Eid Message to a Restless World: Why the Alchemy of the Conquest of Mecca is Needed Today

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After a month of rigorous spiritual training and self-purification, Muslims across the globe celebrate the auspicious festival of Eid al-Fitr. However, unlike the conventional festivals of many nations, this sacred day is not merely an occasion for amusement or luxury. It is a profound manifestation of sacrifice, compassion, gratitude, and collective awakening.

While the Muslim Ummah has endured severe trials and internal divisions for decades, and colonial interests have long sought to marginalise Islamic civilisation, the gravity of the current moment is unprecedented. Today, the world witnesses a harrowing contrast: while an unholy alliance pursues aggressive posturing in the Middle East—threatening the stability of sovereign states like Iran—the innocent children of Gaza endure starvation and a brutal genocide. The pursuit of the sinister “Greater Israel” project is targeting Muslim nations in a pattern that echoes the horrifying destruction of Iraq, Syria, Libya, Sudan, and Somalia.

In these critical times, when the Ummah should stand as a “fortified wall” against global fascism, it is tragic that sectarian and regional fissures are being exploited to further weaken us. This Eid-ul-Fitr, therefore, must be more than a celebration; it must be a catalyst for collective self-reflection, a resolve to resist conspiracies, and a mission to offer hope to a suffering humanity.

Reclaiming the Prophetic Code of Conduct

Amidst this darkness, the timeless principles demonstrated during the Battle of Badr, the Battle of Uhud, and the Conquest of Mecca serve as a beacon of light. Through these events, the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ—the Benefactor of Humanity—established a code of conduct that upheld human dignity even in the heat of battle. Today, we must not only reclaim these lessons but also hold a mirror to the hypocrisy of those who claim the mantle of “civilisation” while presiding over modern-day brutality.

It is a faith-inspiring coincidence that these three pivotal events—the Battle of Badr (17th Ramadan), the Conquest of Mecca (late Ramadan), and the Battle of Uhud (5th Shawwal)—are historically clustered around the season of Eid. Each offers a universal message for the contemporary world:

The Battle of Badr teaches us to uphold human values even in the wake of absolute victory. Rather than succumbing to the intoxication of triumph, the early Muslims established an unparalleled standard for the humane treatment of prisoners of war, prioritising justice over vengeance. This historical context serves as a reminder: the joy of Eid should not breed complacency. Instead, it should invigorate our vigilance and strengthen our resolve against those who seek our undoing. True peace will not be found in the stockpiling of weapons, but in the Islamic system of mercy and justice that once transformed the world.

The Conquest of Mecca: An Ocean of Mercy

The Conquest of Mecca stands as a unique miracle in human history. It was a moment that offered every justification for retribution after two decades of relentless persecution, systemic conspiracies, and the staggering loss of Muslim lives and property. Yet, instead of vengeance, an ocean of mercy and compassion overflowed—an example unparalleled in the annals of time. By declaring a general amnesty, the Prophet ﷺ proved that Islam does not conquer through the sword, but through the profound strength of morality and human dignity.

In contrast, today’s world prides itself on being “developed,” operating under the delusion that human civilisation and moral values have reached their zenith. While modern technology and scientific innovation have indeed transformed the structure of human existence, the tragedy lies in their application: these advancements are increasingly weaponised for the destruction of humanity rather than its welfare. We have engineered devastating arsenals capable of erasing flourishing cities in the blink of an eye.

Furthermore, the rule of law has effectively collapsed on the global stage. The very “superpower” that publishes annual sermons on international human rights employs a defence minister who, embodying a fascist mindset, openly declares that “he only wants to win the war.” In this framework, human life, ethical values, and the established laws of war are deemed irrelevant. Even more tragic is the deafening silence of the global conscience. No one possesses the courage to ask: What has become of your lofty moral claims?

Confronting the Hypocrisy of Modern Civilisation

These same powers justified their aggression against Iran by citing the suppression of dissent and the curtailment of women’s freedoms. Yet, the world must ask: what justification exists for the slaughter of 40,000 innocent children in Gaza? Under what tenet of international law was a girls’ school in Iran bombed, claiming the lives of over 150 young students? Those who once championed the slogans of female education and liberation—why is their rhetoric silenced by the blood of these innocent students? Why is there no global reckoning for the systemic depravity revealed by the Jeffrey Epstein case and the elite networks connected to it? This hypocrisy proves that modern “civilisation” is merely a glittering facade, concealing an ancient system of predatory brutality.

The fundamental tragedy of Western civilisation is its self-portrayal as the “saviour of humanity,” while the pages of history show its hands stained with the blood of the innocent. The West claims the mantle of freedom, yet its legacy is defined by the occupation of entire continents and systematic genocide. The slaughter of 100 million Native Americans and 4.5 million Aboriginal people in Australia remains an indelible stain on the conscience of the so-called “civilised world.”

While they baselessly accuse Islam of being “militant,” the reality is that over the last 600 years, the West has instigated more than 2,600 wars. The two World Wars alone claimed over 120 million lives. These statistics testify that the West’s claim to “peacefulness” is a political fiction.

Democracy and the Crisis of International Hegemony

Moreover, for the West, democracy is a conditional value—acceptable only when the results align with its strategic interests. Whether it was the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria, the government of Necmettin Erbakan in Turkey, the electoral victory of Hamas in Palestine, or the constitutional presidency of Mohamed Morsi in Egypt, the West has consistently undermined democracy wherever Islamic movements gained a public mandate. The current attempts to delegitimise and attack the Islamic Republic of Iran are but another link in this chain. It has become clear: for the West, secular dictatorship is preferred over Islamic democracy.

Finally, the global order established under the United Nations has devolved into a tool of hegemony for five major powers, where the veto power is routinely used to trample the collective will of the international community. The relentless bombing of hospitals and schools in Gaza, and the recent strikes on educational institutions in Iran, provide definitive evidence that Western “humanitarianism” is a selective privilege, reserved only for those it deems worthy.

This blind struggle for power has finally begun to jolt the conscience of the West, sparking unprecedented dissent within Western nations regarding their own military involvements. Spain, in a bold departure from the status quo, has openly refused to comply with these atrocities, bluntly stating that it “cannot applaud the killing of children.” European nations that once followed Washington’s lead into the flames of war without hesitation are now—just fifteen days into the aggression against Iran—mired in doubt and delay. Exhausted by the prolonged conflict between Russia and Ukraine, they are increasingly expressing visceral disgust at this escalating brutality. Historically, American military bases were viewed as absolute guarantees of security; today, however, the United States has inadvertently proven that it can no longer ensure protection for anyone. This shifting tide in global politics serves as a flickering candle of hope amidst a dark and suffocating atmosphere.

The Moral Purpose of Struggle and Protection of Rights

On this blessed occasion of Eid-ul-Fitr, it is imperative to remind the world that war, in its essence, is not a self-contained evil; the entire moral distinction lies in its purpose. If a struggle is undertaken for the establishment of justice, the honouring of human dignity, and the supremacy of law, it becomes a remedy for the wounds of humanity, as exemplified by the Conquest of Mecca. However, when war is waged out of an arrogance of dominance or for the sake of economic colonialism, it becomes the most heinous tool for human destruction.

Whether in the Battle of Badr or the Battle of Uhud, these were not acts of aggression but defensive encounters aimed at the protection of fundamental rights. This is why the loss of life was kept to a minimum, and for the first time in history, the world was introduced to a true charter of human rights: the principle that even in the gravest theatre of war, no hand can be raised against innocent children, women, the elderly, or those fleeing the battlefield.

During the Battle of Badr, while leading a mere 313 men against a formidable army, the Prophet ﷺ did not focus solely on military tactics; he taught lessons of truth, patience, and absolute reliance on Allah. He established a standard of equality so profound that he took his turn riding the camel alongside his companions, remarking: “Neither are you more powerful than me, nor am I less in need of the reward than you.” The treatment of the prisoners of Badr was such that, despite a severe grain shortage in Madinah, the Muslims gave their bread to the captives and fed themselves only on dates. Furthermore, when two companions (Hazrat Hudhayfah bin al-Yaman رضي الله عنه and his father) were bound by a prior promise to the enemy not to fight, the Prophet ﷺ forbade them from joining the battle, proving that a Muslim’s word is an inviolable bond, even in the direst of circumstances.

