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Beyond the Headlines: The Subtle Art of Ignoring Independent Media

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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Beyond the Headlines: The Subtle Art of Ignoring Independent Media

Kolkata: The issue of duplicate voters, or the same EPIC (Electors Photo Identity Card) number being assigned to two or more voters, has now been raised in Parliament. Almost all opposition parties are united on this issue.

For some, the issue of duplicate voters became public either through West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee or on social media. Mamata Banerjee mentioned it during an event in Kolkata, and a few days later, the Election Commission held a press conference on the matter in the national capital, Delhi. While the Commission accepted that duplicate voters do exist, it also claimed that they were addressing the issue after it was highlighted on several social media platforms.

However, the reality is that Mamata Banerjee was not aware of the existence of duplicate voters until it was brought to her notice, nor was there any viral social media debate or issue surrounding it.

A non-government organization (NGO), Parijayee Shramik Aikya Mancha, which works with migrant workers, discovered several such cases and sent a letter on December 27, 2024, to the Bengal State Election Commission as well as to Mamata Banerjee.

The Mancha also shared its findings with eNewsroom. Recognizing the significance of the issue, we immediately published the report on January 5, 2025.

In late February, Mamata Banerjee raised the issue but did not mention the organization that discovered the anomalies or reported the issue. A few days later, after the Bengal Chief Minister’s comment, the Election Commission, in its press briefing, only mentioned that the issue was being posted on social media. The Commission neither acknowledged Mamata Banerjee, eNewsroom, nor the NGO. However, sources at the Bengal State Election Commission confirmed that it had received a letter from the Mancha and forwarded it to the National Election Commission, after which the press conference was held.

The significance of the duplicate voter issue for the opposition is clear. After Banerjee highlighted it, TMC leaders held a press conference in Delhi. Now, the Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, has also spoken about it, both inside and outside Parliament.

Yet, throughout this entire process, neither the Mancha nor the media organization has been mentioned. Additionally, the people from the Mancha have now gone silent on the matter.

Even without receiving credit, as a media organization, eNewsroom has been raising such important issues for the past eight years and will continue to do so. We believe that it is the people and their rights that matter to us.

From Hunger to Humanity: What the World Can Learn from the Sacred Fast of Ramadan

Jawhar Sircar
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From Hunger to Humanity: What the World Can Learn from the Sacred Fast of Ramadan

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here are admirable traits in all religions that I salute. Very recently, the world’s largest congregation of humanity took their sacred dip at the maha-prayag of Mahakumbh. Yogi’s team claims 66 crores bathed, while mature estimates place this at 25 crores — still a world record. We admire the tremendous social service that Sikhs render across the globe, like offering free food to all irrespective of religion or origin, in every Gurudwara. They are the first to cook and provide hot meals for Americans stranded during wildfires and snowstorms. Similarly, the Muslim custom or mandatory charity or Zakat that every earning Muslim has to render to the less fortunate is simply outstanding. And right now, what amazes many is how some least 150 crores or more of the 204 crore Muslims all over the world (1/4th of humanity) will be working like normal every day throughout March 2025 — without a drop of water or a morsel of food. What astonishing self-discipline!

The more we learn of other religions, the more we understand each other and the initial doubts and misgivings about other religions disappear. We understand the special features of other religions and also the fact that, ultimately, all devout people everywhere seek the blessings of the Almighty.

Ramzan: A Time for Reflection and Discipline

This current Muslim month of Ramzan or Ramadan is the ninth of their lunar calendar. Prophet Muhammad instituted the custom of fasting from dawn to dusk — to commemorate the first revelation of the Holy Quran to him. Some Arabs practised this mandatory fast even before Islam arrived, like the Mandeans of northern Iraq who were reported by Abu Zanad in the mid-eighth century. As is known, Prophet Muhammad often turned around quite a few pre-Islamic festivals of the period of Jahiliyyah or ‘ignorance’ into observances that bore the stamp of ethics and new meaning.

Jews observe fast on Yom Kippur and Christians used to do so during Lent before Easter. Other religions, like Hinduism, also enjoy certain days of religious fasting. Hinduism prescribes a period of strictly restricted diet like Navaratri, but most leave it to the individual to decide. The binding observance on such a large scale as Muslims do all over the world is really beyond comparison.

The Power of Fasting: A Global Tradition

The Arabs call it Ramadan which is from their root word for scorching heat or dryness. It was meant to take physical suffering head-on — deliberately — in order to strengthen one’s resolve and inner conviction. Muslims practice strict Sawm and after a pre-dawn meal called Suhoor and their first prayer Fajr, they do not touch even a drop of water or any food until the sun sets. Islam exempts only the sick or those who are really old or travelling, as well as pregnant women.

How long is the fast? India like Arab countries could have it for 15 to 16 hours, while in New Zealand it could be for less than 10. But as we go up to Europe or North America, daylight hours extend to 20 hours, while the sun never sets near the North Pole. To obviate extreme rigour, Muslims may simply stick to the sunset hours of Mecca.

Taraweeh: The Spiritual Significance of Nightly Prayers

Several mosques all over the world arrange for the entire Quran to be recited over thirty nights in prayers called Taraweeh.

Despite the uncompromising Roza, common Muslims celebrate the month and lights and lanterns are strung in mosques and public places, a tradition that was started in Egypt. While Indonesians and Malaysians light obor torches and twinkling pelita lamps, the Gulf countries light up mosques quite ostentatiously. In many countries, giant drums, firecrackers and microphones are used to wake up people before the sun appears.

Iftar: Unity Through Shared Meals

It is only normal for everyone to look forward to sunset when the fast is broken — usually with dates and a sweet drink. Then comes Maghrib, which is the fourth of the five namaz that a pious Muslim observes every day.

In India, Iftar, the community meal taken after the whole day’s fast, assumed a political dimension— to display overt secularism — or a show of power and status. But, nevertheless, the real Iftaar is meant to bring the entire community together — to share food in common. Iftar has given rise to a whole genre of culinary excellence and food markets that are shut during the day and bustle in the evenings with tantalising aromas and abundant choices.

Zakat: Charity at the Heart of Ramzan

As mentioned, a most remarkable Islamic virtue is that of compulsory charity, Zakat.  It is another pillar of Islam that mandates that the poor must be given a portion of one’s earnings as Sadaqah. During Ramzan, this is increased as religious merit also becomes more.

What is less known to outsiders is that Muslims are also expected to exercise utmost restraint in every form of behaviour and abstain from sexual relations during their fast. All forms of good conduct are amply rewarded by the Almighty during this holy period and this injunction against aggression or spite is as important as fasting. In this context, it is tragic to see (that other than a brutal Israel) some Muslims are also waging a war on their co-religionists in the Middle East during this holy month.

Frank Huzur: The Unseen Rebel Who Navigated Politics with Creativity and Integrity

Vidya Bhushan Rawat
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Frank Huzur: The Unseen Rebel Who Navigated Politics with Creativity and Integrity

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he sudden and untimely demise of author-activist Frank Huzur has shocked everyone who knew him. He reportedly passed away at a hospital in Delhi due to cardiac failure in the intervening night of March 5th-6th. Though there was no clarification in the beginning about his whereabouts, it was certain that his last meeting was with Rahul Gandhi on March 4th along with other activists, a group photo of which he shared with me on the same day.

Frank was an acclaimed author, and his biography of Imran Khan, entitled Imran vs Imran, was highly appreciated by critics. However, he could not continue with that tradition of internationalism. A die-hard secularist, Frank was born Manoj Kumar Yadav in the Buxar district of Bihar. He received his education at St Xavier’s Ranchi and then at Hindu College in Delhi. He began participating in cultural events, particularly theatre, at an early age under the name Manoj Kumar, as he wanted to distance himself from domestic caste identities. He was not satisfied with that and changed his name to Manoj Khan. His first drama, Hitler in Love with Madonna, was initially written under the name Manoj Khan. However, the drama could not be performed due to political controversy in the mid-1990s, when Hindutva groups were gaining prominence, not just in the streets and villages of India but also in universities. There was a lot of controversy, and realizing this, he completely changed his identity to Frank Huzur. He lived in London initially but returned to India to settle in Lucknow. One does not know whether that was the right decision or not, but his creative world moved towards the rustic politics of Samajwadis in Uttar Pradesh. It must have been a difficult decision for him, but one does not know what inspired him to make this move. He remained unsatisfied with it despite giving his hundred percent to it.

We met around 2004 and became instant friends. He was very impressed with our humanist work and wanted to participate. He respected my thoughts and understanding of not only the caste issues in India but also admired my knowledge of important international issues. He had a great grasp of the language and knew well how to ‘play with words’, but somehow his talent remained unused and unrecognized. Years later, he jumped into the bandwagon of the Samajwadi Party and started a glossy monthly journal, Socialist Factor. Perhaps Akhilesh Yadav thought the magazine would help build his brand with the English-speaking people. Frank did everything to promote the Samajwadi Party as well as brand Mulayam and Akhilesh. However, it is also the fact that the magazine was not merely devoted to the Samajwadi Party. Frank used his connections with creative people from all over the world to write for the journal. He was extremely fond of me and would ask me to contribute regularly, which I always did. To propagate the Samajwadi Party and its agenda, Frank used his soft writing skills to write portraits and lives of the prominent leaders. Later, he wrote biographies not only of Mulayam Singh Yadav but also of Akhilesh Yadav.

