Kolkata: On the eve of the first session of the Bengal assembly, Governor Jagdeep Dhankar, who is facing several allegations from the ruling Trinamool Congress, leveled another charge of giving access to security personnel, related to fake vaccination camp mastermind Debanjan Deb.
On Monday, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee accused Dhankar, being a ‘corrupt’ man, reminding his name in the 1996 Jain Hawala scam.
Soon after the allegation of Mamata Banerjee, Dhankhar challenged her to prove her allegation.
Not just the TMC supremo but all the leaders of the TMC had time and again accused Dhankhar of breaking the Constitution.
Mahua Moitra also on two occasions tweeted and alleged that the Bengal governor did nepotism in the appointments at the Raj Bhavan and that he was accused of allotment of residential land, which was later cancelled by Haryana and Punjab High Court.
On Thursday, it was TMC MP Sukhendu Sekhar Roy who alleged Dhankhar’s involvement in the recent fake vaccination camp in Kolkata that was busted by another party MP Mimi Chakraborty.
Showing pictures of fake vaccination camp scam kingpin Deb’s security personnel Arvind Vaidya in a family picture of Dhankar inside Governor’s house, the TMC MP questioned how a fraud’s security personnel gets access to Raj Bhavan?
“Mamata Banerjee has formed an SIT to probe the matter and we will inform SIT and submit the necessary documents in this regard. Nobody, even the heavyweights involved with this scam will be spared. Through this security person Debanjan used to send expensive gifts to several people,” claimed Sukhendu.
Showing the name of Dhankhar mentioned in the Hawala Jain scam charge-sheet, Sukhendu said that if Dhankhar and the Governor of West Bengal are the same people then the TMC will ask President Ram Nath Kovind for removal of the present governor.
“The kingpin of the Hawala scam Surendra Jain coincidentally died on June 29. Is it a sheer coincidence or is there something else behind this? Every agency should probe in this matter, said the Chief Whip of TMC at Rajya Sabha.
Referring to TMC MP Mahua Moitra’s tweet, Sukhendu also claimed that Dhankhar is also associated with the land scam.
“’Man of integrity’ Governor WB was beneficiary of illegal residential land allotment which later came to be cancelled by a Full Bench of Punjab & Haryana HC. Was this also constitutional, Uncleji? (sic)” Mahua Moitra had tweeted two days back.
Last week Bengal Assembly Speaker Biman Bandhopadhyay at the All India Speaker meet had complained against Dhankhar to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla and on June 30, Dhankhar had written a letter to Biman and urged him to work ‘in togetherness’.
Significantly, Bengal governor who is frequent on Twitter to express himself has not said anything on this serious allegation by Roy.
Meanwhile, uncertainties prevail over the speech of the governor during the special session of the Assembly on July 2.
Dhankar while reading the draft of his speech, had written a letter to Mamata Banerjee for clarification over certain parts of his speech.
Though according to him, Mamata had called back and talked but the solution wasn’t met in the conversation.
दिल्ली: दिल्ली पुलिस आयुक्त की नियुक्ति में वरिष्ठता होने के बावजूद ताज हसन को पद ना देना चर्चा का विषय है। खुद की अनदेखी से नाराज वरिष्ठ आईपीएस अधिकारी ताज हसन छुट्टी पर चले गए हैं!
माना जा रहा था कि गृह मंत्रालय पुलिस आयुक्त की नियुक्ति का आदेश जारी करने से पहले ताज हसन का तबादला आदेश जारी करेगा। अपनी अनदेखी से आहत ताज हसन ने पुलिस आयुक्त के विदाई समारोह से भी किनारा कर लिया।
गौरतलब है कि सच्चिदानंद श्रीवास्तव के सेवानिवृत्त होने के बाद एजीएमयू काडर में १९८७ बैच वरिष्ठता क्रम में सबसे ऊपर मौजूद चार अधिकारियों में से केवल ताज हसन ही एकमात्र ऐसे अधिकारी हैं‚ जो दिल्ली पुलिस में ही विशेष आयुक्त के पद पर कार्यरत हैं। वरिष्ठता क्रम और प्रोटोकॉल का पैमाना कहता है कि सर्वोच्च पद पर नियुक्ति में वरिष्ठ अधिकारी की अनदेखी होने की स्थिति में उन्हें अन्यत्र स्थानांतरित कर दिया जाता है।