Lessons of Patience and Divine Guidance from Uhud

In the aftermath of the Battle of Uhud, the Prophet ﷺ was deeply grieved by the heavy losses and the horrific mutilation (muthla) of his beloved uncle and the Leader of Martyrs, Hazrat Hamza رضي الله عنه. When a desire for retribution was momentarily expressed, divine revelation immediately descended to set a higher moral bar:

“And if you punish [an enemy], punish with an equivalent of that with which you were harmed. But if you are patient, it is better for those who are patient. And be patient, and your patience is not but through Allah…” (Quran, 16:126-127)

Following this divine guidance, the Mercy to the Worlds ﷺ abandoned any thought of revenge, choosing the path of patience and establishing strict moral limits even for a brutal enemy. Finally, on the day of the Conquest of Mecca, the Prophet ﷺ stood before the very enemies who had once wounded him, persecuted his followers, and forced him into exile. As a supreme conqueror, he held every justification for retribution. Instead, he uttered the immortal words: “la tathreeba alaykum al-yawm” (“No reproach shall be upon you today; you are all free”). In doing so, he presented a charter of humanity that even the modern Geneva Convention cannot hope to match. This was not a conquest of territory; it was a conquest of the human heart, designed to bring about an enduring inner revolution.

Guided by this divine instruction, the Mercy to the Worlds ﷺ abandoned any thought of retribution, choosing the path of patience and establishing strict moral boundaries even for a defeated enemy. On the day of the Conquest of Mecca, the Prophet ﷺ stood before the very enemies who had once persecuted him and forced him into exile. As a supreme conqueror with every means of revenge at his disposal, he instead declared: “la tathreeba alaykum al-yawm” (“No reproach shall be upon you today; you are all free”). In doing so, he presented a charter of human rights that the Geneva Convention could never match. This was not a conquest of territory; it was a conquest of the human heart, designed to spark an inner revolution.

The Contrast of Modern Superpowers and the Cry of Gaza

In stark contrast to this radiant history stands the role of today’s so-called “superpowers.” In their quest for global economic hegemony, they have descended to the extremes of devaluing human life. Israel has transformed Gaza into a slaughterhouse for innocent women and children. While the Conquest of Mecca saw the prohibition of even cutting down trees, today’s “civilised” powers carry out devastating bombings on hospitals, schools, and refugee camps. Through unjust sanctions and systemic aggression, the United States and its allies have made life unbearable for an entire nation. From Hiroshima and Nagasaki to Afghanistan, Iraq, and now Gaza—the history of the West is a weary chronicle of bloodshed and hypocrisy. Those who pose as champions of human rights have had their masks torn away by the cries of children buried beneath the rubble in Gaza.

The great events of Islamic history are not mere tales of the past; they are the magnificent intellectual and spiritual capital of humanity, offering guidance for every era. Islam is, in fact, a universal movement that seeks to align human existence with the principles of the Creator. While the detailed records of ancient Prophets have been lost to the dust of time, the Seerah (biography) of Prophet Muhammad ﷺ remains the most authentic, clear, and complete example for understanding this divine movement’s struggle and evolution.

In the life of the Prophet ﷺ, we find a blueprint for every stage of existence—from the initial call of Da’wah to the complexities of statecraft and governance. The Prophetic Seerah is our singular guiding light, whether in joy or sorrow, peace or war, prosperity or adversity. Yet, we must confront a tragic truth: today, Muslims themselves have turned away from this guiding light. Having cast the Seerah behind our backs, what right do we have to lecture the world on humanity? The global humiliation and disgrace we currently face are but the bitter harvest of our own failures. The Quranic warning is unmistakable: “Whatever misfortune befalls you is because of what your own hands have earned, though He pardons much.” (Ash-Shura 42:30).

A Call for Collective Reflection and Moral Sovereignty

Today, predatory forces are poised to consume us as we remain fractured by ethnic, regional, and sectarian prejudices. From India to the Middle East, the Muslim world faces a grave existential crisis. In these perilous times, the three great battles that occurred around the season of Eid—Badr, Uhud, and the Conquest of Mecca—serve as a vital reminder of the forgotten lessons essential for our survival.

Through the prism of these historical battles, we possess the moral authority to teach the world the true meaning of human values. Simultaneously, there is an urgent need to convey a vital message to the nations of the Middle East: surrendering sovereign land for foreign military bases to preserve individual regimes is not wisdom—it is a strategic and moral fallacy. Today, while global powers have indeed ignited regional conflicts, their lack of moral justification has ensured that defeat and despair are now their only destiny. Had these nations fortified their defensive and ethical systems in the light of the Prophetic Seerah ﷺ, rather than relying on foreign weaponry and external patrons, they would not be facing this current state of helplessness. As the philosopher-poet Iqbal poignantly observed:

“The disbeliever relies on the sword, The believer fights as a soldier even without a blade.”

When we examine the current global landscape, it is as clear as daylight that the West’s civilizational and political edifice has proven more perilous than even the most overt evil. It masterfully sells oppression and tyranny under the deceptive labels of “peace, progress, and human rights.” Muslims must break free from this sophisticated deception and return to their radiant heritage—a history that, even at the pinnacle of power, prioritises mercy and compassion.

On this occasion of Eid-ul-Fitr, we must amplify the message that Islam is not merely a collection of rituals; it is a comprehensive “system of justice and mercy.” We must remind the world that the true purpose of power is not to crush the weak, but to deliver justice to the oppressed—a principle immortalised on the day of the Conquest of Mecca. To extinguish the fires of modern hatred, we must reclaim the spirit of forgiveness and forbearance from the Seerah of the Prophet ﷺ.

Our Eid celebrations can never be truly joyous while we remain silent about the suffering in Gaza and the plight of the oppressed worldwide. If global powers truly desire stability, they must stop stockpiling nuclear arsenals and instead adopt the “alchemy of the Conquest of Mecca.” Today, Muslims should pledge to be the ambassadors of this sacred mission—a mission where revolution is achieved not through the brute force of arms, but through the invincible strength of morality and humanity. The message of Eid is, in essence, the continuation of that “Mercy to the Worlds” which provides the courage to embrace even one’s enemies.

From Jadavpur to Park Circus: The Quiet, Multifaith Struggle Against New Forms of Disenfranchisement

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After the notification of rules under the Citizenship Amendment Act in March 2024, coinciding with the onset of Ramzan, anxieties around citizenship, documentation, and belonging resurfaced across several regions. However, they could not culminate in a full-fledged resistance as they did in December 2019. The pan-India movement had earlier paved the way for the Park Circus sit-in protest against CAA, NRC, and NPR. Former Presidency University professor, Prof. Pradip Basu, from the Department of Political Science, while delivering a speech at Park Circus, even regarded it as the fourth wave of feminism.

In the present moment, however, the concern in West Bengal is no longer limited to citizenship—it is increasingly shaped by electoral verification processes, adjudication, and the risk of disenfranchisement through SIR.

To understand this moment, it is important to recognise the structural connection many observers and activists are drawing between SIR (Special Intensive Revision) and exercises like NRC. While formally distinct, both rely on documentation-heavy verification, shifting the burden of proof onto individuals and opening up the possibility of exclusion through bureaucratic processes. In that sense, what is unfolding is not merely an administrative update of electoral rolls, but a deeper anxiety about who gets counted—and who gets left out.

The Shift from Streets to Spreadsheets: Understanding SIR

At the level of formal politics, opposition to SIR has been visible but uneven. The All India Trinamool Congress, led by Mamata Banerjee, has registered its resistance across multiple levels—political, administrative, and legal. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) and the Left Front have similarly framed the process as potentially exclusionary. However, the Indian National Congress at the state level has remained less visible in sustained mobilisation.

However, this relative absence should not be read as complete inaction. At the national level, leaders of the Indian National Congress, including Rahul Gandhi, have raised concerns around electoral integrity, questioning discrepancies in voting data and the transparency of institutional processes. Yet, the gap between national articulation and state-level mobilisation remains a critical weakness.

This reveals a crucial paradox: opposition exists, but it is not united.

The fragmentation becomes even more evident within civil society. During earlier moments of mass protest, large sections of society had come together visibly and forcefully. In the current moment, resistance to SIR exists, but appears scattered—meetings without mass mobilisation, concern without coordinated action. Civil society has not withdrawn; it has dispersed.

