengal and the National Register of Citizens project. Despite both being the cornerstones of the anti-Muslim citizenship matrix of the Hindu party, they have been proved two-edged swords for the BJP. The regime risks huge trouble over the CAA in neighboring Assam which is also poll-bound.

PM modi mamata left isf congress bengal polls election
Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and others with gas cylinder cutouts at TMC’s Siliguri rally I Courtesy: Twitter/GautamDeb

Wistful on Chaiwala friends, silent on Ambanis & Adanis

Modi tried his best to redeem his image as the messiah of economic development of the 2014 vintage. Thankfully, he did not waste time by counting his megalomaniac moves from demonetisation to sudden and prolonged lockdown and staggering fall in the economic well-being of Indian people. Neither mentioned the biggest and longest on-street stalemate that his regime is facing over the farmers’ movement against his farm laws, designed to serve his crony companies.

He raised this observer’s hope when he complained about Mamata and other Opposition charges about his continued largesse to corporate friends. Many thought he would refer to the farmers’ fear of the company raj of the Ambanis and Adanis, if not mentioning Rahul Gandhi’s Hum Do, Humara Do jibe. But he spun it to weave it into his favorite Bal Narendra narrative; his humble upbringing and friendship of chaiwala days. But he chose to be silent on tycoons like Ambanis and Adanis whom he had befriended while in high office.

India’s big brother mocked Bengal’s big sis for riding a scooty to her office to protest the hikes in petrol-prices but did not utter a single word to assure a rollback on the unprecedented price rises that is affecting millions across the political divides.

Modi tries to redeem the development plank

Urging Bengalis for a ‘real change’ this time after Mamata has failed to deliver during her decade-long rule, he promised a veritable El Dorado in Bengal for every possible target group among the voters. But it sounded like a re-run of his jumlas six years back.

His main theme was developed through private sector investments in industry and infrastructure, expansion of technological education, jobs for youth as well as arrear payments under central government projects for farmers, government employees, rural poor and tribals. He spent a lot of time wooing women of Bengal in an evident effort to derail Mamata’s move to cash on her popular schemes like Kanya Shree, Rupa Shree and Sabuj Sathi aimed at young girls and students.

Bengal is no heaven for girls as crimes against women are rising in an atmosphere of increasing criminalization of politics and society. The total capitulation of police- administration to the ruling party dictates for decades has only added to the mockery of rule of law. But Modi’s mention of the sushasan or good governance in UP was a classic example of post-truth unashamed lie a la Trump, considering the rapes and murders of girls and their family members under the Yogi-raj.

He also tried to harvest the growing discontent on the corruption- nepotism and political violence under the TMC rule. Targeting Mamata and her nephew Abhishek for running a rule of Bhai-Bhatizabad of Congress style, he promised a personal initiative to build a Sonar Bangla. He even spoke of a roadmap for a return to Bengal’s former glory in the next 25 years that will culminate into the 100 years of free India in 2047. Clearly, he has a grandiose vision to prolong his personal as well as BJP’s rule across India, a dream that both Hitler and Mussolini had shared as the dictator of Germany and Italy.

PM modi mamata left isf congress bengal polls election
The huge turnout at Left-Cong-ISF’s Brigade rally on Feb 28 may forced PM Modi to attack the Left combine

Mamata’s roadshow: Focus on Bengali identity and fuel-prices

Holding a roadshow in Siliguri, North Bengal’s main town, the chief minister was thundering against the prime minister and Amit Shah, the union home minister for trying to turn Bengal into a ‘centrally-ruled state under a remote-controlled party’. It was part of her strategy to counter BJP’s call for a ‘double engine government’, a euphemism for the rule of the same party at the Centre and the state.

Indian quasi-federal structure permits it as the prolonged Congress hegemony had witnessed. But Modi had resented it as the BJP chief minister of Gujarat. He stoked Gujarati Asmita or pride of the linguistic majority in his state to retain power under the Congress-led UPA.

It’s now Mamata’s turn to raise the banner of Bengali identity and federal diversity, a historically strong current that runs parallel to Indian nationalism since the days of Nehru. It has become politically more relevant in the wake of the BJP-RSS’ call for an Akhand Bharat and a Hindu Rastra, an over-centralized majoritarian polity under a single-party rule.