चर्चा यह भी थी कि ताज हसन को मिजोरम का पुलिस महानिदेशक नियुक्त किया जा सकता है। लेकिन वहां इस पद पर तैनात सुश्री भूषण कुमार सिंह केंद्रीय गृह मंत्रालय द्वारा बनाए गए तीन अधिकारियों के पैनल में शामिल होने के कारण अभी भी पुलिस आयुक्त की दौड़ में शामिल हैं‚ तो उनके तबादले को लेकर कोई निर्णय नहीं हो पाया है। ऐसे में फिलहाल ताज हसन की पुलिस महानिदेशक पद पर नियुक्ति की अटकलों पर भी विराम लग गया।
उधर दिल्ली पुलिस के नए आयुक्त की नियुक्ति में चल रही खींचतान के बीच केंद्रीय गृह मंत्रालय ने वरिष्ठता के प्रोटोकॉल को नजरअंदाज कर दिया है। मंगलवार को १९८८ बैच के अधिकारी बालाजी श्रीवास्तव को कार्यवाहक पुलिस आयुक्त नियुक्त करने का आदेश तो जारी किया गया‚ लेकिन ताज हसन को अन्यत्र स्थानांतरित नहीं किया गया। ताज हसन ने मंगलवार को ही एक सप्ताह का अवकाश स्वीकृत करा लिया। वह बुधवार को सच्चिदानंद श्रीवास्तव के विदाई समारोह में भी शामिल नहीं हुए।
याद करें हाल में रिटायर हुए कमिश्नर एसएन श्रीवास्तव को, बीते साल हुए दंगों के दौरान, दिल्ली पुलिस की काम-चलाऊ कमान सौंपी थी, बाद में उन्हें स्थायी किया गया और उन्होंने दिल्ली दंगे की जांच को एक तरफा, तथ्यहीन और राजनितिक दुश्मनी निकालने का जरिया बना दिया था, अदालतों के पचास से अधिक आदेशों में दिल्ली पुलिस की जांच कटघरे में खड़ी हुयी है। समझा जा रहा हैं कि दिल्ली दंगे ही ऐसे कारण है जिसके चलते एक सुलझे हुए, निर्विवाद और अनुभवी अधिकारी को कमिश्नर का पद नहीं दिया गया।
जान लें ताज हसन की पत्नी नुजहत हसन भी दानिश केडर की आईपीस हैं और उन्हें पहली मुस्लिम महिला आई पी एस अधिकारी बनने का सम्मान मिला है।
ताज हसन इस समय दिल्ली पुलिस में विशेष आयुक्त (यातायात) हैं, वे दिल्ली पुलिस के प्रवक्ता भी रहे। ताज हसन को राष्ट्रमंडल खेल में शानदार प्रबंधन के लिए राष्ट्रपति अवार्ड भी मिला था। वे और उनकी पत्नी स्थापित लेखक भी हैं, यह भी चर्चा है कि चूँकि ताज हसन के सगे भाई कांग्रेस गठबंधन के टिकट पर बिहार में चुनाव लडे थे, इस लिए उन्हें इस पद से दूर रखा गया। बहरहाल ताज हसन जैसे अफसर की उपेक्षा दिल्ली पुलिस की धूमिल छबि को और गहरा कर रही है।
मूलत: हिन्दी भाषा के ग्रामीण पत्रकार और बतौर फ्रीलांसर ईन्यूजरूम से जुड़े शिरीष खरे की पुस्तक ‘राजपाल एंड संस, नई दिल्ली’ से प्रकाशित होकर अब बाजार में उपलब्ध हो गई है, पुस्तक का नाम है- एक देश बारह दुनिया. इसमें शिरीष ने भारत की एक ऐसी तस्वीर खींचने की कोशिश की है, जो अक्सर छिपाई जाती है, पर जिसे फ्रंट पर होनी चाहिए. म्यूट कर दी गईं आवाजों को लेखक ने यहां धैर्य और ध्यानपूर्वक सुनने की कोशिश की है.
इस पुस्तक में भारत के सात राज्यों से दूरदराज की बारह अलग-अलग जगहों के रिपोर्ताज हैं. इस दौरान लेखक ने हिन्दी के अलावा मराठी, गुजराती, कन्नड़ भाषाओं और बुंदेलखंड, छत्तीसगढ़, राजस्थान के थार तथा जनजातीय अंचलों में बोली जाने वाली बोलियों के लोगों के साथ लंबा समय बिताया है. उन्होंने अपनी यात्राओं में यातायात के सस्ते और सार्वजनिक साधनों का इस्तेमाल किया है.
शिरीष ने मध्य-प्रदेश में नरसिंहपुर जिले के एक छोटे से आदिवासी गांव मदनपुर से निकलकर अठारह वर्ष की उम्र में पहली बार भोपाल जैसे बड़े शहर को देखा था. इसके बाद उन्हें नौकरियों के कारण कुछ बड़े शहरों में रहने का मौका मिला था. इसके बावजूद, उनके रिपोर्ताज देश के अति पिछड़े क्षेत्रों से सीधे या परोक्ष तौर पर जुड़ी हुए हैं. अधिकतर ऐसे क्षेत्रों से जिनके नामों के बारे में बहुत कम सुना या जाना गया है. उन्होंने भारत के कुलीन व देश की आबादी के विशाल बहुमत के बीच बढ़ती खाई और उदासीनता के टापूओं पर रोशनी डाली है.
अपनी पुस्तक के बारे में अनुभव साझा करते हुए शिरीष बताते हैं, “भले ही इन दस वर्षों की तुलना में हमारे शहरों और दूरदराज के गांवों के बीच भौतिक अवरोध तेजी से मिट रहे हों, लेकिन सच्चाई यह है कि उतनी ही तेजी से एक सामान्य चेतना में गांव और गरीबों के लिए जगह सिकुड़ती जा रही है. गांव के देश में गांव शहरों पर निर्भर हो रहे हैं और उत्पादक ग्रामीण उपभोक्ता बन रहे हैं.”
उनके मुताबिक जब सांख्यिकी आंकड़ों के विशाल ढेर में छिपे आम भारतीयों के असल चेहरे नजर नहीं आ रहे हैं, तब उन्होंने ‘एक देश, बारह दुनिया’ पुस्तक के सहारे भारत की आत्मा कहे जाने वाले गांवों के अनुभवों को साझा करने की कोशिश की है.
