Women of India’s cleanest city slums are most affected by household air pollution

Go Green

Shahroz Afridi

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December 18, 2022

Women of India’s cleanest city slums are most affected by household air pollution

Indore: Santosh Bai, residing in Sai Vandana Nagar Slums of Sanwer Industrial Area of Indore walks towards her home with a pack of three matchboxes in her hand. Why these matchboxes and she replies to burn firewood chulha (mud-stove).

“I have been using a firewood stove for a longtime. My house has turned black because of the smoke. But what to do, I have to feed my family as well. I have a LPG gas connection but the empty cylinder is lying inside the house as we don’t have enough money to get it refilled,” says Santosh Bai.

Santosh Bai is more worried about her house turning black because of smoke caused by burning biomass in her chulha but not her lungs.

This is not the story of Santosh Bai alone but most of the women residing in slums in Indore- the cleanest city of India- echo the same feelings.

The cleanest city has impure air

Indore was adjudged as the cleanest city in India for the sixth consecutive year. A recent survey by the Union Environment Ministry revealed that Indore was one of the 37 cities whose air quality has declined in the past four years. The survey report said that levels of PM10 (inhalable particles around 10 micrometers) particulate had increased in the city’s air during the period between 2017 and 2021.

There are women like Kshama Kanade, who too use firewood, coal, dung cakes for cooking. They too cough and have teary eyes while cooking but believe that using firewood chulha does not have any effect on their health.

When asked if anybody has briefed you about the hazards of household air pollution, women replied in negative.

The level of unawareness about Household Air Pollution (HAP) could be judged by the fact that some women advocated in favour of firewood chulha saying that it keeps away the mosquitoes. All of them admitted that they face problems like teary eyes, burning of eyes and coughing but justified that it was destined to happen if one cooks on firewood.

Household Air Pollution

Household Air Pollution (HAP) has an estimated average contribution of 30-50% to ambient air quality across India’s urban and rural areas, according to a study done by Council on Energy Environment and Water (CEEW). Biofuels also result in lower respiratory infections and coronary chronic obstructive disease (COPD) increasing the risk of severe Covid-19 with women and children being at the highest risk.

As per the Global Burden of Disease Study 2019, nearly 600,000 deaths in India in 2019 can be attributed to indoor air pollution. Burning of solid fuels to prepare food on simple cook stoves (chulha) in homes exposes families, particularly women and children, to the harmful impacts of smoke and indoor air pollution (IAP).

Slum dwellers are doubly affected, both by the higher concentration of particulate matter in urban areas as well as indoor air pollution from the use of unclean cooking fuels. It could be worse considering the fact that most of them are poorly nourished.

With more than 13.7 million people living in slums in the country (Census 2011), there is a strong impetus to understand the use of clean cooking fuels in such households, suggests a study done by CEEW.

Slum population in Mini Mumbai

Indore has a significant slum population, about 30% of the total population or about 8,38,977 residents reside in slums. At present there are 646 slums in the city, of which 599 are notified. The total area of slums combined is 20.35 sq km, which takes up 8% of the total area designated under the Indore Municipal Corporation.

“Many people are unaware that various forms of indoor air pollution also pose a risk to our lung health. Some of the major sources in urban settings include burning of biomass, incense sticks and mosquito coils. People with medical conditions such pulmonary tuberculosis, HIV, poor nutritional status, and concurrent respiratory infections are at a greater risk. Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD) is triggered more during monsoons and winter seasons,” said Dr Lokendra Dave, Head of the department and Pulmonologist, Gandhi Medical College, Bhopal.

indore household air pollution indoor environment — Sheela Kushwah at her shop with firewood chulha

The damage caused to the lungs caused by COPD is permanent but awareness about risk factors can minimize chances of developing COPD, added Dr Dave.

Dr Ajay Nagpure, clean air catalyst expert said that children and women- especially pregnant women, are easy targets of HAP. “Women using biomass like firewood, dung cakes or coal for cooking food suffer more badly. Use of biomass as fuel causes five to ten times more air pollution,” said Nagpure.

