The Taj Story: Why Myth-Led Cinema Is Harming Public Understanding of History

When a film chooses to revisit a contested piece of history, it steps into a fragile intellectual space where creativity collides with responsibility. The Taj Story, a recent courtroom drama that leans heavily on the long-debunked “Tejo Mahalaya” theory, has placed itself squarely in that terrain. It is visually ambitious yet intellectually precarious, a work that dresses up historical revisionism as inquiry while quietly diluting scholarly rigour in the process.

At its core, The Taj Story is not just another period-flavoured film. It is an ideological artefact, one that consciously or unconsciously participates in India’s ongoing cultural politics around heritage, identity and the ownership of memory. To understand both the significance and the danger of this cinematic moment, we have to look beyond the screen, into the historical and ideological backdrop that the film selectively engages.

A Discredited Theory, Recast as Plot

The cornerstone of the film’s narrative is the theory popularised by P. N. Oak, who argued that the Taj Mahal was originally a Shiva temple-palace called “Tejo Mahalaya,” allegedly built by a Rajput king. Oak claimed to marshal over a hundred pieces of “evidence,” ranging from architectural details to linguistic speculation.

These claims have not simply been questioned. They have been comprehensively rejected. According to a detailed explainer published in Livemint in 2024, the Supreme Court dismissed attempts to revive Oak’s argument decades ago, describing one such petition as “misconceived” and entirely lacking credible evidence.

The Archaeological Survey of India has also been unambiguous. In a response to an RTI query reported by India Today in 2022, the ASI stated that there are no idols of Hindu gods or goddesses in the Taj Mahal’s basement and that the monument was not built on temple land. All available archaeological, architectural and inscriptional data point to its construction under the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan in the 17th century.

Historians have repeatedly attempted to put this controversy to rest. In an interview cited by India Today, historian William Dalrymple called the Tejo Mahalaya idea “ludicrous and malicious nonsense” with “no foundation in fact,” stressing that it is rejected by all serious scholars familiar with Persian chronicles, court records and contemporary eyewitness accounts of the Taj’s construction.

Against this backdrop, The Taj Story’s decision to dramatise Oak’s theory without foregrounding the overwhelming evidence against it is not a neutral creative choice. It effectively invites audiences to treat a fringe idea as a plausible alternative to established history.

Cinema as a Vehicle for Ideology

The film arrives at a time when debates around India’s monuments are deeply politicised. Questions of “ownership” over sites like the Gyanvapi mosque or the Qutub Minar have become flashpoints, and the Taj Mahal is increasingly dragged into a broader project of revisiting medieval history through a majoritarian lens. A report published by UCA News recently observed that such controversies are increasingly shaping public perception of India’s architectural heritage.

In this climate, The Taj Story does not float in a vacuum. It reenters the Taj into the battlefield of identity, and it does so by giving cinematic form to a theory long discarded in academic circles but periodically revived in public rhetoric.

Reviews have been scathing. A review published by The Quint described the film as what happens “when WhatsApp forwards become a film,” arguing that it masquerades as a quest for truth while feeling more like an assault on Indian history and on historians themselves. The critique is not just about artistic quality; it is about the film’s epistemological stance. By relying on fictional “experts” and pseudo-archaeology, the narrative lends a veneer of credibility to ideas that have never passed the tests of evidence and peer review.

The film’s promotional material has added to the unease. A report published in The Indian Express noted that a controversial poster showed a Shiva idol inside the main dome of the Taj, a powerful visual gesture that symbolically repositions the monument within a Hindu sacred geography. The backlash was immediate enough that the makers issued a clarification, insisting that the movie “does not deal with religious matters” and does not claim that a Shiva temple resides within the Taj Mahal, asserting instead that it focuses on “historical facts.”

Lead actor Paresh Rawal echoed this position. According to an interview reported by NDTV, he stated that there is “no Hindu-Muslim jingoism” in the film and urged audiences to watch it before forming opinions. But cultural products do not get to choose the context in which they are received. Once released into a charged public sphere, they inevitably become part of ongoing ideological battles, regardless of the makers’ disclaimers.

The Ethics of Representing Disputed History

The most troubling aspect of The Taj Story is not its production design or performances, but its epistemology. It adopts a courtroom drama frame, a genre that naturally evokes the pursuit of truth, and uses it to stage a debate between “two sides” of history: one aligned with mainstream scholarship, and the other with the Tejo Mahalaya claim.

On screen, this can look like a balanced inquiry. In reality, it creates a false equivalence between rigorously researched history and a theory repeatedly demolished by evidence. The film’s structure suggests that the question of the Taj’s origins remains an open controversy among experts. It is not.

Cultural and academic commentators have warned that cinema can reshape collective memory more quickly than any textbook. A report published by UCA News noted concerns among historians and civil society groups that films built on debunked claims can, through repetition and powerful imagery, replace history with narrative in the popular imagination.

Aesthetic Ambition, Intellectual Fragility

There is no denying that The Taj Story is made with visible craft. Its sweeping shots of the Taj, atmospheric lighting and meticulous courtroom choreography reflect real cinematic ambition. Paresh Rawal’s performance has been widely praised, even by critics unsparing about the script. A review in The Times of India described his portrayal as the film’s strongest element.

Yet style cannot rescue a weak spine. The film’s narrative architecture depends on a familiar trope: the lone truth-teller up against an establishment that wants to suppress “real history.” This can make for compelling drama, but only when the truths being suppressed actually exist. In this case, the “hidden facts” are those already examined and rejected by generations of historians.

The speculative edge of the narrative echoes a 2022 petition seeking to open sealed rooms in the Taj to “prove” the temple theory. According to a report in India Today from that year, the Supreme Court dismissed the petition as a “publicity interest litigation,” underscoring how firmly the judiciary sees these claims as baseless.

There is nothing wrong with questioning dominant narratives. The problem arises when a film questions everything except its own assumptions.