इस पुस्तक में महाराष्ट्र के मेलघाट नामक पहाड़ियों पर भूख का वृत्तांत है, मध्य भारत में बहने वाली नर्मदा नदी किनारे की डूब का चित्रण है, गुजरात में सूरत जैसे शहर में लूट की छूट का नजारा है, छत्तीसगढ़ में मदकूद्वीप के खंडहर की दुर्दशा का वर्णन है, आंध्र-प्रदेश की सीमा से लगे महाराष्ट्र के मराठवाड़ा अंचल के मैदानी रास्तों पर बंजारा समुदायों द्वारा खाई जा रही दर-दर की ठोकरों की पीड़ा है, मध्य-प्रदेश के खेत-खलिहानों में सूखे के चिन्ह हैं बस्तर के जंगल में रक्तरंजित संघर्ष की एक झलक है, साथ ही राजस्थान के रेगिस्तान में महिलाओं पर हिंसा से जुड़ी रोजमर्रा की सच्ची कहानियों को आपस में बांधकर एक महादेश की वास्तविकताओं को एकाकार करने का परिश्रम है.
इसके अलावा देश की आर्थिक राजधानी मुंबई में कमाठीपुरा से बाहर जीने की कल्पना छोड़ चुकी सेक्स-वर्करों के अनुभव और उनकी सोलह गलियों के भीतर का भरा-पूरा बाजार और संसार है. वहीं, कनाडी बुडरुक में सर्द हवा और लंबी दुर्गम पगडंडियों से होकर तिरमली घुमंतू परिवारों के एक जगह बस्ती बनाकर रहने के पीछे का संघर्ष है. दूसरी ओर, आष्टी में दो बड़े खंभों के बीच बंधी एक रस्सी के ओर छोर तक चल चलकर चौराहे पर जमा भीड़ के आगे तमाशा दिखाती आठ बरस की बच्ची और उसके पीछे हैरतअंगेज खेल दिखाकर अपना पेट पालने वाली पूरी सैय्यद मदारी जमात की पहचान से जुड़े तजुर्बे हैं. अंत में, उम्मीद और नाउम्मीदी के बीच फंसे पारधी तथा तिरमली समुदाय के बच्चों की आवाजों और गन्ने के खेतों में मजदूरी करने वाले दलित परिवारों से जुड़े दर्दों का दस्तावेज है.
Kolkata: West Bengal Governor Jagdeep Dhankar who has been very vocal against Mamata Banerjee led Trinamool Congress government since he assumed the office, seems to be on the receiving end of the Bengal chief minister and her team.
On Monday, Mamata Banerjee had alleged during a press conference that Dhankar, being charge-sheeted in the Jain Hawala money laundering case, is a ‘corrupt’ man.
Bengal’s chief minister had also mentioned that she had written three letters to the union government to remove Dhankar from the post of governor.
The Hawala scam, also known as the Jain Diaries case, made it to the headlines in the mid-nineties. The case was related to the alleged siphoning of money by politicians through hawala brokers, namely the Jain brothers. The scam amounting to 18 million USD involved the names of some of the leading politicians of the country.
Countering the allegation, Dhankar seemed to be on his back foot. He claimed that he had not been charge-sheeted in the Jain Hawala money laundering case and that the Apex Court had acquitted him. He further noted that a seasoned politicians like Mamata Banerjee should refrain from making such allegations publicly.
When asked if he would initiate any action against Bengal CM, Dhankar replied that Mamata Banerjee was like his younger sister. “She made such comments to create a sensation. But Indian culture doesn’t permit me to take action against my younger sister,” he said.
However, TMC seems determined to continue the attack and iterate on his removal. Taking a step further in that direction, TMC MP Mahua Moitra also tweeted Punjab and Haryana High court’s full bench order in which Dhankar, then an MP from Rajasthan has been mentioned as beneficiary of illegal residential land allotment.
This is the third serious attack by TMC against Dhankar.
Prior to this, Moitra had shared a list on Twitter highlighting several recent appointments done at the governor’s house (Raj Bhavan, Kolkata). Almost all recruits are relatives of the present governor, who had refuted this allegation too, but netizens were not ready to buy his arguments on this time.
Amid these developments, journalist Vineet Narain who had lodged an FIR in the Jain Hawala money laundering case thanked Mamata Banerjee for raising the issue. In his Facebook and Twitter post on, he wrote —Jagdeep Dhankar and Arif Md Khan should resign on moral ground. Vineet claimed that it was a matter related to terrorism funding, and neither Dhankar nor Arif Mohammed Khan, another accused in the same case, should continue being the governor of Bengal or Kerala, respectively.
“Being a Senior Advocate and Governor, Mr. Dhankar should not give such false statements. When there has been no trial in the trial court and the entire case was monitored by the Hon’ble Supreme Court can he produce the evidence of the acquittal given by the Hon’ble Supreme Court of India,” wrote the senior journalist in his post.
However, political commentator Rasheed Kidwai believes, “Nothing is going to happen (neither Dhankar will resign nor he will be called back by the center), these are mere posturings.”
Seeing the track record of the Narendra Modi government, it seems, Rasheed Kidwai is assuming right. But then Dhankar, who has been very vocal and critical of TMC government, because of which he often gets clubbed as an opposition leader in the garb of a governor by many will not find it easy to function in the same manner during the third term of the Mamata government.
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he recent arrest of a self-styled godman Siva Shankar Baba from Tamil Nadu for sexually abusing young girls has once again exposed the murky world of fake godmen who have become a law unto themselves. The baba, who is also the founder of a school, masqueraded as an educationist and preyed on vulnerable girls. The unsuspecting parents of these abused girls could have never imagined that the school was actually a hotbed of vices and human perversion. It was only after these girls opened up to their parents about the shenanigans of the baba that the police arrested him.