Frank Huzur was given a bungalow in Lucknow during the Samajwadi Party government headed by Akhilesh Yadav. It became the office of Socialist Factor, where he put all his creativity on the walls and lawns of his house. He was fond of photography and deeply in love with his wife, Femina Mukta Singh, and their son, Marcos. Their love story fascinated everyone, and even after years of marriage, they remained deeply in love with each other.

His house became a center for all the young or old Samajwadis who would come to Lucknow for their work and stay there. He was a great host, but that was the price you pay to be part of a political culture. The people who thronged his place didn’t necessarily respect his intellect but his connections. The crowd that came to his house were political activists who felt that Frank’s connections with top echelons of Samajwadi Party leadership would help them, and secondly, they were getting the necessary support in terms of hospitality. Though Femina Mukta Singh is also a creative person, I feel they both had to pay a price for this kind of ‘political activism,’ which they were not familiar with. The resources given for Socialist Factor were not much, so Frank could not run an independent autonomous office with several staff, including writers and editors. The magazine did not do well in terms of circulation and could gain nothing from advertisements because, except for being a trophy for some of the Samajwadi Party workers, it was not of much use to them. Afterwards, Frank started Socialist Factor in Hindi, which aimed to galvanize the party workers in Uttar Pradesh. He started participating in Samajwadi Party rallies and meetings all over the state, not only reporting but also finding people who could write regularly. This was a difficult task, as political activists on the ground are not supposed to be more than sloganeers. To find writers from political activists on the ground is difficult because ‘intellectualism’ is a ‘drawing room’ work. Political parties want pamphleteers, and even more than that, they want you to be as artificial as possible in their ‘glorification’.

author-activist frank huzur samajwadi party vidya bhushan rawat
Vidya Bhushan Rawat with Frank Huzur

Some want you to be their ghostwriters, but none want you to become the propagandists of their ideology. The parties that are surviving today have a history of ideological propaganda, and none understands this better than the Dravidian parties. They enriched the political discourse and encouraged youngsters and creative people. That spirit is absent in North India.

After Akhilesh Yadav was out of office, Frank Huzur became a target, and one day he was forcibly evicted from his house. He lost many cats, and there were difficulties for him. After Socialist Factor, his house had become a place for young Samajwadi Party activists who would come and stay over. Frank was investing more into social capital, but the fact is that people were merely coming to him because they felt he had powerful connections with Akhilesh Yadav. Perhaps that resulted in internal backbiting, and soon he was out of favor, though Akhilesh Yadav provided him with a place to stay—a house where Mulayam Singh Yadav used to stay. But Frank was finding it difficult.

It is difficult for a creative person to be comfortable in a political party, particularly if the leaders want you to be their propaganda tool. Frank was a great copy editor and writer. He could have been used in Samajwadi Party’s media department, but that did not happen. There was no space for him in the social media cell where he could have excelled and helped the party. The party was looking for ‘professionals’ and must have invested a lot into it.

I have always asked why the Bahujan parties mostly encourage and support the Brahmanical ‘intellectualism’ or so-called ‘liberals’ and ignore those who have been associated with the Bahujan movement. Probably, they need people who can get them ‘space’ in the media. Rather than creating their own media, they simply wish to be part of the existing media, which has often been hostile to them. The Samajwadi Party has a history of encouraging and supporting forces that later became part of the Hindutva movement. Frankly, they had no sympathy for Samajwad or social justice—only their power and connections brought them to these parties.

It has been more than two days, and we have yet to hear anything officially from the Samajwadi Party. Neither did Akhilesh Yadav speak about him. This is extremely shocking and sad. Frank Huzur associated with the Samajwadi Party for a long time and worked diligently for the party. He was extremely loyal to Akhilesh Yadav from the beginning and did everything to protect them as the ‘greatest’ ‘Samajwadi’ leaders. I always resented many of these overhyped terminologies being used, but he continued with them, probably because of the political pressure.

I don’t know what happened between him and the Samajwadi Party, and he had to look for new avenues. He was very disappointed and slowly started moving towards the Congress Party, particularly Rahul Gandhi, who has been speaking on caste census and issues of social justice. The last meeting of Frank Huzur actually was with Rahul Gandhi, but after his return, he reportedly had a cardiac failure and was brought to the hospital but passed away.

We discussed many times the issue of a cultural organization and engagement with more and more creative people building up intellectual capital emerging from the ground and mostly from the marginalized sections, but those ideas do not excite in the age of fast-food activism. You are known for your ‘reach’ on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook. If you don’t have anything of such kind, you are of no use to the political parties. So, an intellectual with an understanding of culture and society, particularly those who promote Bahujan philosophy and ideology, are actually ‘unwanted’ and ‘persona non grata’ for these parties.

Frank Huzur was an ‘alien’ in political activism. A creative person at heart, he could write great profiles and interesting stories, either sitting at his desk or interviewing people. Unfortunately, he was often compelled to do things that went against his intellect. A liberal humanist, he enjoyed evenings with his friends and family, but politics started taking its toll. He was a creative individual, yet in the din of political activism, he had little time to devote to his creativity. Political activism is not meant for creative people unless they are fully immersed in the shouting brigade of their respective parties, influencing their “jaatis”—which Frank was not comfortable with.

In India, surviving as an autonomous writer is nearly impossible; you need recognition from your party or community to be acknowledged as a writer. Unfortunately, this often turns into political sloganeering and pamphleteering. The reality is that today’s writers are rapidly becoming part of this system. Independent thinkers are despised because of the intense competition everywhere. People are willing to “crawl if asked to bend,” as LK Advani famously said about the Emergency period. But today, we are even worse than that, resulting in the isolation of those who maintain principled stands. Frank was caught in this tension—doing something that was not natural to him. Political activism did not give him what he deserved, yet it demanded “full loyalty,” even at the cost of his creativity, which had to be converted into a propaganda tool for the party. In response, the body does things that the heart and mind resist, leading to depression and suffocation. Many are suffering like this today.

We critique capitalism, fanaticism, and religious bigotry, but ironically, these are the only things thriving in the market. Those who remain uncompromising feel suffocated and unwanted because they can’t submit to the demands of flattery or total submission. Without such compromises, they face rejection and isolation. This crisis is serious and demands urgent introspection.

Frank Huzur’s creative potential remained unfulfilled and unutilized. His talent could have served the party and its leadership, to whom he devoted his life for over twenty years. Sadly, neither the Samajwadi Party nor its leadership have expressed condolences or sympathy for his wife, Mukta Singh, and son, Marcos, even today. In this age of social media, such disregard is troubling. It reflects the growing brutality of our political system, where leaders become increasingly insensitive. Today, value is measured by your “reach” on social media, not by your intellect or contributions. Competing with media “professionals” is a difficult and often unwanted task for intellectuals. Political leaders now prefer personalities like Kumar Vishwas, or the Babas from Art of Living or Bageshwar, rather than creative individuals who may challenge the status quo. Frank Huzur’s untimely death is a warning to those who find themselves unable to compete in the social media-driven world. It underscores the harsh reality of market-driven politics, where your capability and intellect count for little if you don’t have “reach.”

Frank Huzur became a victim of this trap. He dedicated his life, hoping his creativity would flourish, but it never did. This must have been deeply frustrating for him, impacting his health. Frank will be especially missed by the young aspirants in Bahujan communities who dreamed of entering the creative world. Our sincere condolences.

‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइट’, ऐसी किताब जिसमें छिपा है- हिन्दी भाषियों के दर्द और उनकी पहचान का सच

ScribeShah
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‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइट’, ऐसी किताब जिसमें छिपा है- हिन्दी भाषियों के दर्द और उनकी पहचान का सच

[dropcap]”पि[/dropcap]छली बार गाँव गया था तो राजन भैया ने एक बात कही- पहले तुम ‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइप’ थे अब ‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइट” हो गए हो।”

‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइट’, दरअसल दिल्ली के ‘राजपाल प्रकाशन’ से छपी किताब का शीर्षक है, जिसकी ये पंक्तियाँ इसी किताब के सबसे आखिर में एक तरह की ठसक के साथ समाप्त हो जाती हैं।

पूरी कहानी सच्ची है, और उन सबका सच भी है जो गाँव-कस्बों में हिन्दी माध्यम से पढ़कर महानगरों के बड़े-कुलीन संस्थानों में प्रवेश तो पा जाते हैं, लेकिन जिन्हें हिन्दी भाषी होने के चलते पिछड़ा जान न सिर्फ अनदेखा किया जाता है, बल्कि तंज, उपहास और अपमान का पात्र भी बना दिया जाता है। प्रभात रंजन बिहार के सीतामढ़ी से दिल्ली के प्रतिष्ठित ‘हिंदू कॉलेज’ में प्रवेश पाने वाले ऐसे ही सच्चे पात्र हैं, एक अंग्रेजीदाँ-अभिजात परिसर में प्रवेश पाने के बाद जिनके सामने सबसे बड़ा संकट होता है- एडजस्ट कैसे हों?