Memory Politics and Monumental Narratives

Every nation crafts stories around its monuments, but the Taj Mahal occupies a particularly loaded space in India’s imagination. It is at once an architectural masterpiece, a tourist magnet, a symbol of romantic love, and a visible reminder of Mughal rule. That combination makes it vulnerable to competing narratives about who truly “owns” India’s past.

Attempts to rebrand the Taj as a Hindu temple intersect with a broader discourse that seeks to frame medieval Muslim rulers primarily as invaders rather than historical actors with complex legacies. In this narrative, revising the Taj is less about architecture and more about civilisational assertion.

Cinema is a potent participant in this process. Visual impressions linger far longer than disclaimers. A narrative shown on screen can, over time, harden into inherited memory.

The stakes are not merely academic. They shape belonging, exclusion, indigeneity and perceptions of who inherits India’s heritage. When the Taj is divorced from its Mughal origins, what is contested is not marble but memory.

The Cost of Pseudo-History

The Taj Story positions itself as a bold challenge to “glorified” history, but boldness without evidence is not courage; it is carelessness. Its decision to resurrect a theory dismissed by courts, historians and the ASI does not signal intellectual bravery. It signals a romanticisation of pseudo-history at a moment when the country can least afford it.

Cinema does not have to reproduce textbooks. But when it engages with live controversies in a polarised climate, it acquires an ethical obligation: to distinguish between what is historically grounded and what is speculative or symbolic.

In The Taj Story, that line is blurred. The film will certainly spark debate. The question is whether that debate will deepen public understanding or simply harden preconceived positions.

A society falters when myth is elevated to the status of memory. When a monument as globally recognisable as the Taj Mahal becomes the canvas for unproven theories dressed up as truth-seeking, the damage goes beyond a single film. It chips away at the shared ground on which plural societies stand: a basic agreement about what is fact, what is interpretation and what is fantasy.

Cinema cannot carry the whole burden of historical responsibility. But in times like ours, it cannot pretend to be innocent of it either.

Dharmendra Remembered: How Bollywood’s Most Human Superstar Became India’s Favourite Hero

Film star Dharmendra lived a full and complete life. He was unapologetically himself—a man with a golden heart who loved fellow human beings and always spread the message of love. As an actor, some of his most iconic films came during the black-and-white era. He idolised Dilip Kumar and ultimately became like family to him. Anytime, anywhere, Dharmendra would speak passionately about his love and admiration for Dilip Kumar.

His journey began with Dil Bhi Tera Hum Bhi Tere, and he acted in some of the most fascinating films of his time. Shola Aur Shabnam, Anpadh, Ayi Milan Ki Bela, Haqeeqat, Purnima, Kajal, Mamta, Devar, Baharen Phir Ayengi, Aaye Din Bahar Ke, and Mere Humdum Mere Dost gave us unforgettable songs and stories. Later, he showcased his extraordinary range in films like Satyakam, Anupama, Chupke Chupke, Phool Aur Patthar, Guddi and many others. Frankly, he was a people’s hero—immensely popular among rural audiences.

Dharmendra was never considered a “great actor” in the traditional critical sense, though his cinematic appeal as a star was far greater. Along with Hema Malini, they formed one of cinema’s most loved couples. Yet Dharmendra rarely leaned on this laurel—he was his own man who lived his life on his own terms.

Dharmendra: The People’s Hero With a Golden Heart

He was not a political person but joined the BJP and became its MP from Bikaner. He rarely attended Parliament and became one of the least-performing MPs—still better than his son Sunny Deol. But unlike some of his children, Dharmendra never turned fanatic. He was, at heart, a romantic who loved Urdu poetry, ghazals, and shayari. He never pretended to be someone he wasn’t and remained unfiltered all his life. He enjoyed his whisky and openly admitted it; he always spoke straight from the heart.

Dharmendra enjoyed his life and leaves behind a big, successful legacy. He gave us some of the most beautiful films. We remember him as a great star who loved life and loved people.

A Star Who Stayed Rooted Even After Politics

I have said it many times and will say it again: Don’t depend on film stars for your political thinking. If you love someone for their art, then love them for that. We admire their acting or singing. We have not yet reached a stage where our film stars can consistently speak meaningfully on public issues—they depend far too much on state patronage. If a government changes at the Centre, some stars suddenly become liberal and secular. It is always better for film stars to focus on their work rather than preach to us.

Dharmendra, though he briefly joined politics, realised the mistake and returned to his roots. In an industry filled with artificial people—who pretend to know things or pretend not to know them—Dharmendra was different. He remained close to his Punjabi roots and felt immensely proud of them. There is another man who left politics but remains a bigger politician than anyone else; I don’t need to take his name.

Dharmendra entertained us and gave us some of the most outstanding films to watch. A big salute to his cinematic legacy.

‘Most Dangerous Phase’: Bengal’s SIR Stage Two May Remove Millions of Voters, Says Yogendra Yadav

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Kolkata: Stage two of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the voter list in West Bengal will be more dangerous, claimed Yogendra Yadav, the social activist who has been raising doubts about the real intentions behind the Election Commission of India’s SIR process and had also approached the Supreme Court against it during Bihar’s SIR.

“The second phase will be when the election commission (ERO) will send notice for the hearing to those voters who could not establish their lineage according to the election commission,” said Yadav during his half-hour address at Press Club in the event named SIR: A Challenge for Universal Adult Franchisee, organised by Desh Bachao Gano Mancha and The Educationists’ Forum, West Bengal.

Phase Two May Trigger Massive Voter Deletions

The founder of Swaraj India further said, “In Bihar, after the Supreme Court’s objections, the election commissions had not conducted the second phase of voters’ hearing, and said okay, there will be no more deletions of voters.”

“But in Bengal, the notice could be sent to any number of voters — it may be 50 lakhs to two crores. However, there is no established protocol or SOP (standard operating procedure) for how those documents will be assessed. This will be an arbitrary decision by the EROs,” he pointed out.