India’s Fake Godman ‘Babas’
The case of Siva Shankar suggests that these soi-disant spiritual gurus have drifted off course and lost their moral compass so badly it was always going to come to a head. But despite all that, why these godmen become the magnetic draw in the spiritual marketplace among the rich, the middle classes and the illiterates? These wily and manipulative godmen know very well that, most of us, at times, find the going tough in life and experience mental stress and other quotidian problems. The listeners soak up the half-baked gyan that darts through their pravachan and lapse into a dreamy, addled state. The gurus assure them that their souls would swim in ineffable happiness and his blessings would guide them through the labyrinth of life like Ariadne’s thread. The devotees find it almost difficult to withdraw themselves from the fervour of these babas’ personalities.
They are great at playing the collective psyche and hand out miracles to influence us. One can see these babas milking their devotees for every last drop of applause. No wonder, the human brain is genetically programmed to believing in esoteric and religious mumbo-jumbo. In the process, we end up endowing them with an undeserved halo of godliness. As a result, many of these spiritual preachers really start seeing themselves as an agent and messenger of God, infallible and, above suspicion, like Caesar’s wife. These devious and dubious babas creep among the gullible masses like the plague. There are numerous instances of promiscuous babas turned conmen physically exploiting young girls and women in their ashrams on the pretext of curing them of some ailments. It has been seen that these illiterate devotees, including women, readily repose their faith in godmen by agreeing to do their bidding, at the expense of rationality and sound judgment.
Our self-styled and flaky spiritual gurus are filthy rich, not to speak of ashrams spread over different cities. They enjoy a hedonistic lifestyle and own properties valued in crores. Ensconced in the amniotic fluid of patronage by politicians and businessmen, one can see these high-profile spiritual babas and swamis hobnobbing with the high and mighty, attending marriages and other social functions of business tycoons, netas and abhinetas. Politicians of all stripes throw their weight behind these babas as the latter can tilt the political fortunes of a party by asking their devotees to vote for a certain political outfit. In return, these spiritual gurus are assured of protection from politicians so that they can build their illicit empires and carry out their nefarious activities without any fear of law.
The spiritual gurus purvey deception and religiosity in the name of god. Before their arrest, Baba Ram Rahim and Asaram Bapu managed to pull the wool over their devotees’ eyes for decades. Both these popular spiritual gurus not only enjoyed massive political patronage but also commanded a huge following from the well-educated middle classes. When police raided their ashrams, they stumbled upon pieces of evidence that pointed toward sex and murder, which were reportedly enacted there. These godmen lived a life of dissipation and got away with so much dishonesty for as long as they did. It can be attributed to the thriving nexus between political power and religious establishments. In 2004, the high-profile head of the Kanchi Kamakoti Peetam, Sri Jayendra Saraswathi, was arrested as he was found to be a prime accused in connection with the murder of a temple manager. Then there is the curious case of Santhosh Madhavan alias Swami Amrita Chaitanya, who was charged with the rapes of three minor girls and a 22-year-old woman, financial fraud and possession of narcotics. In 2015, a reality show actress filed an FIR against the controversial godwoman Radhe Maa for sexual harassment. Many film personalities and politicians are believed to be her followers.
It takes courage to go against the grain and stand up for what one believes in. When Rajkumar Hirani in his movie, PK (2014) showed that not everything connected with the world of godmen and swamis is transparent and above board, all hell broke loose. There was a big kerfuffle as people took umbrage at the negative portrayal of religious godmen in the movie who came across as phony-baloney. The movie, starring Aamir Khan and Anushka Sharma, showed how some self-styled spiritual gurus, exploit superstition and resort to fraud to run rings around people. In the movie, Aamir plays an alien who comes to visit the earth and falls victim to human rapacity. He discovers that most godmen use religions to do business and feather their own nests.
In Satyajit Ray’s Bengali movie Joi Baba Felunath (1979), a local godman in Benaras, who goes by the name of Machhli Baba, is depicted as a fraud who is in cahoots with a wealthy Marwari businessman, who has set his eyes on a rare and priceless Ganesh statue.
However, it’s a bit unfair to tar all spiritual gurus with the same brush. There are exceptions to this tribe of deceitful godmen as well. The late Bhaiyyu Ji Maharaj was one of them. A few years ago, the chief minister of a state dangled a carrot of party post in front of him for quite some time which he strictly turned down. Bhaiyyu Ji was happy with his philanthropic activities like adopting villages and reviving water bodies. His death even today remains steeped in mystery.
In his famous novel, Father Goirot, Honore de Balzac says, “What moralists call the murkiest depths of the human heart are merely the deceptive thoughts, the involuntary urges, of self-interest. These sudden reversals are calculated moves in the pursuit of pleasure.” The same applies to most of our self-proclaimed fake babas and swamis, who, in the name of religion, are deviating from the straight and narrow, and playing their devotees false for the sake of self-interest. They have slipped their moral moorings. It’s high time we saw through their knavery and hypocrisy and see them for what they are — rank opportunists, impostors, rapists and hedonists.
Ranchi: On 12 June, at the Ganaikad hamlet of Piri village in Latehar, Jharkhand 24-year-old Brahmadev Singh was shot dead by the Central forces. The 214 Battalion CRPF was in joint action with 03 Cobra and Jharkhand Jaguar. The family of Brahmadev claims he left his home with others to go animal hunting for the Sarhul festival when the forces fired at him.
“He never went to the jungle usually. It was for sarhul he was going hunting with others. He did not even reach the jungle. He was just a few yards away from the home when they fired at him,” tells his uncle Sohrai to eNewsroom. In the firing by the force, Dinanath also got hurt who was accompanying Brahmadev. After the firing, police detained five other men of the village.