Geography further sharpens this unevenness. Districts such as Murshidabad, Malda, and South Dinajpur have witnessed significant mobilisations, where the perceived risks of exclusion are immediate and tangible. In contrast, Kolkata has seen more limited and symbolic responses. This divergence reflects differing perceptions of vulnerability—those who feel directly affected respond with urgency, while others remain relatively disengaged.

Political Fragmentation and the Vulnerability Gap

The timing of political developments has also shaped public response. Administrative processes unfolding alongside Ramzan, combined with an approaching electoral climate, have influenced both participation and perception. Yet, to reduce the present moment merely to fragmentation would be incomplete.

Over the past 24 hours, a different possibility briefly came into view.

At Jadavpur University, students organised a 24-hour symbolic hunger strike and sit-in protest against the anxieties surrounding electoral verification and potential disenfranchisement. Beginning on 16 March at 2 p.m., the protest continued through the night—amid storm, exhaustion, and uncertainty. The language of resistance was both political and deeply personal: land earned through struggle cannot be taken away through paperwork alone.

This act of protest did not remain confined to just outside the JU campus. Participants from the SIR Birodhi Dharna Mancha at Park Circus, where a sit-in has now entered its fourteenth consecutive day, had earlier travelled to Jadavpur in solidarity, including individuals such as Sajid, Salman, Ieaz, and Mirajul. As the 24-hour sit-in concluded, the solidarity was reciprocated. Students began moving from Jadavpur to Park Circus, joining the ongoing dharna and extending the protest beyond the university space.

Jadavpur to Park Circus: A New Architecture of Solidarity

The composition of the protest itself challenges another persistent assumption. Of the 46 individuals who participated in the symbolic hunger strike, 16 identified as Muslims, while 30 came from non-Muslim backgrounds. In the hours that followed, six more participants joined—again, largely non-Muslim. These numbers, though modest, are politically significant. They complicate the reduction of such protests into a single-community concern and instead point toward a wider, more inclusive anxiety around rights, documentation, and democratic participation.

Conversations at the protest site further reinforced this reality. What emerged was not a narrowly defined or identity-bound mobilisation, but a distinctly cosmopolitan gathering—students from different departments, different faiths, along with those who did not identify with any faith. No single group claimed ownership of the movement.

The attempt to frame such resistance as exclusively Muslim is not only analytically shallow, but also politically convenient. What unfolds on the ground, however, tells a different story—one of shared uncertainty and overlapping concerns that cut across identities.

It is here that the idea of fragmentation must be revisited. Yes, resistance today appears scattered. Yes, political parties have not been able to build a unified front. Yes, civil society struggles to convert awareness into sustained mobilisation. But within these fragments, moments of connection continue to emerge—unexpected, unstructured, yet deeply political.

Democracy is not weakened only by the actions of those in power. It is also weakened when those who oppose it fail to act together, when shared concerns do not translate into collective action.

And yet, the story does not end there.

If fragmentation defines the present, then solidarity offers a glimpse of what remains possible. The movement from Jadavpur to Park Circus may not resolve the crisis immediately, but it signals something vital: that resistance can still travel, that alliances can still be built, and that even in moments of uncertainty, democracy continues to find expression through those willing to stand together.

Bengal Polls 2026: As Parties Reduce Muslim Tickets, TMC Holds Its Ground

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Kolkata: In a political landscape where several parties continue to invoke secularism in rhetoric but often fall short in representation, West Bengal’s ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) has once again signalled a different approach in its ticket distribution for the upcoming 2026 Assembly elections. The party has fielded 47 Muslim candidates this time—one more than the 46 it nominated in 2021—reflecting a consistent, if cautious, commitment to minority representation.

While the increase is marginal, it stands in contrast to a broader national trend. In recent elections across states, parties such as Congress, RJD, SP, and JMM have reduced the number of Muslim candidates on their tickets. TMC’s numbers, though slightly lower than its peak of 57 Muslim candidates in 2016, remain significantly higher than most political parties in India. In 2011, the party had fielded 38 Muslim candidates.

Balancing Representation and Electoral Strategy

This assumes greater significance in a state like West Bengal, where Muslims constitute over 27 percent of the population and are considered electorally influential in 120 plus Assembly constituencies. Despite this demographic weight, no political party in the state has historically matched TMC’s scale of minority representation.

Mohammed Reyaz, Assistant Professor at Aliah University, believes the 2026 candidate list reflects both continuity and change within the party. “The TMC list for the 2026 Assembly elections has clear imprints of Abhishek Banerjee in many constituencies, although Mamata Banerjee’s old loyalists—from Madan Mitra to Firhad ‘Bobby’ Hakim—remain. It’s a balanced mix of old and new faces, including those emerging from student and youth politics without strong family backing,” he said.

Generational Shift and Changing Political Signals in Bengal

The list underscores a generational shift as well. Youth leaders such as Tirthankar, Tanmoy Ghosh, and Shamim Ahmed have been given tickets, indicating the party’s attempt to bring in fresh faces. Nearly 130 candidates are below the age of 50, including four under 31, while only 25 candidates are above 70.

Beyond minority representation, the TMC has also emphasized social diversity. The party has fielded 78 Scheduled Caste (SC) and 17 Scheduled Tribe (ST) candidates—figures that exceed the number of reserved seats. Additionally, 52 women candidates have been included, reflecting a continued push for gender representation.

At the same time, the party has made significant internal changes. Out of its 223 sitting MLAs, tickets have been denied to 74, including prominent Kolkata leader Vivek Gupta. Furthermore, 15 legislators have been shifted to different constituencies, suggesting both anti-incumbency management and strategic recalibration.

The Left Front has so far announced 192 candidates, including 27 women and 26 Muslim nominees. On Tuesday evening, CPI(ML) announced its list of 10 Left-backed candidates, including six women and three Muslim nominees.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), on the other hand, has once again not fielded a single Muslim candidate in West Bengal. The party, often criticised for its perceived anti-Muslim stance in policy and rhetoric, appears to have maintained its pattern of minimal minority representation. Its candidate list this time also indicates a tilt towards Hindi-speaking nominees in several constituencies.

Melania’s Missing Children, Bardem’s Free Palestine, and Chopra’s Uncomfortable Silence: A Study in Hypocrisy

The beginning of this year has not been great. As the days pass, concepts we often invoke—such as the ‘rule of law’, ‘human rights’, and ‘women’s rights’—feel increasingly hollow. Those who claimed to have created these norms are now the first to demolish them. The killing of over 70,000 innocent people in Gaza by the Israeli regime has never received genuine condemnation in Europe or the USA. It was not surprising to see the First Lady of the United States, Melania Trump, presiding over a UN Security Council meeting. Never has a global body looked so hopeless and pathetic.

We are told that Melania Trump is deeply concerned about children. After the Anchorage summit in Texas between President Donald Trump and President Putin, the First Lady wrote a letter to President Putin about missing Ukrainian children, to which he responded positively.

Western Hypocrisy Over Human Rights Stands Exposed

Yesterday, at the Oscar Award ceremony, Javier Bardem declared proudly and with conviction, “No to War” and “Free Palestine.” This was not a sudden outburst but the stance of a man who has persistently spoken about the rights of the Palestinian people. Standing alongside him was India’s Priyanka Chopra, who looked visibly uncomfortable. Subsequently, social media trolls began targeting her. As a UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador, she has spoken about children’s welfare, but perhaps this concern does not extend to the children of Dalits and Adivasis in India or those in Gaza. In her capacity as a goodwill ambassador, she could have raised these issues, but it seems she is not expected to.

Bollywood’s Timid Silence vs Hollywood’s Bold Stance

Hollywood itself often functions as a propaganda tool for the Western elite. However, as I have mentioned before, it is still far better than the Brahmanical Bombay cinema; at least in Hollywood, one can see some diversity. Can you imagine Dalits or Adivasis occupying the front rows at any Bollywood event or award ceremony? Can you picture any Indian star speaking out against a policy of the Indian government? No, they are not expected to. Even without speaking against the government, they could at least celebrate India’s immensely diverse cultural heritage. But they lack the courage.

The point, however, is not to draw a comparison between the two industries. The real problem is that Western human rights discourse is largely applied in a subjective manner to serve corporate interests. Melania Trump may speak about missing Ukrainian children, yet she remained shamelessly silent on the killing of 170 schoolgirls in Iran. The United States and Israel have consistently bombed civilian areas, schools, hospitals, Red Cross facilities, and residential complexes to ‘achieve’ their goals. Have you seen the response from any of these ‘civilised’ governments? Most of them ‘condemned’ Iran for its retaliation, blaming it for firing on civilian targets. Look at Rishi Sunak, who is asking the British government to go to war in the name of achieving peace.