Voters of Border Areas, Women and Migrants Most at Risk

“This may be done especially in the bordering areas of Bengal. While women and migrant workers are the most vulnerable,” said Yadav.

The social activist also mentioned earlier that in the first phase, those voters who do not fill out the enumeration forms will have their names deleted instantly, without enquiring anything from those voters, simply saying that since they did not fill the form their names are being removed.

Yadav, citing evidence he had placed before the Supreme Court during Bihar’s SIR, also claimed that the Election Commission has no intention to clean up the electoral roll, but to remove such voters who can vote against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The Election Commission has not remained an umpire anymore, he said, but has become a player.

“After the final publication of the electoral roll in Bihar, I saw in the Supreme Court that there are 20 lakh households which have more than 10 voters, which means election officials need to verify them physically, but it did not happen. There were also 800 voters in one single house in ten such cases. But the Election Commission did not act.”

“My fear is, Bengal can have the largest number of disenfranchised voters in India or maybe in the world,” he added.

‘Bloodless Political Genocide’: Sharp Warnings Issued

Before Yadav, Dr Parakala Prabhakar, an economist and political commentator, argued, “SIR is bloodless political genocide.”

“SIR is nothing but bloodless political genocide. Earlier genocides happened by killing people. But here it is by depriving a large number of people of their fundamental right, which is the right to vote. Once that is taken out, the essence of citizenship is gone. Then the person or persons are no longer meaningful participants in the political process. That is why I say that with SIR, a new phase is coming — earlier, we voters used to choose governments; now government will choose voters. SIR is an assault on constitutional values. It is a political cleansing of India.”

The other speakers were Professor Om Prakash Mishra and Syed Tanveer Nasreen, while Purnendu Basu moderated the event.

Neeraj Ghaywan’s Homebound: A Stark, Unfiltered Look at Muslim Marginalisation and Caste Reality

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Although I have always been a film buff, I hadn’t gone to a theatre in a long time. But last evening, after hearing about Homebound, India’s Oscar nominee for 2026, something stirred within me. I booked my ticket online, reached INOX, and lo and behold—what a powerful film it turned out to be.

It is not merely a movie. It is an elegy of our time—etched on celluloid—of our country, of our contemporary era. What begins as the story of two young men and their personal losses soon expands into a haunting collective experience. It becomes a commentary on our societal and cultural decline: a mourning of lost optimism, shattered dreams, fading ideals, and the fragmentation of communities.

The film by Neeraj Ghaywan on the story by Basharat Peer holds up a mirror to social injustice, human struggle, and even environmental crises like the COVID-19 outbreak. This “elegy of our time” captures the collective grief and anxieties of today, urging us not just to lament but to rethink the very texture of life in the present.

The movie opens with the two protagonists Ishan Khatter as Shoaib Ali and Vishal Jethwa as Chandan Kumar travelling to appear for a competitive exam—a journey that itself feels like a battle. The railway station scene is unforgettable: chaos everywhere, hopelessness deeply etched on the faces of the young. You feel the weight of a generation fighting for breath.

The film is full of such searing images:

The construction site where Chandan’s mother works barefoot, a stark reminder of inherited suffering—katile pair hi virasat mein.

Shoaib struggling to produce his parents’ Aadhaar cards—a commentary on bureaucratic heartlessness.

The stark transition between black-and-white and sepia tones, reflecting memory, trauma, and time.

Entrenched untouchability, shown through children withdrawing from school meals because a Dalit cooked them.

The centuries-old caste system, refusing to die.

Chandan’s idealism touched me deeply. His reasoning—“If I get a job through reservation, I will still be mopping office floors without dignity”—is both heartbreaking and profoundly insightful.

The office cricket match, with its taunts and covert bigotry, hits hard. As Muslims, many of us have lived that reality. The film’s honesty is disarming; it is so true, so authentic, so painfully genuine. The systematic marginalisation of Muslims in India is portrayed not with exaggeration, but with quiet, precise truth.

Sudha’s tender plea to Chandan—“Paapa ko itni baar haarte huye dekha hai… I wanted to fulfil his dreams through you”—is one of the film’s emotional peaks.

Then comes the sudden outbreak of COVID—the government’s knee-jerk lockdown, mills closing overnight, an eerie silence descending upon the city. Workers, desperate to return home, begin their long exodus. Police brutality, fear, confusion, paranoia—everything is captured with devastating accuracy.

When Chandan is thrown out of the truck mid-journey, the scene is unforgettable. Villagers hurl stones at exhausted migrants, refusing them entry. Yet, in that darkness, a lone woman steps forward with water—resisting pressure, embodying the last flicker of humanity.

The dying scene—quiet, raw, unadorned—will remain etched in the memory of every viewer.

The performances are extraordinary. Ishaan Khatter delivers the finest role of his career, and his co-star Vishal Jethwa matches him every step of the way, both embodying a generation caught between despair and resilience. Janhvi Kapoor, Harshita Parmar as Vaishali and Shalini Vatsa as Phool Chandan’s mother were remarkable as were other casts too. The dialogues are sharp and hard hitting.

Homebound is not just a film—it is a document of our times. A lament, a mirror, and perhaps even a warning.

How Do You Kill a Case? The UP Government’s Playbook in the Akhlaq Lynching

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Ten years.

Ten whole years since a mob dragged Mohammad Akhlaq out of his home in Dadri, beat him to death with bricks and rods because someone spread the lie that he had beef in his fridge. Forensic tests later proved it was mutton. But Akhlaq was already dead, his son Danish was fighting for life, and the country was burning with shame.

The mob was led by the son and nephew of a local BJP leader.

They were arrested, charged with murder, then quietly released on bail.

For a decade, the trial crawled at a snail’s pace, prosecution witnesses barely began to be examined, and the killers walked free among us.

And now, in 2025, the BJP government of Uttar Pradesh wakes up and decides: “Let’s just drop the entire case.”