Realising that her earlier public censure of her unruly and corrupt partymen has become handy for BJP and Left-Congress-Indian Secular Front combine, Mamata now tries to do some damage control. She countered Modi’s rant on the ‘cut money’ that her minions had siphoned off by holding the prime minister and his party responsible for swallowing the ‘rat money’ from the sales of state-run airports, ports, railway properties. Calling Modi ‘the man who sells national wealth to domestic and foreign corporations’, she highlighted the soaring prices of petrol-diesel kerosene and cooking gas prices as his indifference to the poor and middle class.

Attack on Left-Congress

As Bengal is bracing up for a tri-corner fight, Modi criticised Lefts for holding the ‘black hand’ of the Congress, its traditional foe. Holding both Left-Congress and TMC responsible for the continued decay in Bengal’s industry and business, he counted all three in the same camp. It is another matter that the third forces have been training their guns primarily on Mamata. Both the CPM and TMC have refused to bury their hatchets despite the bigger threat of a BJP takeover looming larger.

Open letter to all Bengalis

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To, all the Bengalis out there

I am writing this as I love Bengal, its culture and the people. My wife is from Kolkata and she can’t believe that I have loved this City of Joy with all my heart since my teenage years and much before I met her.

However, what I write here is from my personal experiences, and hope that the people of Bengal will not put me in any category.

Bengal is about to face the most important election ever, and the BJP is putting all its might to come to power. I am compelled to write on the situation, on what I am witnessing as an “outsider”.

BJP has ruled India for almost 7 years, and there is nothing hidden now, from raising inflation because of bad policy decisions by dictator like acts and by promoting crony capitalism, spreading hate and lies using godi media and IT Cell, to forming governments by buying (horse-trading) MPs and MLAs, not acting against China and exaggerating Pakistan issue for political mileage. Making worst decisions ever like the Notebandi, hurried implementation of GST and a harsh lockdown at the very last minute have not only ruined businesses, raised unemployment but killed people too.

There is no talk of development anymore. The false castle created as Gujarat Model has fallen too. And most importantly, what Bengal represents, pluralism, secularism, multiculturalism, is exactly what the BJP is opposed to and is likely to kill all the ideals that Bengal and the Bengali culture is known for if it comes to power in the state.

But what are the people of Bengal doing to stop such forces?

Let me describe the situation one by one.

First of all, I am shocked to see the differences between Bengali-speaking and Urdu-speaking Muslims here. Difference in Urdu and Bangla linguistics was an issue in Pakistan that led to the creation of Bangladesh. But that was not the case in India, at least till now. There will be some issues, but it could never be as major that the two sections of people could not understand the imminent danger looming over them, because when Muslims are being put behind bars whether in the name of CAA-NRC or get lynched for eating-selling beef, transporting cattle or love-jihad, they never get identified linguistically.

If Delhi’s ruling dispensation uses Muslims and their culture as a political tool to get power, they equally condemn secular voices to the same category, “anti-nationals”. The activists who are doing great work by standing united against the amended (and inhuman) citizenship act or joining farmers’ protest are also divided in terms of their political affiliations. But if they can stand together against the tyranny of the saffron brigade then they should also work together to mobilize society to vote against the BJP and its politics of hate, crony capitalism and economic down gradation of the country.

Truth is, if their activism cannot translate into votes and stop the BJP from coming to power, it will be the activists who will face the heat first. And if they doubt this fact then the 16 activists languishing in different jails and termed as urban naxals can very well show them what the future under the BJP regime holds.

Yesterday, a senior journalist who dabbles with activism as well, broke down before me saying he has failed to bring activists to one platform. And that now both sides are attacking him.

But I would like to end it by mentioning my friend Ravindra Patwal, who pointed out something worthy of highlighting.

There is around 30 percent Muslim population in Bengal but post-partition there have never been any major riots in the state, leaving aside small skirmishes. And whatever violence took place in recent times, the provocation was done from right-wing groups to gain political mileage.

So, if BJP is showing Muslim threat to Bengalis, they should know the real picture and decide sensibly. A trait they have been known for centuries. They can look at the situation of Gujarat, UP, MP and see how the BJP ruled states are doing, how they patronise violence after coming to power.

It is still not late for people, who can visualize the future, to wake up. And give a strong fight, together.

किसानों की बीजेपी पर वोट की चोट भला क्यों?