प्रभात रंजन हिन्दी के बेबाक लेखक के रूप में जाने जाते हैं, इस मायने में करीब सौ पेजों की उनकी यह किताब उनकी बेबाकी पुष्टि करती है। पूरी किताब आत्मकथ्य के रूप में है और यह अपनी शुरुआत में कहीं-न-कहीं एक युवा के असामान्य बर्ताव की तरफ हमारा ध्यान खींचती है, जो दरअसल हिन्दी भाषा के लिए पैदा कराई गई हीन-भावना का ही परिणाम है। यही वजह है कि जो ऐसी पीड़ा से गुजरे हैं वे इसकी कथा-व्यथा से जुड़ाव महसूस करते हैं और इस दौरान अपने जीवन के कई प्रसंग भी याद करते हैं।

एक स्थापित लेखक के नजरिए से देखा जाए तो प्रभात रंजन के लिए ऐसी किताब लिखने का विचार ही अपनेआप में साहसी है। इसके दो कारण हैं, पहला तो यह कि एक पड़ाव पर पहुँचने के बाद लेखक अपने गए कल से उन किस्सों को चुनते हैं, जिनमें झिझक, लज्जा, द्वंद है और जिन्हें वे एक किस्सागोई अंदाज में ऐसे सार्वजनिक करते हैं जो मजे-मजे में कई बार खुद का मजाक उड़ाने जैसा लगता है।

दूसरा कारण और भी महत्त्वपूर्ण लगता है कि बौद्धिक दुनिया का एक वर्ग जब ‘हिन्दी वाले’ के हर एक हाव-भाव और उसकी राय को दक्षिणपंथी होने के संदेह के रूप में देख रहा है, तब उसी दुनिया से एक लेखक न सिर्फ हिन्दी के बचाव में लिखते हैं, बल्कि हिन्दी के विरोध में तैयार की जा रहीं धारणाओं को तोड़ने के लिए मुखर होकर अपनी आपबीती सुनाते हैं।

वाकया शुरू होता है ‘हिंदू कॉलेज’ में लेखक के पहले दिन से जुड़ी एक घटना से, जिसमें उसी कॉलेज की एक अंग्रेजीदाँ लड़की उन्हें देख ‘दीज एचएमटी’ कहकर उन पर कमेंट करती है। उस दिन उनके लिए एक बड़े सपने से अधिक बड़ी चीज यह जानना हो जाता है कि एचएमटी मतलब क्या? और एक दिन जब लेखक को एचएमटी का फुल-फार्म मतलब ‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइप’ का पता चलता है तो उन्हें समझ आ जाता है कि ‘हिन्दू कॉलेज’ उनके जैसे लड़के के लिए वह जूता है जो उनके नाप से ज्यादा ही बड़ा है और जिसे संभालते हुए चलना उनके लिए अपनेआप में किसी मुश्किल टास्क से कम नहीं।

उसके बाद बहुत सारे ‘हिन्दी मीडियम टाइपों’ की तर्ज पर लेखक भी माहौल के मुताबिक खुद को ढालने के लिए तरह-तरह के जतन करते हैं, जिनमें ‘या-या’ और टूटे-फूटे अंग्रेजी के शब्दों से आगे अंग्रेजी के गाने, अंग्रेजी के साहित्य, अंग्रेजी के अखबार, अंग्रेजी की फिल्में, फैशन से लेकर बाकी तमाम गतिविधियों के प्रसंग महज फोबिया को कम करने की कड़ी के हिस्से के तौर पर जुड़ते चले जाते हैं। इसी कड़ी में विमल सर, निरंजन, विधान, तेनजिंग, समरेंद्र, रमेश ठाकुर, सुनील, गौरव और अखिलेश भी आते हैं, जो दरअसल हिन्दी भाषा के भीतर की परेशानियों और बाधाओं की तह में जाने और उन्हें जानने के जरिए बनते हैं, और व्यवहारिक रूप से इस बात को समझने के कारण भी बनते हैं कि यदि अंग्रेजी-अभिजात्य की मुख्यधारा ‘आपको’ स्वीकार करती भी है तो किस रूप में? और, यहीं से लेखक को ‘एचएमटी’ के बाद जल्द ही ‘भैया’ शब्द का अर्थ भी समझ आ जाता है।

लेखक के लिए नब्बे के दशक का वह दौर एक ऐसा समय सिद्ध होता है जिसमें उन्हें हिन्दी अनंत मजबूरियों की भाषा नजर आती है। भाषा की इस दीवार को पार करते हुए जिन्होंने अंग्रेजी सीख ली वे ठीक, जो नहीं सीख सके वे हाशिये के लोग रह गए। देखते ही देखते ‘भैया’ से ‘दीदी’, ‘मौसी’, ‘काकी, ‘दादा’ जैसे प्यारे शब्दों के साथ उनके संबंध और उनके अर्थ बदल गए।

इस बदली हुई अर्थो की दुनिया में ‘भैया’ पर ‘संघी’ समझे जाने की तलवार और लटक गई, इसलिए भैया लोग ‘गोबरपट्टी’ के वे रहवासी हो गए, जिन पर साम्प्रदायिकता के विस्तार का आरोप है, यह आरोप एक तरह से भैया लोगों पर एक खासा दबाव है, जिसके चलते उन्हें अपना हर कदम फूँक-फूँककर रखना पड़ता है। क्या खाया, क्या पिया, क्या बोला, क्या किया के उत्तर में ‘भैया’ बात-बात पर सफाई देने का आदी हो गया है इस डर से कि कहीं उसे बौद्धिक जगत से बाहर न कर दिया जाए। दरअसल, इस जगत में एक ऐसी जमात तैयार हो चुकी है जिसके सामने हिन्दी बोलने भर से ज्ञान का स्तर नीचे की ओर खिसकता है।

किसी गंभीर विषय को लेकर हिन्दी वाले की बात मायने रखती भी है तो बस कहने-सुनने के लिए। लेकिन, समस्या यहीं खत्म नहीं होती, बल्कि यहां से एक दूसरा मोड़ लेती है। असल में हिन्दी मीडियम वाले दूसरी तरफ से भी पिसते हैं, क्योंकि हिन्दी पढ़ने, लिखने से लेकर कुछ कहने और सुनने वाले को हिन्दी वाला भी गंभीरता से नहीं लेता। जैसे एक जगह- “.. बाद में जब परिपक्व हुआ तो समझ में आया कि जिस प्रोफेसर साहब के बारे में चुटकुला सुनाया जाता था, वे संस्कृतनिष्ठ हिन्दी बोलते थे, हिन्दी के अच्छे विद्वानों में माने जाते थे, पर उन्हें इस तरह से आज भी कोई याद नहीं करता। आज भी उनके जानने वाले उनका नाम आते ही चुटकुला सुना देते हैं। हिन्दी के बड़े-बड़े विद्वान् भी हिन्दी समाज में चुटकुलों के काम आते हैं।”

“हिन्दी के बड़े-बड़े विद्वान् भी हिन्दी समाज में चुटकुलों के काम आते हैं।” जैसे कई पंक्तियाँ तीर की तरह मन के कोमल हिस्से पर चुभती हैं। वहीं, ‘यू केन किस मी ऑन अ मंडे, अ मंडे इज बेरी-बेरी गुड’ जैसे छोटे-छोटे चैप्टर में बंटा यह आत्मकथ्य कई बार इसी तरह के रोचक कमेंट्स से शुरू होता है और गाँव-कस्बे के परिवेश तक जाता है, जिसमें लेखक अपनी तरह से उनकी तुलना करते हुए उन्हें महानगर की दुनिया से तोलते हैं, सोचते-विचारते हैं और कई तरह की उधेड़-बुन में लगे रहते हुए कई सारी बातें कई सारे किस्से और कई सारे तजुर्बे सुनाते हैं। लेखक का यह तरीका हिन्दी वालों के लिए हिन्दी में किस्सागोई सीखने के काम भी आ सकता है।

आज जब सोशल मीडिया और वैश्विक बाजार के दौर में हिन्दी के लिए कई क्षेत्र खुले हैं तो इस लिहाज से लेखक हिन्दी के भविष्य को सकारात्मक रूप में देखते हैं। हालांकि, आत्मकथ्य अपने अंत की ओर एकलाप में बदलने लगता है जो शेष भाग की तुलना में हल्का बोझिल लगते हुए भी वैचारिक स्पष्टता को दर्शाने की दृष्टि से आवश्यक जान पड़ता है।

Hemant Soren’s Battle Cry: ‘Fight for ₹1.36 Lakh Crore—Jharkhand’s Rights Are Non-Negotiable!’

Staff Reporter
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Hemant Soren’s Battle Cry: ‘Fight for ₹1.36 Lakh Crore—Jharkhand’s Rights Are Non-Negotiable!’