An application under Section 321 CrPC has been filed to withdraw the murder prosecution. The reasons? “Inconsistent statements,” “no sharp weapons recovered,” “no prior enmity.”

The same tired excuses that courts routinely reject in every mob-lynching trial. These are not legal grounds; they are political cover.

This is not an oversight. This is not incompetence.

This is a blatant attempt to bury justice because the accused have the right political connections and the victims are from the “wrong” faith.

The court is not bound to accept this shameful withdrawal. The law is crystal clear.
But will the judge dare to stand up to a government that has spent years intimidating the judiciary, transferring “inconvenient” judges, and turning courts into extensions of the ruling party?

We saw what happened at the Supreme Court level, collegium battles, midnight transfers, judges afraid to even take up certain cases.

If the highest court can be brought to its knees, what chance does a district judge in Gautam Buddh Nagar have?

Mohammad Akhlaq was murdered twice:

Once by a hate-drunk mob in 2015.

And again in 2025 by a government that has decided his life was worth nothing.

If this withdrawal is allowed, every future lynching will carry a silent footnote: “Kill now, we will clean it up later.” Share this if your blood is still capable of boiling.

Tag every judge, every lawyer, every citizen who still believes India is a country of laws, not of lynch mobs and their political godfathers.

Why Indira Gandhi Remains India’s Most Influential and Most Debated Prime Minister

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Let us recall the achievements of Indira Gandhi, whose birth anniversary we celebrate today. She has undoubtedly been one of India’s most powerful rulers ever — with a baggage of controversy as well.

She took over as the Prime Minister of India on 24 January 1966, following the unexpected death of Lal Bahadur Shastri. The senior leaders in the Congress assumed that, as she was a frail woman and quite inexperienced, they would continue to rule with her as an ornamental PM.

Right from day one, she started asserting herself and created her own small group of senior, middle, and talented junior ministers, like Pranab Mukherjee. They began differing from the orthodox line of the old guard so much that she, the Prime Minister, was expelled from Congress in 1969.
She was unfazed in such a big crisis and got her followers together to constitute a “New” Congress Party, that openly challenged the old and financially better off old guard who held on the the ‘original’ Congress, with all the offices, infrastructure, funds, and supporters, as the Congress (O) — O for ‘Organisation’.

Indira then retaliated against the moneybags that supported her opponents and announced the nationalisation of 14 commercial banks in India on July 19,1969. This was a historic and bold step that she followed up by nationalising other private banks, and she was determined to use public funds in favour of the masses. It ensured that farmers, small and tiny enterprises, as well as the rural populace, had easier access to banking services and credit facilities. It was her first step towards taking the Indian economy along a socialist pattern.

In the 1971 Lok Sabha elections, Indira toured all over India, sending out strong messages for change and betterment of the masses. She coined the very popular slogan “Garibi Hatao, Desh Bachao” (Remove Poverty, Save the Country). The masses were bowled over by the image of feminine grit and power that she conveyed. Her New Congress group achieved a landslide victory by defeating a coalition of conservative parties.

In 1971, she brought in the 26th Amendment to the Indian Constitution 1971, which struck down Articles 291 and 362 of the Constitution and eliminated the Privy Purse cash reward that erstwhile princes and nawabs were given– ensuring social justice and signalling a more egalitarian society.

Even before she could settle in, West Pakistan unleashed a genocide in East Pakistan– which led to a massive number of one crore Bengali refugees crossing the border for asylum in India. This was a massive human problem, and Indians were terribly agitated at the manner in which the Pakistani army went about slaughtering the Bengali population of East Pakistan. To garner world opinion on India’s side, she went abroad and met all important world leaders and signed a historic Indo Soviet Pact to pass on a message to Nixon-Kissinger, who were dangerously biased in support of the Pak army in its genocide.

Finally, after gaining a strong majority in parliament and with the support of many world leaders, she started to extend direct and indirect assistance to the provisional government of Bangladesh, formed in East Pakistan. On 3rd December, Pakistan recklessly invaded India. Indira led the battle on both the western and eastern fronts, as she was prepared. The Indian army entered East Pakistan and joined forces with the Mukti Bahini in liberating that country and declaring a new free country called Bangladesh.

This was surely India’s finest hour!

The victory over Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh soared her popularity. In March 1972, her party won a significant number of state elections. But soon thereafter, several forces grouped together and started a civil disobedience movement in Gujarat first, and then in Bihar, under the veteran leader, Jayaprakash Narayan — the Total Revolution.

In retaliation, Indira imposed a national emergency on the ground of internal disturbance on the 25th of June 1975. She jailed all important political leaders, muzzled the press, curtailed civil liberties and ushered in a totalitarian regime that India holds against her, even till now. When she felt that the opposition had been crushed, she lifted the Emergency on till 21 March 1977 and called for parliamentary elections.

In this election of 1977, she was routed by a strong articulating widespread public opposition to her Emergency. The victorious opposition cobbled together and formed a ‘united’ Janata Party government under Morarji Desai. In early 1978, Gandhi and her supporters formally split from the Congress Party and formed Congress (I) Party (the “I” standing for Indira). The Janata government was unable to offer stability, but was united in imprisoning her during the period of October 1977–December 1978 on the charges of corruption.

However, post her release from jail, Gandhi was again elected to the Lok Sabha in November 1978, and her Congress (I) Party started to gain strength, sweeping a landslide victory in the General Elections in January 1980.

Indira Gandhi returned to power and followed her father’s socialist industrial development policies. In 1975, she introduced the Twenty Point Programme, which was the first ever comprehensive plan aimed at eradicating poverty and raising the standard of living of the poor. The Programme’s goals were in line with the Development Goals. Her other notable achievement was the emphasis on the Green Revolution, which revolutionised India’s agricultural sector. She then nationalised the coal sector too.