Given this context, Priyanka Chopra cannot be like Angelina Jolie, who has the courage to speak truth to power. Americans are already saying that ‘Indians are good actors’. I need not elaborate further.

Now, does Donald Trump want to take over Cuba? The brave people of Cuba are facing immense hardship, struggling to survive as electricity and other essential services have collapsed. Life has become miserable, yet the people continue to resist and endure these hardships. Is Donald Trump following Israel’s Gaza model by imposing an economic blockade? The reality is that all internationally recognized rules and norms have now collapsed, precisely because these ‘democracies’, ‘liberal’ nations, and ‘civilised’ states have violated them the most to protect their own interests.

I have always maintained that the world was safer and more protected when it was bipolar, or when the Soviet Union was a major power. During that time, Western powers dared not invade Cuba again. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, they embarked on their favorite projects: dividing nations and redrawing boundaries. We must remember that they do not like ‘big’, powerful countries. Attempts have been made to encircle Russia, and when that proved impossible militarily, economic warfare began. Other countries that are not militarily powerful face the consequences. Cuba stands as a symbol of global resistance against imperialism. Why is Donald Trump, or the American administration, so afraid of a tiny island like Cuba?

India Must Reclaim Its Strategic Autonomy Now

India must understand this. The Indian elite believe that their interests lie with the West. Nobody denies that India should have a relationship with the West, but it cannot be at the expense of our farmers and common citizens. Our security concerns are paramount and must remain independent. India must have the courage of its convictions and stand tall on this principle. We were among the first to recognize Palestine and stood in solidarity with its people. We stood with the Global South. Today, however, we remain silent on the killing of innocent people. We stayed quiet when the President of Venezuela was kidnapped in violation of all international norms. We remain silent on Cuba, an old and steadfast friend. We failed to condemn the killing of a head of state in Iran. Remember, Iran is fighting a war that threatens its very existence.

All talk of nuclear disarmament is bogus and hypocritical as long as major powers maintain massive stockpiles of nuclear arms, while those without them can be punished at the whims of any madman who happens to be ‘democratically elected’. Democracies will have to redefine themselves. Majoritarian, hate-mongering postures will lead us nowhere. In this respect, our constitutional forefathers were visionary; they understood where our national interest lies. The policy of non-alignment was a well-thought-out strategy to preserve our strategic autonomy and strengthen our ties with the Global South.

The global order is changing, and multipolarity is inevitable. But before that, the world will witness numerous upheavals. It is time for true internationalism. Civil societies, social movements, people’s movements, and public intellectuals must all join hands and stand up against war—war that threatens to punish everyone beyond the physical boundaries of the nation-states involved. Secondly, why should schools, hospitals, residential complexes, and civilian infrastructure be targeted? This is the greatest challenge since the Second World War, and all countries must come together to address it. The days of global imperial hegemony are over. Attempts to preserve it will only backfire and destroy the very order they created.

Democracy Under Adjudication: When Citizens Must Prove Their Right to Vote

There was a time when elections in India carried a sense of celebration. Not because they were perfect, but because they embodied a rare democratic promise: equality. On election day, the ink on a rickshaw-puller’s finger carried the same weight as the ink on the Prime Minister’s. A domestic worker, a farmer, a corporate executive, and the head of government stood in the same queue, each with one vote. That moment—however brief—was the purest expression of democracy. Voting rights were the great equaliser. Today, that equality is under strain.

The Election Commission’s recent announcement of elections comes at a moment when millions of voters have either been removed from electoral rolls or placed “under adjudication.” This is not a routine technical correction. When such a large number of citizens suddenly find their voting status uncertain, the announcement of elections raises a troubling question: What does democracy mean when the very people who constitute it are still being asked to prove their place within it?

When Electoral Revision Turns Into Adjudication

The process has crossed the boundaries of what electoral revision was meant to be. Under the banner of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR), what should have remained a routine administrative exercise has taken on the character of something far more intrusive. When millions of voters are placed “under adjudication,” and when quasi-judicial mechanisms are introduced to decide their status, the exercise begins to resemble the logic of the NRC, where citizens are compelled to prove their legitimacy before the state.

Electoral roll revision was never intended to function in this manner. Administrative procedures exist to facilitate participation, not to transform citizens into petitioners before a tribunal. Judicial processes determine guilt, innocence, or eligibility, operating through hearings, evidence, and adjudication. When electoral revision begins to mimic those mechanisms, the basic premise of democratic participation is inverted.

Critics and activists across the country have argued that the present form of SIR departs sharply from the purpose of electoral revision itself. They point out that such revisions historically relied on field verification, local administrative checks, and continuous updating—not mass adjudication of voter status. The introduction of tribunal-like scrutiny and large-scale “under adjudication” categories effectively shifts the burden of proof onto ordinary citizens, many of whom lack formal documentation due to historical gaps in record-keeping.

For many, this transformation raises serious constitutional concerns. The right to vote may be statutory, but its exercise is central to democratic equality. When millions must appear before quasi-judicial mechanisms simply to remain on an electoral roll, the process begins to look less like an administrative correction and more like a filtering mechanism. That is why those sitting on the Park Circus Dharna Manch since March 4, 2026, have described the current SIR exercise as an unconstitutional distortion of electoral revision, arguing that it undermines the principle that participation in democracy should be presumed rather than continually proven.

This was not how electoral revision was meant to function. It was supposed to be routine, transparent, and inclusive. Instead, it now risks becoming a process that places citizens under suspicion rather than enabling their participation.

A Sequence That Raises Questions

The timing of recent political events has added another layer of unease to this situation. In the days preceding the election announcement, Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar visited Bengal. His visit itself triggered protests in Kolkata, reflecting the deep anxieties surrounding the ongoing electoral revision process.

Soon afterwards, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the state as a political campaigner. Within days of these high-profile visits, elections were formally announced.

Each of these developments may individually fit within the normal rhythms of political life. Yet taken together, they create a sequence that many citizens find difficult to ignore. When elections are declared while millions remain under scrutiny and protests are already underway, the message received by the public is not one of reassurance but of acceleration.

It feels as though the process must move forward regardless of unresolved questions.

The silence—or cautious language—of many political actors only deepens this discomfort. One might expect that a situation affecting millions of potential voters would provoke a fierce national debate. Yet the response from large sections of the opposition has been restrained.

Why?

Why has the defence of voting rights not become the central political question of this moment?

Democracy Beyond the Ritual of Elections

Democracy, after all, is not merely the act of holding elections. Elections are only one component of a much larger democratic structure that includes rights, accountability, participation, and institutional trust.

When democracy is reduced to elections alone, it becomes dangerously hollow.

A strange form of political consolation has also begun to circulate in public discussions. Some people say, almost with relief, that at least the situation is not worse—that at least President’s Rule has not been imposed in Bengal.

But this argument reveals how dramatically our expectations have shifted.

When the standard of democratic comfort becomes the absence of a greater catastrophe, something fundamental has already changed. It is like living in a house with cracked walls and leaking ceilings, and reassuring oneself that the building has not yet collapsed.

India’s democracy is not dead. Elections still take place, courts still function, and citizens continue to protest and speak.

But democracy is not measured only by its survival. It is measured by the confidence citizens feel in their rights.

When millions must struggle simply to remain on a voter list, that confidence begins to erode.

The right to vote was once the simplest and most powerful promise of the republic: that every citizen counts equally. That promise did not require citizens to prove their belonging every few years.

If that promise begins to feel conditional, the ink on the finger—the proud symbol of democratic equality—begins to change its meaning.

It no longer represents a straightforward act of participation. Instead, it becomes a reminder that the right to vote, once taken for granted as the foundation of the republic, is slowly turning into something citizens must fight to keep.

When Memories Speak: A Kolkata Wall Challenges the Idea of Citizenship

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Kolkata: At the Park Circus Dharna Manch—now the pulsing epicenter of Bengal’s resistance against the Social Identity Register (SIR)—a ‘Memory Wall’ has been erected with a simple yet defiant purpose. It is a space where the past is invited to speak to the present, not through the clinical lens of legacy codes or land deeds, but through the visceral fragments of lived experience that no state document can fully capture. Here, on this wall, citizenship is not a matter of paperwork; it is a tapestry of whispered stories, faded photographs, and the unshakeable truth of belonging.