Giridih: Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren called upon the people to be ready to fight against the Centre’s stepmotherly treatment to claim their rights.

Addressing a large crowd during the 52nd Foundation Day of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha’s Giridih chapter, the Chief Minister said, “The Central government always treats us with stepmotherly care. It is ironic that everything—from fields, rivers, to mines—is ours, yet we don’t get our due share. How is that possible? First, we must receive our rightful dues of Rs 1,36,000 crore.”

CM Soren, now sporting a rugged look inspired by his father, Shibu Soren, repeated his statement in Santhali. In his 33-minute long speech, he made several references in the language of the indigenous people.

“Crony capitalists are looting the country. Here, they are trying everything they can. But we are sitting here, and until the Adivasis, Dalits, and minorities receive their due, they will not succeed here,” he said, urging the crowd to stay united.

Expansion on the Jharkhand Government vs. Centre’s Dues Standoff

The stand-off regarding Jharkhand’s dues from the Centre is a critical and ongoing issue. Hemant Soren’s government has been vocal about the Rs 1,36,000 crore that the state believes is owed by the Centre. This amount represents funds that Jharkhand claims are due for its rightful share from natural resources like mines, rivers, and forests, which the state has long struggled to control effectively. Despite the state’s substantial natural wealth, the Centre’s delay in releasing these funds has sparked frustration, particularly as the state continues to face infrastructural deficits and rising poverty rates.

Soren’s comments during the Giridih address are part of a larger political narrative in Jharkhand that underscores the regional government’s struggle for financial autonomy and justice. He has made it clear that the state will not back down in its demand for these funds, which he sees as crucial for the development of Jharkhand and the welfare of its marginalized communities. The standoff with the Centre is also seen as emblematic of the growing tensions between regional governments and the Union Government over fiscal federalism, resource sharing, and the management of state economies.

Maiyya Samman Yojna to Combat Inflation

Soren went on to address the nation’s worsening economic situation, highlighting the rising taxes on essential items like salt, flour, milk, and even school supplies—things that had never been taxed before. He criticized the government’s handling of inflation and emphasized how the Jharkhand government is actively fighting against these burdens. “To ease your difficulties, we are supporting families through the Maiyya Samman Yojna. This program provides direct financial support to lessen the impact of inflation,” he explained.

Soren also cited a recent report from the NITI Aayog, which acknowledged Jharkhand as one of the four Indian states strengthening its economic position. “We affirm that our government is working towards lifting people out of poverty and improving the living standards of those Below the Poverty Line,” he added.

Giridih: From Shibu Soren’s Work Field to Kalpana Soren’s Political Journey

Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) has a long-standing relationship with Giridih, a bond stretching over half a century. On March 4, the ruling party celebrated its 52nd foundation day in the district. The significance of this day goes beyond just being the birthplace of one of the party’s oldest chapters—it was also the work field of JMM’s founder, Shibu Soren. A new chapter was added this year, as Kalpana Murmu Soren, the wife of Hemant Soren and a legislator from Gandey, made her first public appearance as a politician. She marked her one-year milestone in politics with a heartfelt speech.

Kalpana, who had captured national attention with her impressive oratory skills, reflected on her journey. “This is the same platform where you saw me crying. Everyone was there, except Hemant Soren. You were my strength, and I am thankful for it,” she said.

The day before, on March 3, she had celebrated her birthday. On March 4, 2024, she again became emotional, recalling the significance of the moment: “To remember this situation, you all affirmed that if there is a government in Jharkhand, it will be the same government, and we have the Abua government.”

Kalpana Soren also highlighted the significance of the Jharkhand government’s budget, emphasizing that it reflects the promises made by Hemant Soren. “The budget is a reflection of Hemant’s promises,” she stated.

She also requested Minister Sudivya Sonu to work on developing the tourism sector in the region to generate employment opportunities for the people of Giridih.

“It was the dream and vision of Shibu Soren and his colleagues—who left their homes and families to create a separate state – Jharkhand. I salute them. This party is born out of struggle, and I, too, have come from struggles, but you, the people, have always been my strength,” she said.

The Mahabodhi Dilemma: India’s Great Buddhist Shrine Still Struggles for Its rightful Custodians

ScribeShah
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The Mahabodhi Dilemma: India’s Great Buddhist Shrine Still Struggles for Its rightful Custodians

[dropcap]B[/dropcap]uddhist Bhikkhus, activists and various organisations have been protesting at Bodh Gaya demanding handing over the management of the holy shrine of Mahabodhi Buddha Vihara to the Buddhists of India. It is disturbing and extremely sad that even after 75 years of our republic, the most important and sacred place for the Buddhist world has not been handed over to them. There is no doubt about the authenticity or historicity of this shrine as a Buddhist place initially developed by Emperor Asoka the Great but later restored during the Gupta Pala period and consistently followed by various Burmese kings. It is a fact that in the later years as the Buddhist patrons lost their power to the Sena dynasty of Bengal followed by the Mughal invasion, the shrines remained ignored as well as assaulted and ultimately got ruined. One of the greatest services to Buddhism in India was rendered by great British Surveyor Major General A Cunnigham as well as Indian archaeologist Dr Rajendralal Mitra and many others in the early 19th century who were responsible for the restoration of the current site and numerous other Buddhist places just buried under the rubbles of the ruins.

Nobody has ever doubted that Bodh Gaya is the biggest shrine of the Buddhist world over and many of the scholars in the past termed it a pilgrimage such as Mecca for Muslims, Badri-Kedar for Hindus and Jerusalem for Christians. Almost all the documents and research since the beginning have undoubtedly suggested that this is a Buddhist temple and the Bodhi tree is among the oldest trees in the world, even though it was destroyed and uprooted several times it was restored.

We are not going into much detail about that authenticity because unlike other religious ‘disputes’ in India, the issue of Mahabodhi Vihar as a Buddhist temple is a settled one as right from the British scholars to the British Indian administrator treated it as a Buddhist place. The British handled this issue with great care and the negotiations at that point too were not questioning the ‘ownership’ of the land as claimed by Shankar Matth. The Matth’s role was appreciated because it did not convert the shrine into a Hindu temple and Buddhists were allowed to worship there. So both the Hindus and Buddhists worshipped near the complex where Math built a Hindu temple. Here is what the Bengal District Gazetteer of Gaya, 1906 says about Bodh Gaya and Mahabodhi Vihar.

‘The temple was originally a Buddhist shrine but for a long time past, it has been in the possession of a Hindu Mahanth belonging to an order founded by the bitterest enemies of Buddhism. It has fallen into complete ruin and would have soon disappeared had not the government restored it at its own cost, in consequence, they maintain a custodian for the care of the building and to see to its repair. The Mahanth controls the worship and receives the offerings made by the Buddhists and the Hindu pilgrims. The government maintains an attitude of impartiality on all religious questions affecting the shrine. The Buddhists perform the rites of their religion at the shrine and under the Bodhi tree, just as Buddhists of different countries have done for centuries past and Hindus also make offerings under the tree as it is recognized as one of the 45 places which Hindus visit while performing the religious ceremonies for the salvation of their ancestors which centres around the holy city of Gaya. This Hindu reverence for trees is very old but by the side, there is a Hindu cult of a very recent growth, as Hindu worship, which has been pronounced a spurious and unorthodox character, is offered at the shrine itself’[1].

About the historic Bodhi tree, it says, ‘This tree is the oldest historical tree in the world and has an eventful history. It was first cut down by Asoka in his unregenerate days but after he became a believer in the law of Buddha, he lavished an inordinate devotion upon it. His queen, jealous of this attachment and grudging the jewel which Asoka offered to the tree, again had it cut down but for a second time, it was miraculously restored to life [2].

Interestingly, Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore visited Bodh Gaya in January 1922 and was overwhelmed to see this Buddhist shrine. He said, I am sure it will be admitted by all Hindus who are true to their ideals, that it is an intolerable wrong to allow the temple raised on the spot where Lord Buddha attained his enlightenment to remain under the control of a rival sect which can neither have the intimate knowledge of or sympathy for the Buddhist religion and its rites of worship. I consider it to be a sacred duty for all individuals believing in freedom and justice this great historical site to the community of people who still reverently carry on that particular current of history in their living faith’[3].

While the British Indian government was trying to handle this issue carefully, it was the heroic effort of Anagarika Dharmapala, the Buddhist monk and scholar from Sri Lanka who campaigned for its restoration and internationalized it. Though Chinese travellers and scholars like Hwen Thsang, and Faxian had already narrated about this centuries ago as well and the Burmese Kings were already involved in its restoration, it was Anagarika Dharmapala who took the issue to the United States as well as Japan. While the British scholars, excavators and archaeologists were already doing their work to maintain and restore various Buddhist sites in India. Japan was a leading world power during those days and its involvement helped as the British authorities then took it more seriously but unfortunately, they did not want to ‘hurt’ the local sentiments as there was no doubt about the historicity of the site but no local population which could fight for it. Had Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar been active or involved in the issue at this point then things would have been different. Unfortunately, without active local support, one can not fight a big cause like this. The appropriation or occupation of the Buddhist shrines by the Brahmanical elite in India is because of the steady decline of Buddhism due to the loss of power of the Pala dynasty in the  12th century as well as the rise of the Sena dynasty particularly King Sasank, who was a staunch opponent of Buddhism. Subsequently, many stories also make mention of various Mughal rulers and their local chieftains responsible for the destruction of these historical places.

Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha formed a committee with Babu Rajendra Prasad as its Convenor and passed a resolution on 21st January 1923 saying, ‘Babu Rajendra Prasad is authorized to investigate the proposal of placing the custody of Bodh Gaya temple in the Buddhist hands and to make a report to this committee. Babu Rajendra Prasad is also empowered to co-opt suitable persons in the investigations.’[4]

The Hindu Mahasabha of Bihar province too passed the following resolution on April 6th, 1925

‘Lord Buddha is one of the ten avatars of Hindus and the only deity whom the Buddhists worship. The temple of Bodh Gaya is therefore a sacred place ( teerth)  for the followers of both religions. And it is a perfectly natural desire, therefore, on the part of both communities to keep this sacred place in their possession. Then in the present day both the communities resort to the place for worship and prayer.  People from both communities desire that each one of them should be freely allowed to offer worship and prayer in its peculiar way, according to its customs and religious injunctions and that there should not be any obstacle in its way of doing so. This conference therefore thinks that the Buddhists of India should be offered due share in the management of the temple and the arrangement of the offering of the worship therein. This conference appoints the following committee to make a report to the Provincial Hindu Sabha within three months as to the steps that should be taken to protect the common rights of both the Hindus and the Buddhists. It also requests the Mahanth of Bodh Gaya to render all possible help to the committee and a due and proper discharge of its duties. This resolution will have nothing to do with the properties attached to the Math of Both Gaya’. [5]

Unfortunately, despite all the noises made by the committee under Babu Rajendra Prasad, it felt that the management of the shrine should be handled by a joint committee of both the Buddhists and Hindus together. There was another issue, which was important, the Hindu Mahasabha had suggested keeping the issue of the ‘ownership’ of the property outside the purview of the management.

The committee suggested based on the suggestion of Hindu Mahasabha ‘that the shrine be managed by both the Hindus and Buddhists and that the Mahanth be the ex-officio member for the ‘time being’. It also made it clear the issue of the property of Math has nothing to do with all this which means the property will remain with the Mahant. Though Mahant claims to have a firman from Shah Alam he could not produce anything to the committee. Mahadev Gir was Mahant from 1642 to 1682 and the period of Shah Alam was much later.

After independence, the Bihar government brought it under the control of special management after passing a law Bodhgaya Temple Management Act 1949. Under this act, the management of Bodh Gaya temple is de facto in the hands of Brahmins who happened to be a majority. There are four members to be appointed from the ‘Hindu community and four from the Buddhist Community. The District Magistrate is the ex officio Chairman of the committee. Activists alleged that in most of the ‘temple management committees’, in India, the Brahmins get appointed overwhelmingly everywhere and Bodh Gaya is no exception to it.

UNESCO declared Mahabodhi Vihar as a World Heritage site on 29th June 2002. Its citation says,

Criterion (i): The grand 50m high Mahabodhi Temple of the 5th-6th centuries is of immense importance, being one of the earliest temple constructions existing in the Indian sub-continent. It is one of the few representations of the architectural genius of the Indian people in constructing fully developed brick temples in that era. Criterion (ii) The Mahabodhi Temple, one of the few surviving examples of early brick structures in India, has had a significant influence on the development of architecture over the centuries.

Criterion (iii): The site of the Mahabodhi Temple provides exceptional records for the events associated with the life of Buddha and subsequent worship, particularly since Emperor Asoka built the first temple, the balustrades, and the memorial column. Criterion (iv) The present Temple is one of the earliest and most imposing structures built entirely in brick from the late Gupta period. The sculpted stone balustrades are an outstanding early example of sculptural reliefs in stone.

Criterion (vi): The Mahabodhi Temple Complex in Bodh Gaya has a direct association with the life of the Lord Buddha, being the place where He attained the supreme and perfect insight.

Now the question is when each person and party who matters in this affair do not doubt the historicity of Bodh Gaya MahaVihar then what is the obstacle to hand it over to the Buddhists which is rightfully there. As far as the Hindu Temple or the Matth is concerned, nobody beyond Bihar knows much about this so-called Hindu mandir there. Hindus have important pilgrim centres and temples. Gaya, which is 10 kilometers away from Bodh Gaya is considered to be an important Hindu place and nobody questions that. It was clear from the beginning that the Mahant claimed to have gained Zagir or Zamindari from the Mughal kings and it was his source of income apart from both the temples. We all know well how the Brahmanical lobby scuttled all efforts towards Zamindari Abolition, an issue so dear to then Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru. The Zamindari Abolition Act came in 1951 and it was mostly challenged in Bihar where Brahmins, Bhumihars, Kayasthas and Rajputs had big Zamindari. People remain under the illusion that only Rajputs had Zamindari but in Bihar Bengal Zamindari was not the sole domain of Rajputs Brahmin-Bhumihar-Kayasthas had huge Zamindars in Bengal and Bihar.

It was estimated that Bodh Gaya Matth had over 18000 acres of land (many estimated it over 30,000 acres) and it was the main source of his ‘power’ which he wielded on the poor landless people, a majority of them Dalits, particularly like Mushahars, Doms, Bhuiyan and other backward communities. Jaya Prakash Narayan addressed a historic gathering of landless peasants and other political activists on April 18th, 1975. The Bodh Gaya land movement continued till 1987 when the Bihar government distributed 18,000 acres of land among 11000 landless farmers, a majority of them landless women and Dalits. Gaya, Bhojpur, Ara, and Jahanabad remained the hotbed for the movement for land rights of the landless communities, mostly mobilized by the violent left groups. One needs to understand why the religious-political nexus always opposed land reforms and found different ways to circumvent land ceiling laws by forming various religious trusts.

At the beginning of the 19th and 20th centuries, we did not have enough support for the cause of Buddhism except for those coming from outside like Japan, China, Thailand, Burma and other countries. All shades of political leaders have felt proud of India’s historical Buddhist past. Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru believed in Panchsheel. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been speaking about Lord Buddha in great reverence and participates in Buddhist festivals and events. His government claims to look to the east policy and most of our eastern neighbours are Buddhist countries and have great respect for India as it is truly the land of Buddha.  There will not be a political party which will oppose handing over the greatest shrines of the Buddhist world to the Buddhist community to manage and maintain it.

Before I conclude, I wish to add this thought-provoking letter of Swami Sachchidananda Saraswati on February 1st, 1926 as appeared in the Mahabodhi journal. One may agree or disagree with many of the observations but what is important to understand is his ultimate aim.

‘It is a great shame for all Hindus that they should allow an individual Saivite Mahant to control the greatest Buddhist shrine. Is it just and right? It is a great surprise that some Hindus do not raise objections against the forcible occupation by an individual sectarian non-Buddhist Mahant of a temple erected in the memory of Lord Buddha, the only teacher of and revered by the whole Buddhists world of 500 million Buddhists. No Hindu can control any Christian or Muslim shrine by such an undesirable means. This is a great injustice to Buddha, Buddhism and one-third of the World Population which follows Buddha and Buddhism. So long as the Hindus, not to say of an individual non-Buddhist Mahant, will keep control of the greatest Buddhist temple, the whole Buddhist world will look down upon Hindus and say that there is a great injustice in India. Therefore, I pray each member of the Indian National Congress and Hindu Mahasabha should take a keen interest in the matter and do justice to Buddha and Buddhists. When the Indian National Congress demands complete swaraj from the British government which is due to the Indians Why should not the Congress do justice by giving the transfer of the Buddhist temple to the Buddhists? We find in our Hindu scriptures that India was a great fount of justice and truth but at present, I see with regret the groundless obstacles placed in the sincere and just attempt over the complete management of this greatest Buddhist shrine to its legitimate custodians. If anyone wants justice from the others the former should first deal justice with others. In the Khilafat movement days, the Hindus helped Khilafatis, in the Akali movement days they helped the Akalis, why shouldn’t the Hindus help Buddhists to regain their holiest shrine?

The question is one of pure justice. If the Hindu Mahasabha fails to do justice to the Buddhists. There is no doubt that the Buddhists will be morally affected and be far and far away from it. If it be the aim of All India Hindu Mahasabha, that all the people of different religions should give equal treatment to one another and live amicably with one another then it should give justice and equal treatment to Buddhism and Buddhists also and allow the latter to have the full management of their holiest shrine.

Therefore, let us, the Hindus, with our usual sincere and justice-loving hearts assure Buddhists of our unanimous opinion that we will give a complete transfer of Buddhist temples to them. Let us be also assured that they will allow the Hindus to worship Buddha freely as they should do to Buddha and that neither the Buddhists nor the Hindus should offer fish or meat before the Buddhist statues. I further appeal to all sincere Hindus who criticize the report and support the Buddhist’s claim for the complete management of the Buddhist temple which is justly due to the Buddhists.