Early in the 1980s, Indira Gandhi sensed threats to India’s political integrity. Sikh extremist leader Bhindranwale led a violent movement in Punjab, demanding an independent country called Khalistan. Indira was accused of having helped Bhindranwale’s earlier rise to power to curb the Akali Dal in Punjab. But when the situation went out of hand, she sent the army into the holiest precincts of Sikhs, the Golden Temple, to finish off the Khalistan movement. This Operation Blue Star angered the Sikhs, and her own trusted Sikh bodyguards assassinated her in her own New Delhi home on 31 October 1984.

Let history judge her great achievements and her minuses as well.

नेताओं ने झारखंड की ज़मीन, जनता के हक़ के बदले सौंप दी कंपनियों को- झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा

झारखंड अपनी 25वीं वर्षगांठ मना रहा है, लेकिन झारखंड आंदोलन के सपने पहले से कहीं ज़्यादा दूर हैं। इस अवसर पर, झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा सभी राजनीतिक दलों के नेताओं को संबोधित करते हुए वक्तव्य जारी कर रही है। यह वक्तव्य वर्तमान स्थिति के लिए राजनीतिक वर्ग को ज़िम्मेदार ठहराता है और राजनीतिक नेताओं से अपने तौर-तरीके सुधारने की अपील करता है।

सभी पार्टियों के विधायक और राजनीतिक नेतागण,

झारखंड की 25वीं सालगिरह के मौके परहम आपको यह बताने के लिए लिख रहे हैं कि हम आपके काम से कितने निराश हैंऔर आपसे अपील करते हैं कि आप अपने तरीके सुधारें।

झारखंड का बनना एक लंबे संघर्ष का नतीजा था। सभी समुदायों के जनहितैषी लोगों ने इस आंदोलन में अहम भूमिका निभाई। कई लोगों ने इसके लिए अपनी जान कुर्बान कर दी। उनका सपना था कि झारखंड बनने से इस इलाके के आदिवासी-मूलवासी अपने मूल्यों के अनुसार विकास कर पाएंगे – आज़ादीसमानतादोस्ती और प्रकृति के साथ तालमेल के मूल्य। झारखंड की आज़ादी से बाहरी लोगों के शोषण का भी अंत होना था।

पच्चीस साल बादयह सपना मात्र बन के रह गया है। इसमें कोई शक नहीं कि झारखंड में ज़्यादातर लोग आज पच्चीस साल पहले के मुकाबले थोड़ी बेहतर स्थिति में हैं। लेकिन लाखों लोग आज भी घोर गरीबी में जी रहे हैं। और झारखंड वैसा नहीं है जैसा उसे होना चाहिए था। छोटानागपुर और संथाल परगना की खूबसूरत सभ्यता खत्म होने के खतरे में है क्योंकि ताकतवर कंपनियाँ इसकी ज़मीनखनिज और दूसरे प्राकृतिक संसाधनों पर नज़र गड़ाए हुए हैं। झारखंड के आज़ाद और स्वाभिमानी किसान मज़दूर बन रहे हैं और बदहाल शहरों की ओर जा रहे हैं। जल्द हीझारखंड का अनोखापन खतम हो जाएगा और बाकी भारत से अलग शायद ही कुछ बचेगासिवाय इसके कि यह ज़्यादा गरीब होगा

आपझारखंड के राजनीतिक नेताइसके लिए मुख्य रूप से ज़िम्मेदार हैं। झारखंड आंदोलन के दिग्गजों से प्रेरणा और सीख लेने और आम लोगों के लिए काम करने के बजायआपने खुद को अमीर बनाने के लिए शोषकों के साथ हाथ मिला लिया है। आप स्थानीय लोगों की कीमत पर झारखंड के कीमती संसाधनों को लालची कंपनियों और व्यापारियों को बेच रहे हैं। आपने सार्वजनिक शिक्षा व्यवस्था को बर्बाद होने दिया हैजिससे लाखों युवाओं को प्रवासी मज़दूर बनने पर मजबूर होना पड़ा है। आपने भ्रष्ट ठेकेदारों के साथ मिलकर नरेगा को लूटा हैजिससे लाखों लोगों से उनके काम का अधिकार छीन लिया गया है। पच्चीस सालों मेंआप PESA के लिए नियम बनाने में नाकाम रहे हैं। आपने CNT-SPT एक्ट और वन अधिकार अधिनियम का घोर उल्लंघन होने दिया है। आपने बड़े-बड़े ठेकाओं से खूब पैसा कमाया हैजबकि पीने का पानीनाली और फुटपाथ जैसी बुनियादी सुविधाएँ हर जगहयहाँ तक कि रांची में भी गायब हैं।

आप में से कुछ लोगों ने झारखंड के लोगों को बाँटा भी है और अपनी ताकत बढ़ाने के लिए उन्हें एक-दूसरे के खिलाफ भड़काया है। “धन नहींएकता सही ” झारखंड संघर्ष के लोकप्रिय नारों में से एक था। आज इस एकता का बहुत कम हिस्सा बचा है। जब लोग आपस में लड़ते हैं तो शोषण करने वालों की मौज हो जाती है।

जब तक राजनैतिक नेता अपना तरीका नहीं बदलतेतब तक हालात सुधरने की उम्मीद नहीं है। हम आप में से कुछ लोगों को पहले से ही अपना साथी मानते हैंऔर दूसरों से भी हमें कुछ उम्मीद है। लेकिन अगर आप सब ने अपना रवैया नहीं सुधारातो कहीं ऐसा न हो कि आप पूर्ण रूप से नकार दिए जायें। हम उम्मीद कर रहे हैं कि नेतृत्व की एक नई पीढ़ी सामने आएगीजिसमें ऐसे पुरुष और औरतें होंगी जो लोगों के हितों को दिल से समझते हैं। हम पहले से ही आप में से कुछ लोगों को उनमें गिनते हैंलेकिन ज्यादा नहीं। अपनी तरफ सेहम अपने तरीके से बदलाव के लिए काम करते रहेंगे।

महासभा और अन्य संगठन मिलकर 15 नवंबर 2025 को बिरसा समाधि स्थल, कोकर, रांची से सैनिक बाज़ार तक एक “झारखंडी एकता यात्रा” का आयोजन करेंगे ताकि लोगों को झारखंड आंदोलन के सपनों की याद दिलाई जा सके।

El Fashir Has Fallen — and So Has the World’s Conscience on Sudan

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The seizure of the city of El Fashir in North Darfur by the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) has given us some horrific images. On 26–27 October 2025, after an 18-month siege, RSF forces overran the city that had been the last major stronghold of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) in Darfur.