केंद्र की मोदी सरकार के कृषि क़ानूनों के ख़िलाफ़ किसान आंदोलन के 98वे दिन संयुक्त किसान मोर्चा ने एक बड़ी घोषणा की। घोषणा यह कि वह बीजेपी को वोट के ज़रिए चोट पहुंचाएगा। मोर्चा की प्रेस कॉन्फ़्रेंस में योगेंद्र यादव के मुताबिक़ किसान नेता अलग-अलग राज्यों में जाकर मतदाताओं से कहेंगे कि वोट देना उनका हक़ है, वे किसी को भी वोट दें, पर केंद्र की बीजेपी सरकार जो किसान विरोधी कृषि क़ानून लाई है, जिसने किसानों को दमन किया है और जो किसानों की बार-बार बेइज़्ज़ती कर रही है, उन्हें सज़ा ज़रूर दें।

इसी के साथ यह कहा जा सकता है कि सौ दिनों को पार करने जा रही किसानों की सरकार के ख़िलाफ़ यह लड़ाई एक निर्णायक मोड़ पर पहुंच गई है। बंगाल, असम, तमिलनाडु, पंडिचेरी और केरल में होने वाले विधानसभा चुनावों को देखते हुए बीजेपी को वोट न देने के लिए मोर्चा द्वारा की गई यह अपील अहम मानी जा रही है। इसके पीछे आंदोलन के किसान नेताओं का मानना है कि किसी भी सियासी दल की सबसे बड़ी ताक़त या कमज़ोरी वोट ही होती है। जब तक सरकार पर वोटों का दबाव नहीं बढ़ाया जाएगा तब तक यह सरकार उनकी मांगों को तवज़्ज़ो नहीं देगी। इसके पहले भी पिछले कई दिनों से किसान नेता यह कहते आ रहे थे कि वे ख़ासकर बंगाल के आगामी विधानसभा चुनाव में सभी 294 सीटों पर जाएंगे और जनता से कहेंगे कि बीजेपी उम्मीदवार को वोट न दें।

इसी कड़ी में 12 मार्च को कोलकाता में किसान आंदोलन के नेताओं ने एक बड़ी रैली की घोषणा की है। इस घोषणा से यह ज़ाहिर होता है कि किसान नेता सरकार के ख़िलाफ़ एक लंबी लड़ाई की रणनीति बना चुके है। एक ओर जहां कई हज़ार की संख्या में किसान दिल्ली की सीमाओं पर बैठे हैं, दूसरी ओर वहीं ज़गह-ज़गह किसान महापंचायतों के ज़रिये पश्चिमी उत्तर-प्रदेश सहित हरियाणा और अन्य राज्यों में किसान आंदोलन का कैचमेंट एरिया बढ़ता जा रहा है। ऐसे में सवाल है कि इस मोड़ पर आकर क्यों किसान आंदोलन के नेता चुनावी राजनीति में अब सीधे हस्तक्षेप कर रहे हैं।

दरअसल, किसान आंदोलन को अब तीन महीने से अधिक का समय हो चुका है। धरना-स्थलों से बड़ी संख्या में किसानों की मौत से जुड़ी ख़बरें लगातार आ रही हैं। बीती 22 जनवरी से सरकार की किसानों के साथ बातचीत बंद है। इतने बड़े आंदोलन में प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी ने किसानों के प्रति संवेदनशीलता नहीं दिखाई है। केंद्र में सत्तारूढ़ बीजेपी के बड़े नेता भी उनकी अनदेखी कर रहे हैं। यहां तक कि कुछ नेता तो अभी भी आंदोलन विरोधी बयान दे रहे हैं।

इस बारे में किसान शक्ति संघ से जुड़े नेता पुष्पेंद्र सिंह कहते हैं कि पिछले लोकसभा चुनाव के डाटा देखें तो कुल नब्बे करोड़ मतदाताओं में से साठ करोड़ मतदाताओं ने वोट दिया। इनमें तेईस करोड़ के आसपास वोट बीजेपी को गए। मतलब यदि पिछले चुनाव के मुक़ाबले बीजेपी को लगा कि उसके पांच फ़ीसदी वोट कम होने पर यदि बड़ी संख्या में उसकी सीटें घट सकती हैं तो सत्ता में बैठी मोदी सरकार किसानों से बातचीत के लिए आएगी।

वोट की चोट बीजेपी किसान आंदोलन किसानों बंगाल
हरियाणा के चरखी-दादरी में पचास हज़ार से ज़्यादा किसानों ने हिस्सा लिया