Studies say that constant exposure to burning biomass is associated with a wide range of illnesses including COPD, pneumonia, stroke, lung cancer and cardiovascular diseases.

“Most of the people are largely unaware about the ill-effects of air pollution, what to talk of household air pollution,” commented Sudhir Gore, working as Lead for the Rumour Tracking Project of Clean Air Catalyst in Indore. The project aims at removing myths related to air pollution among common people.

Most of the respondents in the study believed that there was no air pollution in Indore. “Our study revealed that people think that air pollution caused by industries does not affect much as it moves towards the sky through chimneys. Most of them believed that air pollution occurs only outside homes and not inside their homes,” added Gore.

Social activist working in the slum areas of Indore, Kirti Dixit too feels the same. “They have seen their mothers cooking on firewood. They have seen them with teary eyes and coughing. They think it is natural during cooking. They are completely unaware about Household Air Pollution (HAP).”

Chulha’s contribution to household air pollution

On the other hand there are women like Parwati Suleri, who cites additional reasons for using traditional chulha. “We belong to a village and we like food cooked on traditional chulha. Rotis baked on wood fire tastes different. Moreover, jowar (sorghum) and makka (maize) chapatis are baked best on wooden fire,” said Parwati.

Another intriguing thing that was observed during the visit to these areas was that most of the houses had an additional chulha built outside their homes. The chulha outside was meant exclusively to warm water during winters.

firewood indore air pollution household — Firewood stacked behind a house in Indore | Credit: Author

“We cook food on chulha inside our house. This one (pointing to chulha built outside) is used to warm water for bathing,” clarified Mamta Chouhan and Pinky Rajput, sitting outside their shanty.

The chulha built outside the house, used for warming water, is often fed with any ignitable substance in addition to wood, cardboard paper and other industrial waste.

Several women residing in slums have also opened small shops catering to daily needs of the labourers. Sheela Kushwah, one such woman runs a shop and a tea stall from her home. A firewood stove could be seen at her shop.

“I use it for making tea for the customers. I also cook food on it,” says Sheela. She said that her children and husband collect firewood from nearby places. They also collect paper, cardboard and other industrial wastes that could be burnt for fire, she added.

Sheela said that she could not bear the cost of buying expensive LPG. “The price of a gas cylinder has almost doubled from Rs 600 a few years ago to almost Rs 1100 now. Wood is cheap and often procured free from around.”

Another study by the CEEW says that though 85% of households have an LPG connection but 54% households continue to use traditional solid fuels, either exclusively or by stacking them with the LPG.

The study also states that traditional solid fuels like firewood, dung cakes, agriculture residue, charcoal for cooking increases exposure to indoor air pollution.

“The problem is serious and needs to be addressed immediately. Women should be educated about the nuances of Household Air Pollution and about the use of clean energy fuels and alternatives provided by renewable energy appliances,” said Dr Nagpure.

“Subsidy on the LPG should be ensured that it reaches people belonging to the economically weaker section. Efforts should be made to start an awareness campaign to develop understanding of ecology besides making it part of the school education as well,” said social researcher and director of Vikas Samvad, Sachin Jain.

A sustained campaign should be started among the women of weaker sections where they should be informed about ill-effects of HAP. “Once they realize the health hazards of using biofuels then only they would think of adopting the alternatives,” added Jain.

Cooking solutions based on renewable energy sources should be made affordable and encouraged, he added.

Mayor of Indore Municipal Corporation (IMC), Pushyamitra Bhargava said that IMC and the district administration have taken several steps to reduce air pollution caused by the industries, traffic and waste management.

“Ideas like installing a community water heating system at Sulabh Toilet Complexes through solar energy are welcome and we will start it soon on a pilot basis. Moreover, Deendayal Rasoi Yojana too could be modified to suit the needs of slum dwellers,” assured mayor of Indore, Pushyamitra Bhargava.