Swami Sachchidananda Saraswati,

Calcutta, February 1st, 1926’[6]

A few years back when I met venerable Bhante Nagarjun Surai Sasai, a Japanese by birth but an Indian in action now and asked him about Bodh Gaya, he told me that it is the birthplace of Lord Buddha. I was surprised and shocked as to why he said that. He explained to me, that Lumbini is the birthplace of Prince Siddhartha but it is Gaya that gave birth to Buddha hence BodhGaya Mahabodhi Vihar is the most sacred shrine for Buddhists all over the world. Every Indian should be proud of this rich cultural heritage which the world acknowledges.

It is time for the government of Bihar to take a simple decision. You can call an all-party meeting and listen to their views. You can tell them the history of this movement and the archaeological findings. For a long time, Hindutva leadership asked Muslims to ‘respect’ Hindu sentiments. The Buddhists are asking the same from the Hindus. Will the Hindutva leadership, Congress as well and the Samajwadis learn a few lessons from their past and correct it as all their top leadership accepted and supported the Buddhist claim on the Maha Bodhi Vihar, Gaya? The Ambedkarite fraternity in India is already fighting for a peaceful solution through a democratic and law-abiding struggle. All the political parties and organizations that claim to represent Ambedkarite thoughts and people stand in complete solidarity with the BodhGaya Mahabodhi Vihar movement. Will the Bihar government wake up and listen to the voices and reread its history to hand over this shrine to the Buddhists? Nitish Kumar hails from JP’s movement and so does Lalu Prasad Yadav and Bihar’s landless people owe a lot to that historic Bodh Gaya Land movement which ultimately paved the way towards redistribution of the thousands of acres of land to landless people illegally occupied by the Matth. Buddhists have been wronged. Buddha and the Buddhist past are India’s glorious heritage which makes us proud. Dalits and Ambedkarites were not strong forces and Buddhism was in physical decline in India but Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s historic Deeksha ceremony on 14th October 1956 and subsequent efforts of the Ambedkarites revived Buddhism in India and today the number of Buddhists is increasing in India and abroad. Today, Buddhists in India are ready to take this battle to an end. Buddha was a man of peace and non-violence hence the longer this struggle stretches the bitter the relations between the Hindus and Buddhists. Government must ensure that such bitterness is not allowed to spread widely and it will only be possible if the shrine’s management is handed over to Buddhists of India.

[1]Bengal District Gazetteers, Gaya by L S S O’Malley, ICS, Calcutta, The Bengal Secretariate Book Depot, 1906,  P 50-51

[2] ibid P-52

[3]https://www.telegraphindia.com/culture/books/rabindranath-tagore-a-poem-that-defined-the-buddha-and-sujata-stupa/cid/1818901

[4]Mahabodhi and the United Buddhist World Volume 34, January 1926 No 1, P 2,

 [5] Ibid P 4

[6]Mahabodhi : March 1926 Volume XXXIV     Volume III, Mahabodhi and the United Buddhist World Volume 34 P 165-166

How a Village’s Love Fueled a Blind Orphan’s Academic Rise

Kibria Ansary
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How a Village’s Love Fueled a Blind Orphan’s Academic Rise

Kolkata: Osnai Sheikh, a 30-year-old visually impaired man from Thanarpara Fazilnagar in Karimpur II block of Nadia, has overcome unimaginable hardships to pursue education and self-reliance. Losing his sight at the tender age of four and becoming an orphan at five, his journey has been one of resilience, determination, and the unwavering support of his village. While many in his position would have succumbed to despair, Osnai chose to fight for his future, navigating the challenges of poverty and disability to achieve what seemed impossible.

An Extraordinary Academic Journey

Despite severe financial constraints, he pursued his education with unrelenting commitment. In 2017, he completed his secondary education (Madhyamik) from Behala Blind School in Kolkata, securing 54%. Two years later, in 2019, he passed his Higher Secondary (HS) exams from Madanpur Central Adarsha Vidyapith High School with 49%. Encouraged by the villagers, who became his guardians, he continued his academic journey.

Determined to go further, he pursued higher studies and earned a degree in political science from Rabindra Bharati University in 2022, securing an impressive 65%. Not stopping there, he completed his post-graduation in political science from Burdwan University in 2024 with 55%. Currently, he is enrolled in a private institution in East Burdwan, striving to complete his Bachelor in Education (BEd). However, financial constraints now pose a serious threat to his education. “I need around Rs 1 lakh for my BEd. I somehow managed to deposit Rs 25,000, but I am unsure how I will arrange the remaining amount. If I don’t get the funds, I may have to discontinue my studies,” he shared.

visually impaired osnai sheikh blind scholar orphan Kolkata News
Osnai Shaikh | eNewsroom

A Childhood Marked by Struggles

Osnai’s early years were filled with hardship. Losing his mother at the age of five, he found solace in his father’s care—only to lose him nine years later. Suddenly orphaned, his future became a matter of concern for the entire village. With no immediate family to rely on, he was taken in by his paternal aunt, Sonabanu Khatun. A single woman working as a domestic helper, Sonabanu herself struggled daily to make ends meet. Yet, despite her limited means, she took on the formidable task of raising Osnai, ensuring he never lost hope.

The family’s financial condition remained dire. With Sonabanu’s advancing age and deteriorating health, their hardships only increased. Some days, they survived on the generosity of villagers who offered food and financial help. “Sometimes, villagers would provide them with meals. Their condition is still miserable,” said Rabiul Sheikh, a local resident.

The Fight for Employment

Though he has conquered the world of academia, the battle for self-sufficiency remains. With no income and his aunt unable to work, Osnai is desperate to find employment. Determined to secure a livelihood, he has submitted a written application to the District Magistrate, Sub-Divisional Officer, and Block Development Officer of Nadia district, requesting a government job. He has also appealed to his local MP and MLA, as well as Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, but has yet to receive a response.

“I have done everything I could. I’ve gone from office to office, submitted applications, but I am still waiting for a response,” Osnai rued to eNewsroom. Despite his efforts, his future remains uncertain, highlighting the broader issue of limited employment opportunities for persons with disabilities.

visually impaired osnai sheikh blind scholar orphan Kolkata Bengal
Osnai’s letter to the CM

A Community’s Collective Hope

Osnai’s resilience has won him the admiration of his village. Many believe he deserves a stable government job, not just as a reward for his perseverance but as a necessity for his survival. “Even students from privileged backgrounds struggle to complete post-graduation, yet Osnai has done it despite being visually impaired. It is heartbreaking to see him running from one office to another in search of work,” remarked a local resident.
Rebaul Mondal, a teacher, echoed the sentiment, saying, “This young man could have chosen to beg, but instead, he fought against all odds to complete his education. He now wants to stand on his own feet, but the government is not giving him a chance. It’s deeply unfortunate.”

Adding to the frustration is the lack of recruitment despite job vacancies in various government departments. “People advise him to take the government job exams, but the real question is—where are the vacancies? Many government offices have openings, yet no hiring is taking place,” Mondal added.

The Endless Wait

As days pass, the uncertainty surrounding Osnai’s future grows heavier. “How long will I rely on others? My aunt raised me with immense difficulty. Now, it’s my turn to support her, but I have no means to do so. If I get a government job, I can take care of my family. But I’ve been to so many offices, and no one is responding. How long will I remain unemployed?” he questioned, his voice filled with despair.

Karimpur II Block Development Officer (BDO) Supratik Majumdar acknowledged Osnai’s plight but expressed his limitations in helping. “I don’t have the authority to offer him the kind of work he wants. All government employees here are appointed through job exams. I cannot give him a job from the BDO office,” he explained.

A Call for Action

Osnai Sheikh’s journey is not just a story of one man’s struggle; it is a reflection of the larger systemic challenges faced by persons with disabilities. Despite his determination, intelligence, and educational achievements, he stands at a crossroads, waiting for an opportunity that may never come unless the system acknowledges his efforts and steps in to help.

His village continues to stand by him, hoping that their collective voice will reach the right ears. Latib Ansari, another local resident reacted, “If he gets a government job, it will not only change his life but also bring relief to his family. The government should step forward to help him”.

Muslims and the Myth of ‘Appeasement’: The Real Story of Economic Exclusion in India

Ram Puniyani
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Muslims and the Myth of ‘Appeasement’: The Real Story of Economic Exclusion in India

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he economic plight of minorities, particularly Muslims has been an alarming factor for all those who would like the society to strive for equality and justice. If we see the origin of the Muslim community in India apart from the spread of Islam through Arab traders from the 7th Century AD in Malabar Coast, the majority of conversions have been mainly from the victims of caste oppression who were also economically deprived sections of society. During the Mughal period, the Muslim King ruled from Delhi-Agra. During this, the structure of society where landlords were Hindus in great numbers the economic plight of large sections of Muslims remained similar to poor Hindus.