इसी क्रम में एक अहम बात यह है कि बीजेपी बंगाल में सरकार बनाने के साथ ही असम में सरकार बचाने की भी कोशिश कर रही है। इसी रणनीति को ध्यान में रखते हुए किसान नेताओं ने असम में होने वाले विधानसभा चुनावों को भी तरहीज़ दी है। किसान नेताओं का कहना है कि वे असम भी जाएंगे और वहां की जनता को भी बताएंगे कि मोदी सरकार किसानों के मुद्दों को हल नहीं करना चाहती है। इसमें एक आयाम यह भी है कि किसान आंदोलन बंगाल और असम के चुनाव परिणामों से अप्रभावित रहेगा। कारण यह है कि इन राज्यों से जो भी परिणाम आएं उनसे पंजाब, हरियाणा, पश्चिमी उत्तर-प्रदेश और राजस्थान आदि राज्यों में चल रहे किसान आंदोलन को कोई अंतर नहीं पड़ेगा। हां ज़ीत-हार की बात तब आएगी जब जहां-जहां किसान आंदोलन मज़बूत माना जा रहा हैं वहां-वहां के चुनावों में बीजेपी जीते तब। लेकिन, बंगाल और असम के विधानसभा चुनावों में किसान नेताओं के पास कोई कैलकुलेशन रिस्क नहीं है। इन राज्यों के आगामी विधानसभा चुनावों में राजनीतिक दलों का भविष्य तो तय होगा किंतु यह ऐसी स्थिति नहीं होगी जिसमें यह कहा जा सके कि किसान आंदोलन रुक जाएगा। हालांकि, इसके पहले अगले महीने उत्तर-प्रदेश में होने जा रहे पंचायत-चुनाव किसान आंदोलन के नज़रिए से कहीं महत्त्वपूर्ण हैं। जिला-पंचायतों की स्थिति देखें तो पिछले चुनाव में पश्चिमी उत्तर-प्रदेश की 26 में से 25 सीटों पर बीजेपी ने कब्ज़ा ज़माया था। इन 26 में से 18 जिला पंचायतों में जाटों का वर्चस्व हैं। लेकिन, इस बार किसान और खाप महापंचायतों में उमड़ रहा जनसैलाब बताता है कि बीजेपी के लिए स्थितियां विकट हो चुकी हैं। ऐसे में जब आंदोलन से जुड़े सभी प्रमुख किसान नेता बीजेपी के ख़िलाफ़ ख़ुलकर मैदान में हैं तब यह देखना दिलचस्प होगा कि यहां के चुनाव-परिणाम क्या होंगे।

इस बीच किसान आंदोलन की एक बड़ी परीक्षा 12 मार्च को होगी। इस दिन जब मज़दूर और किसान हाथ मिलाएंगे तब यह देखने की ज़रूरत है कि इसकी गूंज़ कितनी होती है। इसी के साथ किसान नेताओं के इस अभियान से उन राज्यों के किसान संगठनों को आंदोलन से जोड़ने का मौका मिलेगा जो अब तक इससे दूर रहे हैं।

हो सकता है कि आगामी राज्यों के विधानसभा चुनावों में किसान आंदोलन से जुड़ी मांगें मुख्य मुद्दा न बन पाएं। लेकिन, जहां तक प्रभाव का सवाल है तो अन्य मुद्दे जैसे मंहगाई और बेकारी को जोड़कर इसे एक बड़े आक्रोश में बदलने की संभावनाएं हैं। इस तरह किसान आंदोलन के मुद्दों पर भी कहीं-न-कहीं चुनावी सभाओं में चर्चा होती रहेगी, जबकि एक सियासी दल के तौर पर बीजेपी ऐसा नहीं चाहेगी। वहीं, गौर करने वाली बात यह भी है कि देश में ऐसा कोई विपक्षी दल नहीं है जो किसान आंदोलन की आलोचना कर रहा है। इससे इशारा मिलता है कि वे जनता की नब्ज़ टटोलकर ही बात कर रहे हैं और सियासी तौर पर उसका फ़ायदा भी उठाना चाहते हैं। कहने का मतलब यह है कि अब तक यदि किसान आंदोलन का नैरेटिव राष्ट्रविरोधी गढ़ दिया जाता तो विपक्षी दल आंदोलन के समर्थन में इतने मुखर नहीं होते। यहां तक कि ख़ुद प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी आंदोलन में शामिल एक वर्ग को लक्ष्य में रखते हुए उन्हें आंदोलनजीवी तो कह रहे हैं, किंतु किसानों के आंदोलन को उन्होंने भी पवित्र ही कहा है।