Tribals in a group were going for traditional animal hunting to celebrate. They were carrying ‘Bhartua Gun’ which is made locally to scare away animals or hunt small prey. Brahmadev and five others Raghunath Singh (40), Rajeshwar Singh (52), Dinenath Singh (25), Sukhdev Singh (45) and Gobind Singh (35). Brahmadev and Dinenath were ahead when they saw the force and they signaled others to step back. The men behind started running at that moment the force started firing from the other side.
Speaking with eNewsroom, Manoj Dutt, an independent journalist who went to the village said, “Brahmadev and others had raised their hand placing the gun down and shouted they are common people, not Maoists. They requested not to shoot but the firing continued. Brahmadev got a bullet and fell to the ground. The forces then lifted him and took to the other side and shot him again. They also tried to change his clothes.”
On 13 June, villagers including Sohrai Tharwar and Bindeshwar Singh from the Piri village reached the police station for the release of villagers detained after the incident.
Sohrai, a relative of Brahmadev, informed that police have falsely named him and Bindeshwar as eyewitnesses of the incident. “As they had taken five people, we went to Latehar on 13 June for their release. There at the police station, they made us sign the paper and asked if we had come for guns or the people. To which we said we want people. When we requested to know what was written on the paper before signing they refused to let us read it. They also made us sign other plain sheets,” alleged Sohrai.
Both claimed that they were not present at the spot where the incident happened. “We live three kilometers away from the place of the incident. We were not present there when the shooting happened. We got to know of the incident several hours later when the word spread and people started talking about the killing of Brahmadev,” says Bindeshwar. Raising his objection he continued “It is a complete fabrication. So we want our names to be removed. By falsely naming us witnesses they are trying to sell their narrative.”
The fact-finding team of Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha too found that there is a contradiction in the FIR done by police and testimonies of the villagers.
The FIR states that several companies of central forces as well as Cobra and Jharkhand Jaguar went to Kuru-Piri forest on the tip-off of the movement of one CPI Maoist leader Chhotu Kharwar. While returning from the jungle, force personnel saw a dozen armed men and asked them to surrender. According to the FIR, they did not surrender and opened fire. After this, the force retaliated.
Whereas, the villagers claim that the tribal group kept shouting that they are innocent but forces shot. When Brahmadev fell after being hit by the bullet, then forces took his body at the edge of the hill and shot him again.
“Our immediate demand from the state government is to cancel the FIR registered in this case, as then the victims’ families will never get justice. A fresh FIR should get lodged which should include family versions,” said Siraj Dutta, a member of the fact-finding team.
Piri village has a population of around 100 families. The area doesn’t have any proper road connectivity, electricity or mobile network.
Significantly, villagers claim that they have not seen any movement of Maoists in the area in the recent past.
Brahmadev who worked as an auto-driver is now survived by his wife and a one-year-old child. Villagers demand justice for Brahmadev. “They must provide adequate compensation to his family and give a job to his wife,” demanded Bindeshwar.
DIG R K Lakra told eNewsroom that a case has been filed and CID is now investigating the matter.
However, Dutta added, “CID inquiry is not enough. We want from the Hemant Soren government that there should be a judicial probe under a high court judge into the matter.”
In 2017 also, a tribal of Pirtand village Motilal Baske was killed, who was termed a Naxal leader by the forces. The matter was raised by JMM and Giridih MLA Sudivya Kumar also highlighted it then and later when the Mahagathbandhan government got formed, but Baske family is still waiting for justice.
Washington, D.C: Right from the time that the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power in Uttar Pradesh, the state has become another laboratory for Hindutva politics in India. Several discriminatory laws were passed and violence was unleashed upon the minorities. Now with the UP assembly polls approaching, new cases of lynching, mosque demolitions and communal violence is being witnessed across the state.
However, amid all, the new law criminalizing inter-religious marriages in India’s Uttar Pradesh state on grounds of “unlawful religious conversions” is both discriminatory and is directly impacting the religious freedom, stated an official associated with the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF).
The Briefing, titled “State Repression on Civil Liberties in Uttar Pradesh,” was attended by policy staff of Members of US Congress and officials from the US Department of State, among others. It was organized by Amnesty International USA (AIUSA), Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), Hindus for Human Rights (HfHR), India Civil Watch International (ICWI), Dalit Solidarity Forum (DSF), International Christian Concern (ICC), Justice for All (JFA), and Federation of Indian American Christian Organizations of North America (FIACONA).
“It often results in violence and [abets] efforts to prohibit interfaith marriages using the false narrative of false conversions,” Niala Mohammad, Senior Policy Analyst, USCIRF, said at a Congressional Briefing at Washington, D.C., this week. The law was “particularly concerning not just for its discriminatory purpose but also because of its vague and… potentially wide-reaching impacts on religious freedoms in the state.”
“Hindu nationalists have launched inflammatory campaigns decrying interfaith relationships or engagement, including calling for boycotts and censorship’s of media depictions of interfaith relationships. These efforts targeting and de-legitimizing interfaith relationships have led to attacks and arrest of non-Hindus and violence towards any interfaith interaction,” she mentioned.
Niala said the demolition of two mosques in Uttar Pradesh last month, one by officials defying a court order, was “particularly alarming for USCIRF.” Indian Supreme Court’s verdict last year handing the site of a mosque, demolished in 1992 by Hindu extremists, for building a Hindu temple in its place, was also alarming, she added. USCIRF was “concerned about religious freedom conditions in India, particularly in Uttar Pradesh.”