Indore, Mayor said that an awareness campaign will be started apprising women about the ill-effects of air pollution on their health.

This story was produced with support from Internews’ Earth Journalism Network.

Congress’ Bharat Jodo Yatra – Has the ‘Grand Old Party’ finally found the right path?

Opinion

Vineet Kumar

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December 15, 2022

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[dropcap]“C[/dropcap]ongress kuch karti nahi!,” “ Kaha hai Congress?” Such remarks constitute the general narrative that has encompassed the Indian political space for almost a decade. A party that has been decimated in all corners of the country, coupled with its eroding political acumen has inflicted heavy electoral losses to the party. The “Bharat Jodo Yatra” promises to cover a distance of about 3500 km within 150 days, that too on foot! Although this country has seen “Yatras” of all sorts, this one feels particularly special given the circumstances that led to its inception.

The Optics

From tying a little girl’s shoelaces to walking hand-in-hand with party workers and the general public, Rahul and the Congress’ PR machinery are working round the clock to create a non-political narrative for the Yatra. At a time when the nation is riddled with communal tension, the Congress party has reiterated the fact that the sole purpose of this Yatra is to unify the country with their message of harmonious co-existence. A point that Rahul never fails to mention is the constant attack by the ruling party on the “Idea of India” and how the Grand Old Party strives to act as the guardian of this great nation and its people. “I have not come here to speak, I have come here to listen,” something which the Congress’ talisman mentioned at the beginning of this Yatra.

Although issues like soaring inflation and unemployment were the core issues which the yatra was supposed to raise, the initial phase of this journey focused on redefining the political acumen of Rahul and the Congress. The BJP’s social media wing has left no stone unturned over the years to discredit Rahul Gandhi as an immature and non-sensical politician who does not have credible leadership skills to lead his party or the country. But Congress’ attempt at redefining “Brand Rahul” has surely had a positive impact.

The powerful image of a rain-drenched Rahul Gandhi continues to address the people who stood under the belting rainfall to listen to their leader. Such images are helping the narrative being put forward by the Congress of Rahul being a staunch public figure who seems to have developed a sense of political maturity in recent times. His manner of interacting with fellow workers, senior leaders and most importantly the people who are so eager to get a glimpse of him has caught the media eye. Television media has always been at the centre of the Congress’ attack with party members alleging inadequate coverage of the principal opposition party. How often do we see public speeches, ‘dharnas’ or ‘gheraos’ carried out by the Congress televised? The answer is probably not so often when compared to the relentless TV onslaught of government events. The tide has certainly turned in the party’s favour with Congress finally occupying the media space daily, something which the party miserably failed at over the past 8 years.

Rahul Gandhi with village women in Rajasthan | Credit; Twitter/@bharatjodo

The Presidential elections have also contributed to increased media coverage for the party. A party which comes under constant attack for being a safe haven for dynasts put on great pomp and show of internal democracy by electing its party president for the first time in over two decades. Ever since Sonia Gandhi entered active politics to arrest the Congress’ slump, the party has always turned to her The

Public Response

The Yatra has evoked an extremely positive response in the states which it has traversed till date. Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has been drawing huge crowds in the Southern Peninsula which has galvanised the party’s ground-level organisation. The Southern corners of the country have always come to the rescue when it comes to a “Gandhi” looking for political resurrection. Indira Gandhi post her electoral drubbing in 1977 started her quest for redemption by winning the Chikmagalur by-election in 1978, Sonia Gandhi won her first major political battle when she defeated fire-brand BJP leader Shushma Swaraj in Belagavi in 1998 and her son managed to gain humongous support in the state of Kerala in 2019 while the party was wiped out across the “Hindi heartland.”