The Secular Cup: A Lesson in Equality

Nisha Biswas recalls a small but powerful moment from her childhood that shaped the way she sees society today.

In her father’s office in Bareilly, Uttar Pradesh, there used to be a separate cup kept aside for Shakir Miyan. It was different from the cups used by everyone else.
One day her mother quietly broke that cup.

From that day onward, tea was served to Shakir in the same cups as everyone else, even though her grandmother strongly disapproved. It seemed like a small act, almost invisible in the ordinary rhythm of daily life. Yet that quiet gesture stayed with her.
Something changed in the way she began to see society.

From then on, she started looking at the world with different eyes—eyes that noticed how discrimination hides in the smallest details of everyday life.

Years later, when she watched the processes of the NRC in Assam and the SIR in Bihar, she could not see them merely as administrative exercises. She looked at them through the memory of that broken cup and the quiet courage behind it.

On the Memory Wall today there is a simple image—a cup and a pair of spectacles. They represent that moment.

They are the glasses through which she eventually found herself joining the anti-SIR movement, seeing questions of citizenship, equality, and dignity not just as political issues, but as matters of everyday justice.

Gurucharan Murmu: Remembering a Pioneer from the Santal Community

The first voice on this wall comes from Maruna Murmu, who is currently out of town but wanted to participate in the Memory Wall we began—a place where past circles meet and connect with the present. She chose to remember her father, Gurucharan Murmu (1944–2012). Born in a small village in West Midnapore, he became the first Santal to enter the Indian Police Service in 1972. For him, this land was never merely a territory on paper; it was the soil of his childhood, the forests and villages where his people lived and struggled.

As a police officer, he believed deeply in justice and integrity, standing against corruption even when it came at a personal cost. After retirement, he returned to his village with a dream—to build a school, a hostel, and a place of care for the elderly. His life reminds us that belonging cannot be reduced to papers; it lives in memory, struggle, and the stories carried forward by those who remember him.

Maulana Mohammad Hossain: A Voice for Education and Justice

Another contribution comes from Saidur Rahman, who remembers his father, Maulana Mohammad Hossain (1930–2005). Born in the village of Bishanpur under Chanchal Police Station in Malda district, Maulana Mohammad Hossain rose from humble beginnings to become a respected religious scholar, social reformer, and advocate for education and justice. Throughout his life, he worked tirelessly to promote education and social awareness across Malda and neighbouring districts such as Murshidabad, Birbhum, North and South Dinajpur. His influence extended even beyond West Bengal into Bihar’s districts of Katihar, Purnia, Araria, and Supaul. Those who knew him remember that he never remained silent in the face of injustice or oppression. His voice was fearless, his conscience unwavering, and his commitment to truth unshakeable. For Saidur Rahman, whenever he finds the courage to raise his voice today, he knows that it is not merely his strength—it is the legacy he inherited from his father.

A Grandmother, Peanuts and the Warmth of Everyday Love

The wall also carries a small but deeply personal recollection by Himadri Mukherjee, born in 1963 in Kolkata. In his note, he remembers an ordinary afternoon from his youth in North Kolkata when he was living with his 72-year-old grandmother. One day before leaving for college, she asked him to bring cheena badaam (peanuts) from a shop on the way home so she could fry them for an afternoon snack. Concerned for her health, he protested because the doctor had advised her not to eat oily food. Yet she insisted gently.

When he returned home later, she had already prepared tea, bread, bananas, and boiled eggs for both of them. After they finished eating, she fried the peanuts and placed a single piece in his hand before eating the rest herself. Smiling, she told him that if he wanted more, he would have to go and buy them again.

The memory is simple, yet it captures the quiet warmth of everyday affection—moments that rarely appear in official histories but remain deeply alive in personal memory.

Growing Up with Stories of “Opar Bangla”

Another note on the wall reflects on the experience of growing up in a Partition-affected family. The writer describes how their family originally came from Madaripur in Faridpur, now in Bangladesh, and how childhood was filled with stories of “ওপার বাংলা”—the other side of Bengal. These stories carried nostalgia and displacement at the same time, creating a lingering sense of rootlessness while growing up in Kolkata.

Yet the writer remembers a turning point between December 2019 and March 2020, when protest sites across the country became spaces of collective expression. Standing among crowds carrying different flags and symbols—portraits of Ambedkar, banners of resistance, and voices of dissent—the writer felt, perhaps for the first time, a genuine sense of belonging.

A Family Legacy from Mangalkot Across Generations

Alongside these reflections are memories of family histories rooted in Mangalkot in Bardhaman. One section recalls the legacy of Dr Muhammad Abu Torab, remembered as a doctor who served people with dedication. The lineage continued through Qazi Abu Saleh and Qazi Nurul Islam, with younger generations trying to preserve both documents and memories of their past. Among them is Maria Khan, a fifteen-year-old student in Class Ten, who reflects on the dilemma of preserving family history. For her, documents may preserve names and dates, but memories preserve something deeper—the traditions, gatherings, and experiences that connect generations.

NRC Memories: Proving Belonging Through Old Voter Lists

The wall also carries a reflection from Komal Chakraborty of Silchar, Assam, who writes about the experience of the NRC process in 2015. At first, he did not understand what terms like family trees and legacy codes meant. His father had worked in the railway office, and the family possessed little property or documentation. Eventually, using an old voter list belonging to his late father, he managed to submit the necessary forms and prove his citizenship. Yet the experience left him with a troubling realisation: in the eyes of the state, simply living in a country is not enough. One must prove belonging through documents that trace back to one’s ancestors.

A Ninety-Two-Year-Old Teaching Chushi Pitha

Another quiet memory comes from a family story about Shaibyarani Nandi. Married at the age of thirteen, she moved from Dhaka-Narayanganj to her husband’s village in Kushtia. When she arrived at her in-laws’ home, she noticed an elderly aunt patiently cutting tiny strands of dough to make chushi pitha, a traditional sweet dish. Watching her day after day, she slowly learned the delicate craft.

Today, she is ninety-two years old, and the roles have gently reversed. Sitting beside her, her sixty-eight-year-old son carefully learns how to cut the thin strands of dough for chushi pitha. The lesson moves slowly from her experienced hands to his. In that quiet kitchen moment, memory travels from one generation to another—not through documents, but through gestures, patience, and taste.

Remembering Ammaji and Bahadur Mamu

As the wall grew, I too felt compelled to contribute. While writing, I came across an old photograph of Ammaji and Bahadur Mamu together. For a moment, I considered placing it on the wall. But the image felt too intimate, too personal to display in a public space. Instead, I kept the photograph in my mind and began writing about it.

As I wrote, emotions welled up unexpectedly.

My memory returns to the days of the 2019 anti-CAA protests, when I spent long nights at protest sites and spoke out against injustice despite threats, trolling, and attempts to silence me. During that time, my uncle would proudly tell people, “Dekho dekho, yeh meri bhaanji hai.” But my grandmother held my hand one day and said softly, “Tumko meri kasam hai… naara lagana band karo. Mujhe dar lagta hai.” She was afraid for my safety.
Today, both of them are gone—Bahadur Mamu passed away on 17 February 2019, and Ammaji on 28 April 2020 during the lockdown, when I could not even see her one last time.

Together, these stories—of a pioneering Santal officer, a fearless scholar, a grandmother sharing peanuts with her grandson, a ninety-two-year-old mother teaching her sixty-eight-year-old son how to make chushi pitha, young people searching for their roots, and citizens struggling to prove belonging through documents—form something larger than individual recollections.

They reveal a quiet truth:

Documents record facts.

But memories record life.

And that leaves us with a question that echoes softly across the entire wall:

Where do memories go?

Perhaps they do not disappear.

They move—from grandparents to grandchildren, from kitchens to public squares, from photographs kept in drawers to words written on a wall.

Perhaps memories travel like rivers across generations.

And when we pause long enough to listen, we realise that remembering is not only about the past.

It is about refusing to let life be reduced to documents alone.

LPG Queues and Petrol Panic: Why the PM’s Latest Speech is Triggering COVID-Era Trauma

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When Prime Minister Narendra Modi yesterday compared India’s current energy crisis to its battle against COVID-19, the intent was to project a image of national resilience. However, for millions of Indians, the comparison has acted more like a trigger than a balm. As 25-day waiting periods for LPG refills become the new ‘lockdown,’ and queues at petrol pumps mirror the desperate lines of the second wave, the nation is forced to ask: Are we witnessing a triumph of spirit, or a repeat of the planning failures that left the most vulnerable to fend for themselves?