Niala pointed out that India’s restrictions on foreign funding of NGOs has impacted religious freedoms in UP with the result that “religious minority rights violation is occurring frequently and civil society lacks the freedom to document these or raise voice against them.”
Niala said, disinformation and “intolerant content” about Muslims, Christians, Dalits had “emboldened intimidation, harassment and created incidents of mob violence.” She cited “hateful rhetoric” from government officials and images circulated on social media at the start of the Covid-19 pandemic last year for spreading such hate.
Courtesy | The Quint
Govind Acharya, India Specialist with Amnesty International USA, referenced the brutal police attack at Aligarh Muslim University, a historic educational institution in Uttar Pradesh, following peaceful protests against the CAA-NRC. Amnesty’s investigation showed that the police blocked ambulances, he said. “The crackdown at AMU and other parts of Uttar Pradesh is one way to violate human rights using police brutality during the CAA protests.”
Joining the briefing from Uttar Pradesh’s capital city of Lucknow, human rights activist and Magsaysay Award winner, Sandeep Pandey said Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s government had turned Uttar Pradesh into a “police state where every problem is viewed as a law and order problem and functions in a way in which victims are made into accused and ordinary citizens are criminalized.”
He recalled that UP Police killed 22 Muslims, many in firing on protesters who had hit the streets against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) “which were perceived to be discriminatory in nature especially against the Muslim community… Over 700 people were arrested on charges of destruction of property, rioting and attempt to murder in what were mostly false cases.”
Nikhil Mandalaparthy, Advocacy Director, HfHR, said the “love Jihad” laws had “led to mass arrests of young Muslim men and empowered Hindu extremist groups to carry on attacks.”
Hena Zuberi, Washington, D.C. Director for JFA, said the BJP had “used communalism and anti-Muslim rhetoric in the past and that rhetoric has led to the attacks and deaths.” Citing lawsuits against mosques across Uttar Pradesh, she said such “petitions will evolve as an issue in central politics and we feel these will be used by the BJP to attract the majority Hindu population and cause violence against the Muslim community and their places of worship.”
John Prabhudoss, FIACONA Chairman, said Christian organizations were “literally choking” in Uttar Pradesh as “village churches are being burnt and [Christian] families are beaten.” Many lawyers defending such victims were being targeted and had gone into hiding, he added.
Roja Singh, DSF President, said dominant caste members were assaulting Dalits in Uttar Pradesh to wield power. “Anti-Dalit violence, including rapes, which has one of the highest crime rates against Dalits, is a manifestation of entitlement and ownership of Dalit bodies.”
Joining the Briefing from New Delhi, Indian journalist and author Bhasha Singh said Uttar Pradesh had become “an ideal laboratory” for converting India into a Hindu nation in which “there should be no dissent, no space for a woman, no space for a dalit, for a minority, there is no space to express or to do their rightful duties.”
That is why, Niala added, USCIRF had recommended that the US Department of State designate India as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC), for “engaging in and tolerating systemic, ongoing and egregious violation of religious freedom,” and “impose targeted sanctions on individuals and entities responsible for severe violations of religious freedom by freezing those individuals’ or entities’ assets and/or barring their entry into the United States.”
Old age was an indecent state that had to be ended before it was too late…at eighty-one years of age, Dr Urbino had enough lucidity to realize that he was attached to this world by a few slender threads….
Love in the Time of Cholera
Gabriel García Márquez
We generally associate old age with inertia, purposelessness and intimations of mortality. There is a general belief that once you cross seventy-five years, you experience cognitive decline. But that is not always true. For 95-year-old former Indonesian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, age is just a number and it has made no difference to his political ambition. Last year he launched his new party with renewed vigour. In India, the octogenarian Metroman, Dr Elattuvalapil Sreedharan (88), kicked off his new innings as a politician in Kerala in February this year. These octogenarians are focusing on their work without the pitfalls of impatience and cynicism.
Those at the other end of the age spectrum with advancing age are more often than not stereotyped as petulant and cynical, who are content to spend their time watching the world go by. Most of them have a tendency to look back on the past and hold regrets. In the poem, ‘Gerontion’, T.S. Eliot referred to old age as something which is undesirable, as it brings in its wake bitterness and the struggle to make sense of one’s life. Similarly, in the poem, Sailing to Byzantium, W.B. Yeats says that once a person crosses the line into old age, he tends to become as worthless and helpless “like a scarecrow”.
Be that as it may, there are numerous instances of politicians, writers, musician and painters who have faced the insidious snares of old age with rare courage and determination.
Last year, during the presidential campaign in the US, both the Presidential candidates, Bernie Sanders (78) and Joe Biden (77) were considered “too old” to run the country, so much so that a magazine in the United States ran a feature that labelled the 2020 race “the dementia campaign.” Biden hit back at his critics, saying that he was in fine fettle, offering as evidence a doctor’s report and a claim that he could do forty-four push-ups. No wonder, he had the last laugh as he went on to become the 46th president of the United States.
Two thousand years ago, Plutarch of Chaeronea, a Greek philosopher of the Roman empire, wrote an essay entitled, “Should an old man engage in politics?” Plutarch knew that mental and physical decline comes with age. After all, he wrote his essay at the age of seventy and showed a keen interest in local politics. Plutarch believed that old men should never shy away from participating in politics. He also believed that in the case of older politicians, their greatest asset is not the “wisdom that comes with age, but the composure that comes with experience.”
Morarji Desai happens to be the only Indian politician to become prime minister at the age of 81. In 1977, Desai took the oath of office as the fourth Prime Minister and led the government formed by the Janata Party. He died at the age of 99 in 1995.