Sudanese medical and rights groups, including the Sudan Doctors Network, have accused the RSF of committing massacres, mass detentions, and attacks on hospitals.

Sudan’s transition to democracy began with extraordinary hope and ended in blood. In April 2019, a broad civilian uprising toppled Omar al-Bashir, whose 30-year dictatorship had left behind a legacy of repression, corruption, and civil war. The revolution’s slogan — “Freedom, peace, and justice” — became a unifying cry for a nation long divided by region, ethnicity, and class.

After Bashir’s ouster, a fragile power-sharing arrangement was formed between the military and the civilian coalition known as the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC). That arrangement, formalised in the 2019 Constitutional Declaration, promised a transitional government leading to elections. But beneath the surface, the military never ceded real power.

The two dominant armed entities — General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo’s (known as Hemedti) Rapid Support Forces (RSF) — both sought to control the state’s future, its gold wealth, and its foreign partnerships.

By late 2021, the transition had effectively collapsed. In October of that year, Burhan and Hemedti staged a coup, dissolving the civilian government and arresting Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok. What followed was a return to military rule disguised as “stabilisation.”

Efforts to revive the transition faltered as mistrust between the SAF and RSF deepened, particularly over plans to integrate the RSF into the regular army. The disagreement was less about structure than supremacy: who would control Sudan’s economy, foreign policy, and post-Bashir order.

In April 2023, tensions exploded into open war in Khartoum, then spread rapidly to Darfur and other regions — derailing Sudan’s democratic dream and plunging millions back into the nightmare they had risked everything to escape.

The Darfur Genocide

The events unfolding in El Fashir evoke grim memories of the early 2000s, when Darfur became synonymous with ethnic cleansing and state-sponsored terror.

The RSF, born out of the infamous Janjaweed militias that orchestrated the first Darfur genocide, has reverted to its original logic of ethnic warfare. Reports from survivors describe house-to-house searches, the targeting of non-Arab communities such as the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa, and the systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure.

Some of the verified images and videos emerging from El Fashir and other parts of Darfur in late 2025 are among the most disturbing to have surfaced since the start of Sudan’s civil war. Although access to the region is severely restricted, visual evidence has filtered out through humanitarian workers, local journalists, and satellite verification groups like Amnesty International’s Crisis Evidence Lab and BBC Verify.

The International Backers

Several foreign powers have played active roles in Sudan’s war, each pursuing distinct economic and strategic objectives.

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been the most significant external supporter of the RSF. Its involvement is motivated by access to Sudan’s gold resources and a desire to expand its influence in the Horn of Africa. The RSF controls major gold mines in Darfur, and much of that gold is exported through the UAE into the international bullion market.

The Sudanese Armed Forces have received assistance from Iran, Turkey, Egypt, and Qatar — each maintaining their own stake in the conflict. Turkey and Qatar, for example, invested heavily in Sudan during the Bashir era, particularly in agriculture and port infrastructure, which they now hope to protect.

The war has extracted an enormous toll, with more than 150,000 killed and another 522,000 children dead due to malnutrition. It has also displaced 8.8 million people, while 3.5 million have been made refugees.

With both parties to the civil war having consolidated their hold in various regions across the country, the people have continued to suffer.

Politics, Power, and Cinema: Author Rasheed Kidwai Captivates Dubai Audience

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Dubai: Literature enthusiasts from India and Dubai gathered at the India Club for a memorable evening with celebrated author and journalist Rasheed Kidwai. The engaging session was part of The Write Circle series — a prestigious initiative of the Prabha Khaitan Foundation that brings eminent authors, poets, and thought leaders to global audiences.

The event began with a warm and graceful welcome address by Kajal Sagar, the Ehsaas Woman of Dubai. The evening’s conversation was skilfully moderated by Madiha Saidi, also an Ehsaas Woman of Dubai, who guided the audience through Rasheed Kidwai’s remarkable literary and journalistic journey.

A noted author, political commentator, and columnist, Rasheed Kidwai is known for his insightful analysis of India’s political landscape and the intersection of cinema and power. His acclaimed books — Neta Abhineta: Bollywood Star Power in Indian Politics and House of Scindias — have been widely praised for their depth of research and engaging narratives that bridge the worlds of governance and glamour.

An Insightful Dialogue on Politics, Cinema, and Power

The conversation delved deep into House of Scindias and Neta Abhineta, as Kidwai shared fascinating insights and lesser-known anecdotes about India’s top political figures and film personalities, offering a behind-the-scenes glimpse into the corridors of power and celebrity.

Saidi’s incisive questions explored the complex relationship between Indian cinema and politics, and the challenges of reporting on influential public figures. Kidwai, known for his sharp political analysis and candid storytelling, kept the audience engaged with his trademark wit and depth of observation.