The Sudden Lockdown That Brought India to a Halt

The first shock came with the nationwide lockdown in March 2020.

The announcement came with only a few hours’ notice. Overnight, the country stopped. Trains stopped. Buses stopped. Markets closed. Factories shut down.

For many businesses and salaried employees, it meant disruption.
For daily wage earners, it meant the sudden loss of income.
For migrant workers, it meant the loss of both work and shelter.
For families with patients, it meant panic.

India has tens of millions of migrant workers who travel from villages to cities in search of work. When the lockdown began, many suddenly had no job, no wages, and no transport to go home.

What followed will remain one of the most painful chapters of that period.

Men, women and children began walking along highways to reach their villages. Some walked hundreds of kilometres. Some pushed elderly parents in handcarts. Some carried small children on their shoulders or on wheeled luggage.

Many collapsed from exhaustion.

Some died in accidents on the roads.

One tragedy shook the entire country. Near Aurangabad in Maharashtra, a group of exhausted migrant workers slept on a railway track, thinking trains were not running. A train passed over them early in the morning.

They were simply trying to go home.

Those images still haunt the memory of the country. They forced people to ask a very simple question. Could a lockdown not have been planned with a little more care for the poorest citizens?

Migrant Workers’ Long Walks Become a National Trauma

Another disturbing memory of that time was the manner in which lockdown rules were enforced in many places.

Videos circulated across the country showing people being beaten with sticks by police for stepping outside. Some were punished. Some were humiliated publicly.

In a time when people needed reassurance and compassion, many encountered fear instead.

At the policy level, too, some responses appeared strangely symbolic. Citizens were asked to beat utensils and light lamps as a show of solidarity. While the intention may have been to boost morale, families struggling for food, transport and medicines found little comfort in such gestures.

Hospitals Under Strain as Pandemic Exposes Weak Systems

The healthcare system was also under severe strain.

Doctors and nurses repeatedly spoke about shortages of protective equipment in the early months. Many hospitals did not have enough masks, gloves or protective suits. Testing kits were limited. Healthcare workers continued their duty despite serious risks, and many of them themselves became infected.

Then came the devastating second wave in 2021.

Hospitals ran out of beds. Families went from hospital to hospital searching for admission. Oxygen cylinders became a matter of life and death. Desperate appeals flooded social media. People begged strangers for help to find oxygen, medicines or a hospital bed.

Outside crematoriums, long lines of vehicles waited.

The country has rarely seen such grief in recent times.

During these difficult months, society itself stepped forward. Volunteers arranged oxygen cylinders. Community groups organised food distribution. Individuals used social media networks to help complete strangers.

It was the compassion of ordinary people that carried many families through those dark days.

Tablighi Jamaat and the ‘Corona Jihad’ Myth: A Narrative of Exclusion

But another wound was inflicted during that period. Instead of treating the pandemic purely as a public health crisis, political narratives and sections of the media began blaming Muslims, particularly the Tablighi Jamaat, after a congregation at the Nizamuddin Markaz in Delhi was linked to early infections.

Soon, the entire community began to be portrayed as responsible for spreading the virus.

Hashtags like “Corona Jihad” began circulating. Rumours spread rapidly. In several places, Muslims faced harassment, boycott of businesses, and open hostility.

At a time when the country needed unity, suspicion was allowed to grow.

Courts later observed that many of the criminal cases filed against Tablighi Jamaat attendees had little basis and that, during a calamity, authorities sometimes look for a scapegoat. But the damage to social trust had already been done.

The pandemic years also unfolded against the background of the 2020 Delhi riots, which had already left dozens dead and many families displaced. For people who had already lost homes and livelihoods in that violence, the lockdown only deepened their hardship.

Even the Supreme Court of India had to step in at different moments to question aspects of pandemic management, particularly the treatment of migrant workers and the oxygen shortages during the second wave.

All this is part of the same history.

To remember the COVID years only as a success story is to forget the long walks on the highways, the silent hospitals without oxygen, the families waiting outside crematoriums, and the fear that entered millions of homes.

Energy Crisis Raises Questions About Crisis Preparedness

And now the country is being told that it will overcome the present energy crisis in the same way.

But the early signs are already worrying.

Reports have already emerged that nearly 20 percent of hotels and restaurants in some cities have shut their kitchens because commercial LPG cylinders are not available, and industry groups warn that far more may follow if supplies do not stabilise. The government has invoked provisions of the Essential Commodities Act and extended the waiting period for LPG refills to about three weeks in order to manage the limited supply.

People have begun rushing to book cylinders.

Queues are appearing at petrol pumps.

There are reports of LPG cylinders being sold on the black market.

These are early signals of anxiety spreading through the system.

If the COVID years taught the country anything, it is this: a nation’s resilience should not mean that citizens are left to struggle through a crisis on their own while symbolic gestures and reassuring speeches continue.

Indians have always shown patience when they see sincerity and competence.

This time, too, the country will endure, Insha Allah.

But one sincerely hopes that the present crisis will be handled with better planning, deeper empathy, and far greater honesty than what many people remember from the COVID years.

পার্ক সার্কাসের বন্ধ গেটের ভেতর: বাংলায় ‘বিপুল ভোটার বাদ’ নিয়ে সপ্তাহজুড়ে বাড়ছে প্রতিবাদ

কলকাতা: কলকাতার ঐতিহাসিক পার্ক সার্কাস ময়দান ২০২০ সালের নাগরিকত্ব সংশোধনী আইনের বিরুদ্ধে আন্দোলনের কেন্দ্র হয়ে উঠেছিল। সেখানে এখন আবার প্রতিরোধের ধ্বনি শোনা যাচ্ছে। তবে এবারের ক্রমবর্ধমান অবস্থান বিক্ষোভে যাঁরা অংশ নিচ্ছেন তাঁরা এক আশ্চর্য জনগোষ্ঠী— অবসরপ্রাপ্ত সরকারি কর্মচারী, অধ্যাপক এবং বিভিন্ন পেশার মানুষ যাঁদের নাম ভারতীয় গণতন্ত্রের খাতা থেকে মুছে দেওয়া হয়েছে।

ভারতের নির্বাচন কমিশনের বিশেষ নিবিড় সংশোধনীর বিরুদ্ধে অনির্দিষ্টকালের জন্য ডাকা এই ধর্না দ্বিতীয় সপ্তাহে পা দিয়েছে। এখানকার বাতাস বিশ্বাসঘাতকতার যন্ত্রণা আর আমলাতান্ত্রিক দুঃস্বপ্নের স্মৃতিতে ভারি হয়ে আছে। এই ময়দানের প্রতিবাদীদের দাবি, ভোটার তালিকার ঝাড়াই বাছাই বলে বাজারে আনা এসআইআর আসলে আসন্ন পশ্চিমবঙ্গ বিধানসভা নির্বাচনের জন্য বৈধ ভোটারদের রীতিমত ছক করে বাদ দেওয়ার ব্যবস্থা।

সরকারি তথ্য অনুযায়ী, ২০২৫ সালের নভেম্বর মাস থেকে প্রায় ৬৩.৬৬ লক্ষ নাম পশ্চিমবঙ্গের ভোটার তালিকা থেকে বাদ গেছে। আরও ৬০ লক্ষ মানুষকে বিচারাধীন তকমা দিয়ে দেওয়া হয়েছে। এই মানুষগুলো এখন এক আইনি ধোঁয়াশার শিকার। তাঁদের নাম এখনো তালিকায় থাকলেও, আবার এক ক্লান্তিকর যাচাই প্রক্রিয়ায় পাশ করতে না পারা পর্যন্ত তাঁদের ভোটাধিকার নেই।

ময়দানে যাঁরা এখন বসে আছেন, তাঁদের মধ্যে একজন প্রাক্তন রাজ্য সরকারি কর্মচারী। তিনি বললেন ‘আমি রাজ্য সরকারের কর্মচারী ছিলাম, আমার বৈধ পাসপোর্ট আছে এবং নির্বাচন কমিশনের বলা অন্যান্য প্রয়োজনীয় কাগজপত্তরও আছে। সেগুলো আমি শুনানিতে জমাও দিয়েছিলাম। তাও আমার নাম বিচারাধীনের তালিকায় কেন বুঝতে পারছি না।’

প্রাক্তন কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারি কর্মচারী শেখ মুনিরুদ্দিন তাঁর পরিবারের সংকটের কথা বললেন।

“ভাবতে পারেন, আমার বউয়ের নাম বিচারাধীন তালিকায় ছিল। আমরা কেসটা কলকাতায় ট্রান্সফার করিয়ে এনে শুনানির সময়ে সমস্ত কাগজপত্র জমা দিলাম। ওর নাম বিচারাধীন তালিকা থেকে বের হয়ে গেল। কিন্তু আমাদের পুরনো ভোট দেওয়ার জায়গায় ওর নাম মৃতদের তালিকায় তুলে দিয়েছে!”