अंत में यहां यह बात भी ध्यान देने की है कि कई बार आंदोलन राजनीतिक आकार भी ले लेता है। इस लिहाज़ से जानकार आज़ादी की लड़ाई से लेकर जेपी और अन्ना आंदोलन के उदाहरण देते रहे हैं। अनुभव बताते हैं कि ऐसी स्थिति में सरकार को भारी नुकसान उठाना पड़ता है। इस आधार पर यह कहा जा सकता है और इसके संकेत भी मिल रहे हैं कि यदि अराजनीतिक आंदोलन का समय रहते निराकरण न किया गया तो एक चरण के बाद किसान आंदोलन भी एक राजनैतिक आंदोलन बन सकता है।

GIC employees association opposes PM Modi’s policy to sell PSUs

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General Insurance employees all India association, reacting to the Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s statement during a webinar on 25th February, vehemently oppose the policy of selling the Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs), the national wealth to the corporate houses of India and foreign brand against the interest of our people and our country.

People of the country know that the Public sectors have played an important role in developing Indian economy, successfully conducting Green and white revolutions, generating huge employment, and providing infrastructures to the country on which private players developed.

The insurance and banking sector flourished to greater heights after nationalisation and played an important role in the development of the economy and thereby creating a self reliant economy. GIEAIA along with JFTU in PSGI Companies will fight back privatisation and disinvestment in the insurance sector.

Mr Manmohan Singh, the former prime minister himself had admitted that during the global meltdown, Indian economy survived only due to strong public sectors in the country.

The Prime Minister Modi and the Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman have openly accepted their policy under the so-called mantra of “monetize and modernize” while addressing a webinar yesterday. Once again the understanding of the present ruling regime is exposed from the days of its earlier avatar “Jansangh” days in 1950s when the government of newly independent India was chalking out the policy of building the self reliant economy, to go for exploration and research and building heavy industry base in the interest of national development and sovereign rights on its natural resources.

The Jansangh then had opposed this policy in the parliament and its leaders had used the terminology “the government has no business to do business”.

Yesterday the Prime Minister repeated while arguing in favour of disinvestment in the words that is why I say the government has no business to remain in business. The strategic or the non-strategic PSUs, all are in their hit list among the 100 announced by the PM. Selling family silver and then calling it earning and benefits is the hollow and dangerous understanding of the Modi government.

Today, the fact is that significant numbers of CPSES on sale are profit making units. In 2018 -19 Net profit making CPSES were rupees 1,74,587 crores, dividend paid rupees 71,916 crores. Loss making units were around 31,635 crores. Most of the CPSES are profitable and well governed if the government/state is determined it would not take  long to transform the public sector compared to the private corporation, the CPSES are better placed to make their due contribution to achieving the goals of Atma Nirbhar Bharat agenda.

The policy of privatisation of public sector enterprise allows 100% foreign direct investment (FDI) in the strategic sector like defense, railways, civil aviation, satellites, power, petroleum, mining, coal among others.

All of this is happening while the government is strongly chasing for Make in India or make Atm Nirbhar (self reliance) Bharat. This is a big contribution in making the sphere of the economic  and industrial policy framework. The new policy on the public sector will cut off the legs on which India’s economy stands, thereby severely destabilizing it. It will drive the market towards monopolist control and thereby pauperzing the consumers, it will deprive the future generations of their family assets and will pose threat to human and national security.

Privatizing PSE’s will affect nation building, end reservation policy and will be a threat to India’s security.

Privatisation policy will affect 40 crores policy holders who get 90% of the profit of the LIC as bonus.

Privatisation of banks and insurance companies will affect crores of customers, agriculture, small and micro enterprises, small traders, students who want education loans, youth who want to be self employed, women empowerment and the social security of citizens at large.

Weakening the public sector will weaken the nation. Hence, we appeal to the honorable Prime Minister to strengthen them failing which the employees will have no option but to oppose it vehemently. As per UFBU rupees 80 lakes crores is at risk if public sector banking is privatised.

It would harm India’s sovereignty, kill its self reliance and would be actually mortgaging the Indian economic interest to the international finance capital. Today Mr Prime minister has surrendered before crony capitalism and its beneficiaries the Adanies and Ambanies.

GIEAIA appealed to the entire working class of the country and the general masses at large to fight back these anti national policies of the Modi govt.