After the 1857 uprising, the backlash from the British was directed more against Muslims as Bahadur Shah Zafar was the one who was leader of this rebellion. The Muslim community had to face the bigger brunt of the British wrath. Post Independence the biases and myths against Muslims were highlighted and gradually they became major targets of the communal forces. As other communities were coming forward and lifting themselves through education and jobs, Muslims lagged due to multiple reasons, including the prevalent propaganda against them and the inheritance of their economic backwardness.

Our Constitution recognized the social and economic backwardness of Dalits and Adivasis giving them the reservation which held the communities in some way. While at the National level, OBCs got 27% reservations in 1990, some states on their own had brought this earlier also. By and large, these OBC reservations were strongly opposed by Organizations like “Youth for Equality”.

Even the reservations for Dalit’s other sections started getting opposed at a large level like the anti-Dalit and anti-caste violence of the 1980s and then in mid-1985 in Gujarat. Meanwhile, as the Constitution did not recognize the reservations based on religion, the minorities kept languishing in economic backwardness. Some states did try to incorporate Muslims in the OBC quota but any move to uplift this community through quotas was strictly opposed by the Hindu Nationalist forces. The economic status of this community was a terrible mix of insecurity due to violence and economic deprivations due to a lack of jobs and ghettoization, which was the direct outcome of violence. Every time some talk of reservation for Muslims came up it was strongly countered by Hindutva politics and they cried hoarse about the ‘appeasement of Muslims’. This also put some brakes on the intentions of the state to undertake the implementation of the recommendations of the committees.

One recalls that after the Sachar Committee came out with the report in 2006, Dr Manmohan Singh, the then Prime Minister of the country, stated his intention to undertake the reforms to improve the lot of this hapless community. “The component plans for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes will need to be revitalized. We will have to devise innovative plans to ensure that minorities, particularly the Muslim minority, are empowered to share equitably in the fruits of development. They must have the first claim on resources. The Centre has a myriad of other responsibilities whose demands will have to be fitted within the overall resource availability.”

The state did try to understand the economic plight of Muslims through the Gopal Singh Committee, Ranganath Mishra Commission and finally Sachar Committee. Most of these reports pointed out that the economic condition of Muslims is pathetic and has worsened over the last many decades.

This was propagated by the BJP company as “This is what the Congress manifesto says,” he (Narendra Modi) claimed, “They will take stock of the gold that (our) mothers and sisters have, they will count and assess it, and then they will distribute that wealth, and they will give it to those people that Dr Manmohan Singh’s government had said – that Muslims have the first right to the nation’s wealth.”

It is in this light that one welcomes a new report from US-India Policy Institute and Centre for Development Policy and Practice, ‘Rethinking Affirmative Action for Muslims in Contemporary India’. The report has been prepared by Hilal Ahmad, Mohammad Sanjeer Alam and Nazeema Parveen. This report takes an approach away from the quota for Muslims. They recognize that the Muslim community has different economic layers. While few of them are prosperous and don’t have to be considered for reservations. For the majority of sections of Muslims, they suggest a religion-neutral approach, focusing more on caste. Here caste-occupation is what should be looked at.

Already an increase in the ceiling is being campaigned by many to increase. With that apart from other things more Muslim categories can also be accommodated in OBC and Dalit quotas. The report uses CSDS-Lokniti data. The authors of the report also consider the perceptions of Muslim communities. As reservations for Muslims are like a ‘red rag to the bull’ for the BJP and its ilk, the report talks more about accommodating these sections related to occupation-based OBC. The Pasmanda Muslims, (Low caste ones’) the most deprived among Muslims, do fall in the category of Dalits. Many Christian communities also fall into this category, which also needs state support for a decent livelihood.

The report also considers the changing nature of the state and calls it a ‘Charitable state’ which uses the word Labharthi for those who benefit from the state schemes. As per Hilal Ahmad, one of the authors of the report, as far as the state is concerned there is a shift from “…’ group centric approach’ to ‘space centric’ welfarism.

They recommend a rational, secular subcategorisation of OBCs. Existing schemes and programs need to be jacked up. Affirmative action is the need of the hour. Here given all other qualifications-experience being equal; preference is given to the marginalized (Caste, Gender) for the selection for a job. There are many artisans in these communities; upscaling their technology should help them.

The report is comprehensive and keeps the limitations of the present situation where the ruling politics treats minorities close to second-class citizens. The million rupee question is, will the current dispensation following sectarian nationalism implement such a report with sincerity, overcoming their political biases’?

झारखंड में 15 नवंबर से नेतरहाट उत्सव, कच्छ रण उत्सव से मिली प्रेरणा: पर्यटन मंत्री

ScribeShah
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झारखंड में 15 नवंबर से नेतरहाट उत्सव, कच्छ रण उत्सव से मिली प्रेरणा: पर्यटन मंत्री

गिरिडीह: झारखंड—एक ऐसी जगह जो खनिज दौलत और अपार संभावनाओं से भरी हुई है। इसके बावजूद, यह अब तक हिंदुस्तान के पर्यटन के नक्शे पर उतना चमकता नहीं दिखा। लेकिन अब यह बदलने जा रहा है।

जल्द ही, झारखंड एक ऐसा राज्य बनेगा, जो देसी और विदेशी सैलानियों को यादगार मेमोरीज देगा।

एक शानदार विरासत

झारखंड साल 2000 में बिहार से अलग हुआ था। इस इलाक़े को पहले हैल्थ रिसॉर्ट के तौर पर जाना जाता था। तब ये दक्षिण बिहार कहलाता था, और 70 के दशक तक कई नामचीन बंगाली हस्तियां यहां गर्मियों में वक्त गुजारने और काम करने आते थे।
यही वो जगह है जहां सर जेसी बोस ने ‘क्रेस्कोग्राफ मशीन’ बनाई, जिससे यह साबित हुआ कि दरख़्तों में भी ज़िंदगी होती है। यहीं मशहूर गणितज्ञ पीसी महलनोबिस ने हिंदुस्तान का दूसरा भारतीय सांख्यिकी संस्थान क़ायम किया। गोमोह रेलवे स्टेशन—जहां से नेताजी सुभाष चंद्र बोस ने अंग्रेजों को चकमा देकर निकलने का ऐतिहासिक फ़ैसला किया—अब ‘सुभाष चंद्र बोस गोमोह रेलवे स्टेशन’ कहलाता है।

इतिहास से हटकर अगर पिछले दो महीने की बात करें, तो झारखंड अब कई नए तजुर्बों से सैलानियों को आकर्षित करने की तैयारी कर रहा है। इसमें जमशेदपुर का पहला स्काईडाइविंग शो (जारी है), मेक माय ट्रिप के साथ पार्टनरशिप, चार ग्लास के शानदार पुल की प्रशासनिक स्वीकृति, माइन टूरिज़्म, नाइट सफ़ारी और जंगल सफारी की तैयारी शामिल है।

इन तमाम नए क़दमों को देखते हुए, ईन्यूज़रूम ने झारखंड के पर्यटन मंत्री सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू से बात की, ताकि यह समझा जा सके कि उनका महकमा राज्य के पर्यटन और मेहमान नवाज़ी के नक़्शे को किस तरह बदलने की तैयारी में है।

सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू, पर्यटन मंत्री:

संतुलन की ज़रूरत

जब मैंने पर्यटन मंत्री का पद संभाला, तो मैंने देखा कि राज्य के पर्यटन की पूरी क्षमता को प्राप्त करने के लिए कुछ अहम मुद्दे थे, जिन पर ध्यान देना ज़रूरी था। सबसे बड़ा मुद्दा था वित्तीय आवंटन में असंतुलन, जहां 70% धार्मिक पर्यटन पर और केवल 30% अन्य क्षेत्रों पर खर्च होता था। मेरा उद्देश्य इसे संतुलित करना है, ताकि झारखंड के पर्यटन के विविध पहलुओं—उसकी समृद्ध संस्कृति, प्रकृति और धरोहर—को समान रूप से बढ़ावा मिल सके।

महकमे की मुश्किलें और हल

दूसरी चुनौती यह थी कि झारखंड के अधिकांश प्रमुख पर्यटन स्थल वन क्षेत्रों में स्थित हैं, और ऐतिहासिक रूप से पर्यटन और वन विभागों के बीच कम सहयोग रहा है। इसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि पर्यटन सुविधाएं अक्सर प्रमुख स्थलों से दूर बनती थीं, और पर्यटकों को वह सुविधाएं नहीं मिल पातीं जिनकी उन्हें उम्मीद होती थी। इस समस्या को हल करना मेरी प्राथमिकता रही है।

जेईटीए को पुनर्जीवित करना

मेरे द्वारा उठाए गए पहले कदमों में से एक था झारखंड इकोटूरिज्म एमेनीटीज़ (JETA) समिति की निष्क्रियता को दूर करना, जिसे 2017 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट के दिशानिर्देशों के तहत स्थापित किया गया था। यह केवल कागज पर मौजूद थी। मैंने इसे पुनर्जीवित करने का निर्णय लिया और इसे झारखंड के पर्यटन स्थलों में विश्वस्तरीय इको-पर्यटन सुविधाओं के विकास की जिम्मेदारी दी।