Besides politicians, there are instances of writers, singers and painters too, who, despite their advancing years, discovered sources of serendipity and mined a rich seam of creativity in their works. At the age of 96, writer Harry Bernstein earned belated literary fame with his memoir. Famous American singer-songwriter and Nobel Prize winner, Bob Dylan, who recently turned 80, is still going great guns. Having penned more than 600 songs in his career, these days, since he can’t hold a guitar, Dylan performs propped up by a piano.
Back home, writers like Nirad C. Chaudhary and Khushwant Singh, defying the tyranny of age, kept on producing works of rare literary merit till their death. Their advancing age hardly blunted their creative edge. If there is one writer in India who continues to write with rare maniacal energy and unflagging zeal, it is none other than the venerable and prolific Ruskin Bond. His latest book, based on some of his memorable short stories, was released on his 87th birthday in May 19. The effervescent Bond, who lives with his adopted family in Landour, Mussoorie’s lvy Cottage, finds his zest for living undiminished. He is happy, as always, living close to nature.
For the creatively inclined, age is never a restrictive factor. Instead of being snuffed out like a candle, they blaze and shine like a meteor. Painters and writers like Picasso, Tagore, Michelangelo, Bach, Goethe, Stravinsky, to name but a few utilised their advancing years by pushing the envelope of creativity. It is never too late to start something new. Rabindranath Tagore developed an interest in painting at the age of 63 and, like poetry and prose, proved his remarkable mastery over this medium as well. Dylan Thomas once wrote …, “old age should burn and rave at close of day; Rage, rage against the dying of the light.”
महाराष्ट्र में धुले के करीब सोनगीर तांबे और पीतल के बर्तनों के लिए देश भर में जाना जाता है। करोना संक्रमण के कारण सख्त लॉकडाउन आपदा और मंदी के कारण यहां पिछले एक साल से काम प्रभावित हुआ है। वहीं, बरसात के दिनों में तांबा काला पड़ने से कारीगरों द्वारा बर्तन बनाने का काम रोक दिया जाता है। ऐसे में यहां बर्तन कारीगरों और व्यवसायिकों के सामने आजीविका का संकट गहरा गया है।
हालात इतने खराब हैं कि इस क्षेत्र से जुड़े अधिकतर परिवार अपना पुश्तैनी धंधा छोड़ने के लिए मजबूर हैं। ये लोग अब दो जून की रोटी के लिए नए काम ढूंढ़ रहे हैं।
सोनगीर में तांबा-पीतल बर्तनों के व्यवसाय से जुड़े अविनाश कासर कहते हैं, “यहां कारीगरों की माली हालत कोई खास अच्छी नहीं है। वे कई महीनों तक खाली नहीं बैठ सकते हैं। आजकल तांबे और पीतल के बर्तनों की मांग न होने से पूरा कारोबार मंद पड़ गया है।”
अविनाश बताते हैं कि पिछले वर्ष की तरह इस बार भी यहां के बर्तन कारोबारियों को करोड़ों रुपए का नुकसान उठाना पड़ेगा। वहीं, सोनगीर के सैकड़ों कारीगरों को अपनी घर-गृहस्थी बचाने के लिए काम की सख्त जरूरत है। लेकिन, इस आपदा में नया काम मिलना आसान नहीं रह गया है।
लॉकडाउन आपदा
दूसरी तरफ, सोनगीर से तांबे और पीतल के बर्तन राज्य से बाहर भी जाते हैं। लेकिन, लॉकडाउन के कारण उपजे वित्तीय संकट में माल की आवाजाही संबंधी गतिविधियां भी ठप रही हैं। लिहाजा, कुशल श्रमिकों की आजीविका पर इसका बहुत बुरा प्रभाव पड़ा है। सोनगीर में तांबे और पीतल के बर्तन बनाने के व्यवसाय से सीधे तौर पर पांच सौ से अधिक कारीगर परिवार हैं। इसके अलावा, लगभग ढाई सौ छोटे व्यापारी और बर्तन की दुकान कर्मचारी जुड़े हुए हैं। कई कारीगर बताते हैं कि उन्होंने बर्तन बनाने की कला के अलावा कोई दूसरा काम नहीं किया है। लेकिन, अब वे जीविका चलाने के लिए मजदूरी करने को तैयार हैं।
सतीश कासर बताते हैं कि यहां तांबे-पीतल के बर्तन बनाने और बेचने वाले कारीगर तांबट, बागडी और गुजराती कसार समुदाय का पारंपरिक व्यवसाय माना जाता है। हालांकि, पिछले कुछ समय से अन्य समुदाय से जुड़े परिवार भी इस काम में सक्रिय हुए हैं। लिहाजा, इस धंधे में बहुत अधिक प्रतिस्पर्धा आ गई है। इसलिए, बर्तन बनाने से लेकर उनकी उचित कीमत पाने तक अब बहुत अधिक संघर्ष करना पड़ रहा है और उन्हें पहले की तरह मुनाफा नहीं मिल पा रहा है।
दरअसल, स्टील के बर्तनों में आने और मशीनरी के अत्याधिक प्रयोग के कारण इस क्षेत्र से जुड़े कारीगर और व्यवसायिकों की आर्थिक स्थिति पहले से ही खराब चल रही थी। ऐसे में लॉकडाउन के कारण उत्पादन और व्यवसाय महीनों तक बंद रहा। इसके चलते बाजार में मंदी छाई हुई है।
लेकिन, मुसीबत यहीं समाप्त नहीं हुईं। लॉकडाउन और मंदी के बाद बरसात शुरू हो गई। इस मौसम में तांबे के बर्तन काले हो जाते हैं। इसलिए, उन्हें बनाने का काम रोक दिया जाता है। स्पष्ट है कि दिवाली तक काम बंद रहेगा। यही वजह है कि तांबे और बर्तन बनाने वाले कारीगर के सामने जीने का संकट और अधिक गहरा गया है। ऐसी स्थिति में उनके सामने सवाल हैं कि वे कहां जाएंगे और क्या करेंगे। इस तरह, इस बुरे दौर में उन्हें उनके परिवार को सुरक्षित और संभालना सबसे बड़ी चुनौती बन गई है।