“The relationship between Bollywood and politics is an abiding one,” Kidwai observed. “Film stars from across the country have joined politics, won elections, and held important positions in government. At the Centre, Shatrughan Sinha, Sunil Dutt, Vinod Khanna, and Smriti Irani went on to become Union ministers. Kirron Kher and Paresh Rawal entered the Lok Sabha through the BJP, while Raj Babbar once headed the Uttar Pradesh Congress unit. Even Amitabh Bachchan served as a Congress MP from 1984 to 1986 and was a close aide of Rajiv Gandhi. Film icons such as Rajesh Khanna, Govinda, Jaya Bachchan, Jaya Prada, Dharmendra, and Hema Malini have all played a role in central politics — each with varying impact.”

author journalist rasheed kidwai family bollywood star power in indian politics
Rasheed Kidwai with his wife Dr Farah Kidwai (in Saree) and other family members at the India Club in Dubai | Arranged

Cinema as a Unifying Force in Indian Society

Expanding on this theme, Kidwai reflected,
“At another level, this phenomenon highlights political parties’ inability to find credible leaders as candidates. The BJP, Trinamool Congress, Shiv Sena, and the Congress have all relied on reel-life heroes to further their political causes. Meanwhile, actors seek longevity and relevance in public life through electoral politics. In a country as diverse as India — divided by ethnicity, class, caste, religion, and language — cinema acts as a unifying and popularity-driving force. Film stars often provide a more consensual and likable alternative to conventional politicians, carrying an aura that inspires admiration and connects instantly with the masses.”

His reflections offered the audience a thoughtful understanding of how celebrity culture and electoral politics intersect in modern India.

A Celebration of Literature, Conversation, and Ideas

The Write Circle series, an initiative of the Prabha Khaitan Foundation, continues to promote literature, cultural dialogue, and meaningful exchange among global audiences. The Dubai edition once again proved how storytelling and reflective dialogue can bridge continents, languages, and ideas.

The evening concluded with an interactive Q&A session, where participants posed thought-provoking questions about political journalism, celebrity influence, and the evolving nature of India’s democracy. The discussion left the audience both informed and inspired — marking yet another successful and memorable chapter of The Write Circle in Dubai.

The programme was graced by several distinguished citizens of Dubai from diverse walks of life, including Shree Vasu Dada Shroff, Naved Saidi, Yasar Khan, and many others.

The Untamed Soul of Indian Cinema: How Ritwik Ghatak’s Art Still Speaks to Our Times

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The World Cinema Project has restored, among other films, Titas Ekti Nodir Naam by Ritwik Ghatak. Martin Scorsese, the revered Hollywood film-maker who is also the founder of the project, didn’t know much about Ritwik Ghatak, who made the film in 1972-73, until recently. He quite candidly admits that he knew little about Indian cinema outside of Satyajit Ray and Bollywood. When he finally came across Ghatak, though, Scorsese saw “an extremely refined vision of cinema” and films that were “thematically dense and layered”.

Many film-watchers in India are no more likely to have encountered Ghatak—although that is only partly their fault. Ray had famously said, in 1989, to a French journalist in a broadcast interview, “We have a fairly backward audience here, I must say, in spite of the film society movement and all that. If you consider the larger audience, it is a backward audience, an unsophisticated audience.”

Ray was lashing out at the audience’s, and critics’, response to Devi, his film with a very young Sharmila Tagore as the lead actress. One of his true masterpieces, the film is about a young woman who is interpreted (perhaps not the right word for it) as an avatar of goddess Kali by her father-in-law, and the unsavoury reverberations of it. Ray said, “It [the film] dealt with religious dogmatism, it didn’t attack religion as such; it attacked dogmatism, the extreme form of religion… But people [are] writing in the papers that ‘Oh, because Mr Ray is not a Hindu, he is a Brahmo, he is making such films against Hinduism’ and all that. But they are stupid people, you can’t take them into account.”

And this is Ray, the man globally synonymous with great cinema in India.

What, then, of the socially, politically, morally, and much-elsely conscious cinema of Ghatak?

Yet, in this, his centenary year, I have discovered to my great joy over the past many months of working on Unmechanical: Ritwik Ghatak in 50 Fragments as its editor, an anthology of essays just published by Westland Books, that his work has its audience and is finding new viewers—and its place in Indian and world cinema.

Ritwik Ghatak’s Raw Genius: The Rebel Voice of Bengali Cinema

Ghatak was usually less polished in his demeanour than Ray was, just rawer; perhaps that could be said about their cinema too. If he embarked on a diatribe against Bengali cinema-watchers, Ghatak would probably have dealt in the language of the streets. I say probably, but by all accounts, that’s exactly what he used to do.

Drunk much of time in the last fifteen years of his fifty-year-long life and out of work for large swathes in that period—he didn’t make a full-length film between 1962 and 1972-73, though he did make some short films and documentaries. He was vice-principal at the Film and Television Institute of India (FTII) in Poona (now Pune) — Ghatak was disillusioned with what we often refer to with the all-encompassing word — ‘system’, and wasn’t shy of giving vent to his frustration.

Partition, Politics, and Pain: The Forces That Shaped Ghatak’s Cinema

His films attacked the very class of Bengalis he belonged to, the middle-class bhadralok, which was—and remains—the chief patron of the arts.

An unusually creative and sensitive young person, it appears that Ghatak could have had his pick of careers, coming as he did from a well-off family. But the times made the man: as a teenager, he lived through World War II, the struggle for independence, the Great Bengal Famine, the many communal riots, and, finally, the freedom and Partition of India, followed by more riots and killings and the refugee crisis.

From the writings of his twin, Pratiti, we find that even in his early teens, he was spending a lot of time with labourers and workers of various hues, and around the time of independence, taking active part in civil society initiatives that brought him closer and closer to the marginalised, and causing him to be disillusioned with the world of the urban elite. His ideas first burst through in writing—poetry and short stories—and then theatre, and finally cinema, as is well documented, in order to converse and communicate with more and more people.

That was the primary impulse, to speak to people, but, of course, he had the artist’s quest for recognition too. Letters to his wife Surama, when he was working at Filmistan Studios in Bombay, briefly, in the mid-1950s, speak of the fame he had hoped to find along the way.

From Idealism to Isolation: The Making and Unmaking of Ritwik Ghatak

And therein lies the unravelling of Ghatak.