এমনকি যাঁদের নাম এখন পর্যন্ত ভোটার তালিকায় রয়েছে, তাঁরাও আশঙ্কিত। প্রতিবাদী সাজিদ-উর রহমান বললেন ‘এই মুহূর্তে আমার নাম বিচারাধীন তালিকায় নেই। তবে যেভাবে নির্বাচন কমিশন নিজেদের সুবিধামত নোটিশ পাঠাচ্ছেন, তাতে পরের তালিকায় কার নাম এসে যাবে তার ঠিক কী?’

আরো পড়ুন দিনদুপুরে ভোট ডাকাতি?

আলিয়া বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপক সইফুল্লার নাম তাঁর আরও অনেক অধ্যাপকের মতই বিচারাধীনের তালিকায় উঠেছে। তিনিও পার্ক সার্কাস ময়দানের অবস্থান মঞ্চে আছেন। এই বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের অধ্যাপকদের নাম বিচারাধীন হওয়া বিদ্যায়তনিক ব্যক্তিদের দুশ্চিন্তা বাড়িয়েছে। তাঁরা মনে করছেন যে এই প্রক্রিয়ায় শিক্ষিত এবং সমস্ত কাগজপত্র থাকা ভোটারদেরও বেনাগরিক হয়ে যাওয়ার ঝুঁকি রয়েছে।

প্রতিবাদ করার ঝক্কি

পার্ক সার্কাস ময়দানের এই চলতি প্রতিবাদও অসুবিধাজনক হয়ে দাঁড়িয়েছে। ২০২০ সালে এখানে সকলে আসতে পারছিলেন, অথচ এবারে সবকটা মূল দরজায় তালা দেওয়া রয়েছে। ফলে প্রতিবাদীরা পাশের এক সরু জায়গা দিয়ে যাতায়াত করছেন। জিশানের মত কোনো কোনো আন্দোলনকারী মনে করছেন যে এটা এই আন্দোলনের বৃদ্ধি আটকে দেওয়ার ইচ্ছাকৃত প্রচেষ্টা।

তবে ব্যাপারটা বদলানোর সংকেত পাওয়া যাচ্ছে। ৮ মার্চ আন্তর্জাতিক নারী দিবসের পর থেকে ধর্না মঞ্চে উপস্থিতি বেড়ে গেছে। শম্পা শিরীনের নেতৃত্বে এসআইআর-বিরোধী ধর্না মঞ্চ, প্রত্যেকটি বিচারাধীন ভোটারকে তালিকায় না ফেরানো পর্যন্ত ধর্না না তোলার প্রতিজ্ঞা করেছে।

নৌশীন বাবা খান প্রায় প্রতিদিন এই মঞ্চে উপস্থিত থেকেছেন। তাঁর মতে, এসআইআর সংবিধানবিরোধী এবং গরিব, মহিলা, দলিত, আদিবাসী ও সংখ্যালঘুদের অত্যন্ত বেশি পরিমাণে প্রভাবিত করছে। ‘অনেক বিএলও-র নামও বিচারাধীন হয়ে গেছে। এই ত্রুটিপূর্ণ প্রক্রিয়া সাধারণ নাগরিককে হয়রান করছে এবং জনগণের টাকার শ্রাদ্ধ করছে।’

শিরীন উল্লেখ করলেন যে ‘লজিকাল ডিসক্রিপেন্সি’ বলতে যেগুলোকে বোঝানো হচ্ছে, সেগুলো প্রায়শই নির্বাচন কমিশনের নিজেদের লোকেদেরই করা ভুল। ‘আমরা এখানে ৬০ লক্ষ বিচারাধীন মানুষের জন্যে প্রতিবাদ করছি। এই মানুষগুলোকে তাঁদের ভুলই নয়, এমন জিনিসের জন্যে কেন হয়রান করা হচ্ছে? এঁদের ভোটাধিকার কেন প্রশ্নের মুখে পড়বে?’

 

এই প্রতিবেদনটি ইনিউজরুমের ইংরেজিতে প্রকাশিত মূল কাজের ভাষান্তর

‘Sons of the Soil’ vs Infiltration Narratives: The Hidden History Behind West Bengal’s 60 Lakh Flagged Voters

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The names of more than five lakh voters have been deleted from the final electoral roll of West Bengal, yet the reason behind these deletions remains unclear. Even the assembly-wise ‘Statutory Report’ published on the Election Commission of India’s website does not mention why these names were removed.

All of these voters were included in the draft electoral roll published on December 16, 2025. However, many of them reportedly did not receive any ‘hearing notice’ or ‘speaking order’, yet their names were deleted in the final electoral roll published on February 28, 2026.

In addition to this, the names of around 60 lakh voters have been placed in the ‘Under Adjudication’ list. Their documents are currently being examined in accordance with the orders of the Supreme Court of India. However, the Election Commission has not released any official information on how long this verification process will take or how many cases are being disposed of every day.

The supplementary electoral roll is yet to be published, which further deepens the uncertainty surrounding the process.

With the current West Bengal Assembly’s term ending on May 7, the timeline for the upcoming assembly elections is narrowing rapidly. Only about two months remain to complete the election process and announce the results.

The President’s Rule Shadow: Uncertainty Looms Over the 2026 Polls

In such a situation, questions are also being raised in political circles about whether President’s Rule could be imposed in the state if the electoral process faces delays or complications.

This raises an important question: Are the voters whose names are being removed from the electoral roll really infiltrators? Are they Bangladeshi Muslims or Rohingyas, as some narratives suggest?

What does the evidence say? What does history tell us?

In undivided Bengal, Muslims constituted roughly 55 per cent of the population, making them the religious majority. Just as millions of Hindu Bengalis migrated from East Bengal to West Bengal, millions of Muslim Bengalis also migrated from West Bengal to East Bengal during the upheavals surrounding Partition.

Subsequent communal riots after 1947, as well as the Liberation War of 1971 in East Bengal (now Bangladesh), further intensified these population movements. A large number of Hindu Bengalis migrated to West Bengal, particularly from East Bengal.

Another demographic factor often ignored is the difference in fertility rates. The fertility rate among Hindu Bengalis has generally been lower than that of Muslim Bengalis, which has contributed to the gradual increase in the proportion of Muslim Bengalis in West Bengal over time.

Ignoring these historical and social realities, a narrative is often propagated in sections of the media that West Bengal is full of ‘Bangladeshi Muslims’ or ‘Rohingya infiltrators’. However, no concrete evidence has been produced to substantiate this politically charged claim.

Sons of the Soil or Outsiders? Unpacking the Conversion History of Bengal

Before the 11th century, communities identifying themselves as Muslims were not significantly present in Bengal. This naturally raises the question: Where did the large Muslim population of Bengal come from?

Several eminent scholars—including Herbert Risley, W.W. Hunter, Dinesh Chandra Sen, Hara Prasad Shastri, and Nihar Ranjan Ray—have studied this subject in depth.

Their research suggests that most Bengali Muslims emerged from local communities, including lower-class cultivators, cottage artisans, Antyaj communities, lower-caste Hindus, and Buddhist Sahajiyas. In other words, the majority of Muslims in Bengal are descendants of local converts rather than migrants.

Only a very small number of Muslims from Central Asia or other regions established blood ties or family connections in Bengal. Some degree of intermarriage may have occurred over time, but it was limited.

Historians broadly identify four major reasons for the large-scale conversion to Islam in Bengal:

  1. Commercial and trade-related interactions
  2. Migration of Muslim rulers and administrators to Bengal
  3. The humanistic and egalitarian teachings of Sufi saints
  4. Conversion by indigenous Bengalis seeking relief from the rigid Brahmanical caste system

It is important to note that after 1757, when Bengal and India came under British colonial rule, no significant influx of foreign Muslims occurred in Bengal.