जेएफ़एमसी में औरतों की हिस्सेदारी बढ़ाना

संयुक्त वन प्रबंधन समिति (JFMC) में महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व केवल 33% था, जबकि बाकी 66% पुरुषों का था। मुझे पूरा विश्वास है कि महिलाएं बेहतर उद्यमी होती हैं, इसलिए मैंने यह प्रस्ताव दिया कि महिला भागीदारी को 50% तक बढ़ाया जाए। विभाग ने इसे स्वीकार किया, और अब महिलाओं का प्रतिनिधित्व आधा होगा, जो वन और पर्यटन प्रबंधन में एक नया दृष्टिकोण लाएगा।

होटल इंडस्ट्री के माहिरों से तालमेल

हमलोग स्थानीय लोगों को आतिथ्य सेवा में प्रशिक्षित करने के लिए देश के बड़े होटल प्रबंधन संस्थानों के साथ पहल कर रहें है—बेडशीट्स बनाने से लेकर उत्कृष्ट सेवा मानकों के साथ भोजन परोसने तक को प्रॉफेश्नल अंदाज में किया जाएगा । हम यह सुनिश्चित कर रहे हैं कि हमारे पास मानक और स्थानीय दोनों प्रकार के भोजन हों, ताकि हमारे विविध पर्यटकों की पसंद को पूरा किया जा सके। वर्तमान में अधिकतर पर्यटक बंगाल से आते हैं, और अक्सर बजट एक चिंता का विषय होता है। इसके लिए हम होमस्टे की शुरुआत करने की योजना बना रहे हैं, जो मैंने सिक्किम में बहुत सफल होते देखा।

इको-टूरिज़्म के लिए रेवेन्यू मॉडल

इको-पर्यटन गतिविधियों से मिलने वाली आय को एक स्पष्ट वितरण मॉडल के तहत साझा किया जाएगा: 60% JETA को मिलेगा ताकि इको-पर्यटन सुविधाओं को बनाए रखा और विस्तारित किया जा सके, और 40% JFMC को मिलेगा ताकि स्थानीय समुदायों को खाद्य सेवाएं और अन्य सुविधाएं मिल सकें।

JTDC को एक आत्मनिर्भर बनाना

झारखंड पर्यटन विकास निगम (JTDC) वर्तमान में 40 होटलों का प्रबंधन करता है, लेकिन वे अपनी पूरी क्षमता के मुताबिक काम नहीं कर रहे थे। मैंने केरल और ओडिशा में उनके आत्मनिर्भर मॉडल का अध्ययन करने के लिए टीमें भेजी और अब हम वही मॉडल यहां लागू कर रहे हैं। हम ताज समूह, रेडिसन और स्टर्लिंग जैसी प्रतिष्ठित आतिथ्य ब्रांडों से पेशेवर प्रबंधकों को लाने की योजना बना रहे हैं ताकि हमारे खाद्य और आतिथ्य सेवाएं वैश्विक मानकों के अनुसार हों।

नेतरहाट फ़ेस्टिवल: तहज़ीब का जश्न

हम ‘नेतरहाट उत्सव’ की शुरुआत करने जा रहे हैं, जो गुजरात के कच्छ के रण उत्सव से प्रेरित है। मैंने ख़ुद कच्छ का दौरा किया और देखा कि कैसे वहां लोकल खान-पान, हस्तकला और रंग-बिरंगी तहज़ीब को उजागर किया जाता है। इसी तरह, हम 15 नवंबर से 15 जनवरी तक झारखंड में दो माह तक चलने वाला यह महोत्सव करेंगे, जहां 80% खाना लोकल होगा, और तमाम सांस्कृतिक सरगर्मियां झारखंड की पहचान को सामने लाएंगी।

झारखंड: नया सफ़र, नया मुक़ाम

राज्य अब एक बड़े बदलाव के दौर से गुजर रहा है। यह तब्दीली सिर्फ़ झारखंड के लोगों के लिए नहीं, बल्कि जल्द ही पूरी दुनिया के लिए भी वाज़ेह हो जाएगी। नई योजनाओं और स्थायी सैरगाही तजवीज़ों के साथ, यह इलाका हिंदुस्तान के सबसे पसंदीदा सैलानी मुकामों में शामिल होने की पूरी तैयारी कर रहा है।

Empowering Women, Enriching Communities: The Jharkhand Tourism Model

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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Empowering Women, Enriching Communities: The Jharkhand Tourism Model

Giridih: Jharkhand, a state brimming with mineral wealth and untapped potential, holds incredible promise for the tourism industry. Despite its natural beauty and historical significance, it remains underexplored, with a modest place on India’s tourist map. But that’s about to change.

Soon, Jharkhand will emerge as a must-visit destination, offering unique and unforgettable experiences for both domestic and international travellers.

A Glorious Legacy

Carved out of Bihar in the year 2000, Jharkhand was once celebrated as a health resort. Before the state’s formation, the region was part of South Bihar, where several iconic Bengali figures sought refuge in the summer months.

This is the land where Sir JC Bose invented the groundbreaking Crescograph machine, proving that plants too possess life, and where the legendary statistician PC Mahalanobis established India’s second Indian Statistical Institute. Gomoh Railway Station, from which Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose made his historic escape, is now aptly renamed Subhash Chandra Bose Gomoh Railway Station.

Beyond these historical milestones, the state is making headlines with thrilling initiatives—Jamshedpur’s first skydiving show, a partnership with Make My Trip, plans to build four spectacular glass bridges, and the introduction of mining tourism, night safaris, and expansive tourist circuits.

In light of these developments, eNewsroom interviewed Jharkhand’s Tourism Minister Sudivya Kumar Sonu to shed light on the ministry’s ambitious plans for transforming the state’s tourism and hospitality sectors.

Sudivya Kumar Sonu, Tourism Minister:

“When I assumed the role of Tourism Minister, I immediately noticed a few key issues that needed to be addressed for the state to realize its full tourism potential. The most glaring one was the disproportionate allocation of funds, with 70% focused on religious tourism and only 30% directed towards other areas. My aim is to balance this, ensuring that the diverse aspects of Jharkhand’s tourism—its rich culture, nature, and heritage—are given equal prominence.”

Overcoming Departmental Silos

“The second challenge lies in the fact that most of Jharkhand’s prime tourist spots are situated in forest areas, and historically, there’s been little collaboration between the tourism and forest departments. The result? Tourist amenities often end up built far from the prime spots, lacking the perfect views and connectivity tourists expect. Addressing this has been a key focus of mine.”

Revitalizing JETA

“One of the first steps I took was to address the dormant state of the Jharkhand Ecotourism Amenities (JETA) committee, established under Supreme Court guidelines in 2017. It had been inactive, existing only on paper. I made it my mission to revamp JETA and tasked it with the responsibility of developing world-class eco-tourism amenities in our scenic tourist destinations.”

Empowering Women in JFMC

“In the Joint Forest Management Committee (JFMC), women representation had been limited to 33%, with the remaining 66% comprised of men. I firmly believe that women are better entrepreneurs, so I proposed increasing female participation to 50%. The department agreed, and now women will make up half of the JFMC groups, bringing a fresh perspective to forest and tourism management.”

Strategic Collaborations with Hospitality Experts

“We’ve partnered with hotel management institutes to train locals in the art of hospitality—everything from making bedsheets to serving food with the finest standards of service. We’re committed to offering both standard and local cuisine to cater to the diverse tastes of our visitors. Most tourists currently come from Bengal and, often, budget is a concern. To address this, we’re looking to introduce homestays, a model I found incredibly successful during my visit to Sikkim.”

Revenue Sharing for Sustainability

“Revenue from eco-tourism activities will be shared with a clear distribution model: 60% will go to JETA to maintain and expand eco-tourism facilities, and 40% will go to the JFMC to ensure that local communities benefit through food services and other provisions.”

Transforming JTDC into a Self-Sustaining Model

“Jharkhand Tourism Development Corporation (JTDC) currently manages 49 hotels, but they have not been performing up to their potential. I sent teams to Kerala and Odisha to study their self-sustainable models, and now we are introducing the same practices here. We plan to bring in professional managers from renowned hospitality brands like the Taj Group, Radisson, and Sterling to ensure that our food and hospitality services meet global standards.”

The Netarhat Utsav: A Cultural Revival

“To promote local culture, we’re launching the Netarhat Utsav, inspired by the successful Kutch Rann Utsav. I visited Kutch myself and saw firsthand how their festival highlights local cuisine, crafts, and cultural activities. From November 15 to December 15, Jharkhand will host a month-long celebration where 80% of the food served will be local, alongside various cultural programs that will showcase the best of Jharkhand’s traditions.”

The state is poised for a transformation that will be evident to the people of Jharkhand—and soon, the world. With bold initiatives and a vision for sustainable tourism, the region is on the brink of becoming one of India’s most sought-after tourist destinations.

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