His first film, Nagarik, made in 1952, went unreleased till after his death in 1976. Why? Because he had had his differences with the Communist Party of India (and the Indian People’s Theatre Association) he belonged to, and was expelled. And, from what I have picked up from various people I have spoken to, members of that party prevented the film from getting a release.

A similar fate befell Subarnarekha, made in 1962 but only released in 1965, because of issues with the censors. Apparently they objected to the film’s climax in which the drunk protagonist walks into the quarters of his sister, who has turned to prostitution, in the dead of night, prompting the sister to kill herself. It’s a gut punch of a scene in a magnificent film.

Komal Gandhar, made just before Subarnarekha in 1961, did get released on schedule, but only in limited theatres. It was scuppered by forces—it’s impossible for me to say who was chiefly responsible, though I have heard it said it was the Communist Party again—that played the pettiest of tricks: planting people in the audience in theatres that would laugh at gritty or emotional scenes and howl at the lighter moments.
By all accounts, Ghatak didn’t start out being the man he became—bitter, an alcoholic—when still only in his thirties. He was an idealist, a man full of ideas.

Yes, he wanted recognition, not necessarily a lot of money. Yet, from the early 1950s all the way to the time of his death in the mid-1970s, he also deliberately kicked every chance at success out of his path. To put it simply, he sought glory, but not by compromising. He wanted to do his work, his way, and only his way, and wanted the world to accept him for it.

Art, Conviction, and Conflict: The Price of Staying True

Does that suggest entitlement?

Or, naïveté?

Who knows?

Q: But what if the audience doesn’t accept the artist, or the artist’s worldview? What should the artist do—stay firm in his/her convictions or think about their worldview based on what the audience tells them? Where does the independence of the artist end?

A: An artist must always remain firm in their convictions.

The Q&A above is translated from an interview published posthumously in Ritwik: Nijer Kothay, Nijer Lekhay.

“I had a chance and made the film. It was fun all the way through—it is still fun while it is grossing exactly nothing at the box office.”

This is about Ajantrik (1958). Another colossal failure at the box office, but now regarded as an all-time global classic. But, then, as Safdar Hashmi said of him:

“Far from being a rebel protesting against ‘constraints’ within the cultural movement, Ritwik, unlike many erstwhile luminaries of the progressive cultural movement, never wavered in his pursuit of a medium and a message that is true to the people and carries on their struggles in the artistic sphere, he never placed his art at the disposal of commercial cinema or fell prey to the attractions of glamour and riches. In his films, he used no populist elements, the shortcuts to popularity resorted to by so many of our so-called ‘radical’ film-makers these days.”

Or consider what versatile Bengali actor Anil Chatterjee said about Meghe Dhaka Tara (1960): “The distributor, Mahendra Gupta, had suggested a different ending to the film: the sister should survive, and she would return home with her brother. Ritwikda shot that ending. But he told me, ‘This ending will not be used, I will shoot an alternate ending. This film must end in tragedy. The sister must die. She can’t survive.’ He didn’t compromise.”

He really didn’t. What happened instead, though, was steady deterioration, of his health, his relationships, even perhaps his work. Jukti, Tokko aar Goppo, his final film, can be thought of as a classic, a film so different from anything ever made, at least in India; it is autobiographical, raw and abrasive, a comment and a statement more than anything else. Of the film, Safdar Hashmi writes:

“In 1974, in a state of ill-health and near nervous breakdown, he completed his last film, Jukti, Tokko aar Goppo, a film so daring in its complete disregard of the very language and grammar of cinema he had mastered and developed that it is difficult to understand how it achieves its intense intimacy with the audience. It is as if the characters step out of the screen to talk to you and you are forced to respond to them, to react very sharply for or against them. The central character, played by Ritwik himself, parodies his real life in such a way that it compels the audience to reflect and criticise him. Perhaps that is just what Ritwik had been struggling to do through cinema all his life. Ironically, perhaps he wanted to see whether it could be achieved only through a conscious rejection of much of what has come to be accepted as the language of cinema.”

I get what he’s saying of the film, but I don’t agree.

The writer and poet Nabarun Bhattacharya says about Jukti, Tokko aar Goppo:

“When the film was made, and we watched it, I couldn’t understand it at all. In fact, I had a raging row with Ritwik about it. I remember telling him, ‘Enough is enough! You think you can do whatever you want and everyone has to sit and watch it? I can’t accept that you will walk to the camera lens and pour alcohol on it as a defence of your alcoholism.’ He conceded defeat at the time. He said so. He finished by quoting Shakespeare: ‘Then mum’s the word.’”

“But I have been astounded each time I have watched the film since, the modernity of it is incredible. Just watch it. See the heights he has reached, see where each image has travelled. And that film talked about every political issue in Bengal, and even in the rest of the world, at the time. This epic quality of Ritwik’s framing motivates me every day. Every day some new prostitutes are born, and every other day, their elder brothers reach them at night, drunk. But only Ritwik could have captured this in such a bold sequence.”

filmmaker ritwik ghatak world cinema martin scorsese bollywood
Photo courtesy: NFDC – National Film Archive of India

My view is of a piece with Nabarun’s first impression. It was self-indulgent. It was entitled. It was roguish.

Knowing he wasn’t going to get better, knowing that he was going to die sooner rather than later—as his conversations with niece Aroma Dutta tell us—did Ritwik plan his swansong thus?

I will do what I want, with the National Film Development Corporation’s money at that, and you have to watch it.

Who can say?

What we can say with some certainty and conviction, though, is that this was a man who truly believed in the sanctity and relevance of his art and of his thoughts and theories. He did nothing he didn’t believe in.

Ritwik Ghatak’s Legacy: Shunned Then, Celebrated Now

He was willing to shun work, suffer deeply and waste away till he got a chance to do what he did. Lesser mortals would have compromised, taken the path more travelled. But here we stand today: this man, fifty years after his death, is more relevant than ever.

A giant of world cinema.

Shunned in his lifetime, proven right at the end of it all.