This raises a simple but important question: If no large-scale foreign migration took place, how did the Muslim population grow so significantly?

According to scholars, the answer is straightforward: the vast majority of rural Muslims in Bengal are sons of the soil.

Syncretic Traditions: JASIM UDDIN and the Shared Heritage of Bengal

Rai Bahadur Acharya Dinesh Chandra Sen, in his book Prachin Bangala Sahitye Musolmaner Abadan, wrote:

“The Muslims understood that the Nath-Panthis and the Sahajiyas were the masses of Bengal. There are lakhs of them in the country. They are remnants of the defeated Buddhist power… The social liberality and equality of Islam particularly attracted them.”

He further noted that many people who had been socially marginalised within the orthodox Hindu hierarchy found dignity and acceptance in Islam, which encouraged them to embrace the new faith.

Yet even after conversion, many did not abandon their earlier cultural practices entirely. Instead, a syncretic social culture evolved, blending elements of older traditions with Islamic beliefs.

Sufi saints played a key role in this transformation. Their inclusive approach and emphasis on spiritual equality resonated deeply with marginalised communities in Bengal.

Cultural Continuities in Bengali Muslim Society

Historian Dr Nasir Ali, in his book Banglai Jatir Itihas, also examined the social roots of Bengali Muslims.

During the early British period, communities such as peasants, weavers, barbers, fishermen, boatmen, and hunters who had converted to Islam continued to live in their ancestral villages and practise their traditional occupations.

Many retained their earlier surnames or social titles, such as Mandal, Gayen, Bayen, Naskar, Mallik, and Midya.

A fascinating example comes from the autobiography Jiban Katha by the celebrated poet Jasim Uddin. In his account, a village Dhuli (drummer) named Yadav, who was a Muslim, earned his livelihood by playing the dhak. Despite being Muslim, he would play the drum during Hindu cremation rituals in the month of Chaitra.

Dr Ali also wrote that Jasim Uddin’s great-grandfather was named Aradhan. During that time, Muslim women often wore vermilion, and Jasim Uddin’s mother also followed this practice. His father reportedly wore a dhoti along with a prayer cap.

Historical records from the Titumir rebellion also reveal interesting naming patterns. Some captured rebels—though Muslims—had names that modern society might assume to be Hindu. Examples include Nyaypal Mandal, Banamali Mandal, Gopal Prakash Golab, Deokar Pathak, Madab Karigar, and Gopal Sen.

Similarly, Annadashankar Roy, the noted ICS officer and writer, once mentioned encountering a Muslim bride named Haridasi.

These examples illustrate how deeply intertwined religious and cultural identities were in Bengal’s social history.

Judicial Officers vs. BLOs: The Battle Over West Bengal’s Voter List

The Election Commission of India is a constitutional body headquartered in New Delhi, with regional offices across the country, including one in Kolkata.

However, the preparation of electoral rolls largely depends on state government employees temporarily assigned to election duties, including positions such as District Election Officers (DEO), Electoral Registration Officers (ERO), micro-observers, and Booth Level Officers (BLO).

In many cases, these officials receive limited training for this specialised task, and sometimes only brief orientation programmes are conducted.

Moreover, the financial compensation for such duties is often modest, which reduces the incentive for many officials to engage deeply with the complex work of electoral roll preparation.

This year, a massive amount of work was completed in an extremely short period of time. There were also reports of server failures and portal glitches, as the process relies heavily on artificial intelligence-driven digital systems.

Under such circumstances, errors are almost inevitable.

Democracy at Risk: The Call for an Impartial Inquiry

Therefore, the Election Commission—or even relevant intelligence agencies—should conduct a thorough investigation into these irregularities.

Senior officials of the Election Commission should visit villages where multiple individuals under the age of 70 have been placed under adjudication and submit an independent report to the Supreme Court.

It must be examined impartially whether these 60 lakh ‘indigenous Indian Bengalis’ are truly infiltrators or whether they are legitimate citizens who have been wrongly flagged.

In many cases, strange anomalies have been observed: a father’s name appears under adjudication while the son’s name appears in the final electoral roll, or vice versa. Such inconsistencies hardly indicate organised infiltration.

The Election Commission should also consult civil society organisations to ensure transparency and fairness in the process.

Even the President of India Draupadi Murmu, who have visited West Bengal, could have taken the opportunity to visit villages where hundreds of voters have been placed under adjudication and interact with the residents directly.

Most of these 60 lakh voters appear to be indigenous citizens.

The ongoing political controversy surrounding this year’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) risks harassing genuine voters, including the very officials responsible for preparing the electoral rolls. At the same time, it may hamper the broader democratic and developmental progress of both the state and the country.

The Locked Gates of Park Circus: Inside the Growing Week-Long Protest Against Bengal’s ‘Mass Voter Deletions’

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Kolkata: The historic Park Circus Maidan, once the epicenter of the 2020 anti-CAA movement, is again echoing with the chants of resistance. But this time, the “new address” for a growing sit-in protest belongs to a surprising demographic: retired government employees, professors, and career professionals who find themselves erased from India’s democratic fabric.

As of March 10, 2026, the indefinite dharna against the Election Commission of India’s (ECI) Special Intensive Revision (SIR) drive has entered its second week. The atmosphere is thick with a mix of betrayal and bureaucratic nightmare. Protesters allege that the SIR drive—marketed as a “clean-up” of the electoral rolls—is a calculated disenfranchisement of legitimate voters ahead of the upcoming West Bengal Assembly elections.

The “Doomed List”: Professionals Turned “Adjudicated” Strangers

The numbers are staggering. According to official data, nearly 63.66 lakh names have been deleted from the West Bengal voter list since November 2025. Another 60 lakh people have been placed under “adjudication.” These individuals are currently in a legal grey zone; while their names are in the system, their right to vote is suspended pending a rigorous verification process.

Among those sitting under the Maidan’s pagoda is a former state government employee who expressed disbelief at his exclusion. “I have been a former state government employee; I have a valid passport, and other needed documents as prescribed by the ECI, which I have furnished before the officials appointed at the hearing, and still my name has made it to the adjudication list,” he stated.

Former central government employee Sheikh Muniruddin shared a similar ordeal regarding his family. “Can you beat this? My wife’s name was in the adjudication list. We transferred the case to Kolkata and presented all the documents during the hearing. Her name was cleared from the adjudication list. But surprisingly, back in our native place, she has been put on the doomed list.”

The sense of vulnerability extends even to those currently on the rolls.

 

Protester Sajid-ur Rahman highlighted the unpredictability of the exercise: “At present, my name is not in the adjudication list. However, given the fact that the notices are being managed as per the convenience of the election commission, there is no guarantee about whose name will surface in the next list.”

Professor Saifullah of Aliah University, whose name — along with several other professors from the university — has been placed under adjudication, also joined the protest at Park Circus Maidan.

The inclusion of several Aliah University professors in the adjudication list has further intensified concerns among academics, who say the exercise risks disenfranchising even educated and well-documented voters.

Closed Gates and Rising Stakes

The logistics of the protest itself have become a point of contention. Unlike the 2020 movement where the Maidan welcomed all, the main gates are currently locked, forcing protesters through a narrow side exit. Activists like Zeeshan suspect this is a deliberate attempt to stifle the movement’s growth.

However, the momentum appears to be shifting. Following International Women’s Day on March 8, attendance has surged. The SIR Virodhi Dharna Mancha, led by Shampa Shireen, has vowed not to retreat until every “adjudicated” voter is reinstated.

Nousheen Baba Khan, who has been present at the protest site almost every day, said the SIR drive is anti-Constitution and disproportionately affects the poor, women, Dalits, Tribals and minorities. “Even BLOs have their names under adjudication. This faulty process is harassing ordinary citizens and wasting public money,” she said.

Shireen pointed out that the “logical discrepancies” being cited are often clerical errors made by the ECI’s own officials in previous years.

“We are protesting here for 60 lakh people who have been put under adjudication,” Shireen declared. “Why are these people being hounded for no mistakes of their own? Why are their voting rights under threat?”

Meanwhile, Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, currently in Kolkata, has been greeted with black flag protests wherever he goes—from his hotel to a temple visit.