बता दें कि इस क्षेत्र के कई व्यापारी लंबे समय से सोनगीर के कारीगरों से थोक में बर्तन खरीदकर देश की दूसरी जगहों पर बेचते रहे हैं। यहां पहले सिर्फ बर्तन कारीगर होते थे। बाद में कई कारीगर व्यापारी भी हो गए। बर्तनों के लिए आवश्यक कच्चा माल पुणे, भंडारा, इंदौर और उज्जैन सहित कई अन्य शहरों से मंगाया जाता है।
इस क्षेत्र से जुड़े लोग बताते हैं कि सोनगीर के बर्तनों की अच्छी मांगी के पीछे वजह यह है कि यहां तैयार बर्तन टिकाऊ, मजबूत और आकर्षक होते हैं। शादियों में इन बर्तनों की मांग सबसे ज्यादा होती है। इसके अलावा, दिवाली-दशहरा में भी खासी मांग होती है। राज्य के खानदेश अंचल में भी बर्तनों से जुड़े सबसे अधिक कारीगर और व्यापारी सोनगीर से ही हैं। वहीं, रोजगार की तलाश में कई कारीगर दूर-दराज की जगहों पर जाकर बस गए और जहां-तहां अपनी आजीविका चला रहे हैं।
यह मुख्य रूप से मांग के अनुसार तांबे और पीतल की धातु से परात, लोटा, गुंड, कलश, कटोरे और बाल्टी जैसे बर्तन तैयार किए जाते हैं। यहां के कारीगरों द्वारा बनाई गए कलश देश के अधिकांश प्रमुख मंदिरों पर लगे हैं। हालांकि, कोरोना और आगे अनेक तरह की आशंकाओं के कारण इन कारीगरों से बर्तन व्यापारियों और उपभोक्ताओं की दूर बनी हुई है। वहीं, विवाहों की रौनक छिन जाने की वजह से भी यहां का बर्तन कारोबार उभर नहीं पा रहा है।
Kolkata: Since the mandate of Bengal assembly polls was delivered in May, Bharatiya Janata Party, who has been drubbed in the election raised several issues, from communalizing post poll violence to going to the High Court to oppose bail of TMC’s Narada accused leaders and are now raising a demand for a separate North Bengal state.
But, it seems, like two other times, this time again, it did not go well and put the party leaders on the defensive.
Central BJP leaders including president JP Nadda had held a virtual meeting with the party’s district chiefs in Bengal on Sunday. Sources said, some district chiefs in north Bengal had flagged alleged infiltration from Bangladesh and attacks on party workers in the region and underscored north Bengal’s strategic importance.
According to The Telegraph report, a BJP insider said, “The district chiefs told the central leaders that if north Bengal was declared a Union Territory, those issues could be addressed. They also mentioned that the party enjoyed considerable support in north Bengals was evident from the 2019 Lok Sabha polls and the recent Assembly elections”, said a BJP insider.
A vernacular daily in Kolkata also reported that BJP leaders have written a letter to the central government seeking the same.
But a new spectre of separating north Bengal has been strongly condemned by chief minister Mamata Banerjee. The chief minister was livid. Reacting sharply on the topic, she said, “There is no difference between north and south Bengal as both are part of West Bengal. There is no discrimination. We will not have anyone play the divide-and-rule here.”
She said that no such thing can be done without the knowledge of the state government. “If the BJP thinks they will sell Jalpaiguri or Alipurduar or Cooch Behar or Darjeeling, it is not that easy. They are unable to control Delhi. What does it mean to have a union territory? Are they planning to muzzle the voice of people just like Kashmir or put people under house arrest and take away their basic rights?” she asked.
The three-times chief minister wondered aloud who is going to benefit from such a move. “Who is going to benefit by dividing Bengal? They (the BJP) lost the elections here but have no shame. If they have their evil eyes on us, then the people of Bengal will give a fitting reply to them. Both the parts of Bengal are dear to me; they are like two daughters.”
Making a strong case for North Bengal, Mamata Banerjee said, “Our government has worked a lot in North Bengal. Some people have only lies to cater to and want the territory to be in their direct control. We will not let the people of Bengal be slaves. We strongly condemn the demand of the BJP. I’m sure the central leaders are part of the scheme or else they cannot dare to think like this.”
The defensive BJP leaders now claim that it is a hoax and fake news. Manoj Tigga, BJP legislator from Madarihat in North Bengal said that he wasn’t aware of any demand of a separate state or territory by his party colleagues and is not aware of any letter to the central government.
Terming it as a “hoax”, West Bengal BJP general secretary Sayantan Basu said that BJP was never in favour of creating a separate Gorkhaland and also that the saffron camp will never indulge in “fragmentation of West Bengal”.
BJP’s Bengal vice-president Raju Banerjee rubbished the news as “fake”. Instead, he said, “This is not at all a BJP call but was intentionally floated by the Trinamool to malign the saffron camp in the state.”