Humongous crowds do not necessarily get converted into gigantic electoral gains. There have been enough instances in the past which prove that crowds do not often convert into votes, the best example of this being Narendra Modi himself in certain state elections where the party fell short under his leadership. Despite this, people pouring into the ‘Padyatra’ in huge numbers does provide the party a much-needed boost in difficult times.

Marching in the right direction?

A major talking point over the past couple of months has been the route followed by Rahul and his team. In peak election season, the party’s supreme leader (although not officially) has side-lined himself from campaigning in two crucial BJP-ruled states. Although the party seems to have pulled up its socks in Himachal, it is difficult to comprehend the reason behind the Congress’ lackluster campaign in Gujarat. The Congress proved to be a tough nut to crack in the last election, riding off a rigorous campaign but this time the party’s nowhere to be seen. With the Congress banking on the mythical door-to-door campaign, the Aam Aadmi Party has made serious inroads into the electoral scene. The Congress refuses to acknowledge the threat posed to their status in Gujarat, banking on the fact that such third-party experiments have always fallen below expectations in the state. Having backed out of campaigning in the poll-bound state indicates the fact that his priorities do not necessarily “rest in the west.”

Rahul Gandhi with Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot on December 15 | Credit: Twitter/@bharatjodo

Bharat Jodo – More like Cadre Jodo?

From the North to the South, the party is riddled with factions of all sorts. Such factions have grown stronger in the absence of a staunch central leader (a point highlighted by the alleged G-23 on numerous occasions). From climbing up a water tank with DK Shivkumar and Siddharamaiah to making Mr. Gehlot and Pilot dance hand-in-hand on stage, the Yatra is trying to project an image of unity across state units. Heavy infighting has already inflicted heavy electoral damage to the party and this yatra is leaving no stone unturned when it comes to putting on a show of unity.

Bearing in mind the fact that such on-camera antics only create a façade of unity as the problems are too deep-rooted to be resolved by a handshake. The central leadership has repeatedly fallen short of providing a feasible power-sharing solution to accommodate warring factions into the government. The “Manesar” episode was a prime example of a failed experiment of transition wherein an established regional force was to be replaced by a new face. Having initially saved face, the recent ruckus prior to the CLP meeting in Jaipur again reflects what is intrinsically wrong with the party functioning, i.e., prior planning and crisp execution. Ashok Gehlot unconditionally apologising for what many believed to be a rebellion of his doing does show that something has changed in the top brass. It will be interesting to note how the new President will resolve the issue, depending on if the issue will at all be resolved in any manner.

Madhya Pradesh too presents an interesting dynamic. The Yatra was flooded with effigies and banners of Kamalnath being projected as the face of the MP Congress throughout its course in Madhya Pradesh. Although Rahul’s yatra sailed smoothly through the heart of Central India, it might not prove to be enough to fill the vacuum left within the Congress’ space in the state. The high-profile departure of his staunch loyalist Jyotiraditya Scindia has left Rahul searching for a new face to build the party at the ground level, something which Kamalnath might find difficult to do given his age.

What Next?

From the coast of Kerala to the sand dunes of Rajasthan, the Bharat Jodo yatra has traversed more than half of its designated route. Everywhere they go, the band of Rahul and his followers is greeted by humungous crowds. Even though the majority of the people showing up are party workers, retired government professionals, artists, activists and actors have also joined the Yatra at numerous junctures. They started with an aim to unite the country with messages of love and harmony and have left no opportunity to showcase their secular nature by visiting religious shrines and paying homage to social workers of the past and present. Despite media censorship, the Congressmen are marching on with positive long-term implications on party functioning and performance in sight. Even if the Yatra does not bring immediate electoral success, it has at least shown the Congress workers that there is a world outside social media where the Congress presence can still be felt in full force.

Is Uniform Civil Code A New Weapon To Harass Minorities?

Opinion

ScribeShah

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December 12, 2022

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Is Uniform Civil Code A New Weapon To Harass Minorities?

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]ill Uniform Civil Code be another trump card of the saffron brigade to further strengthen its narrative before the General Election 2024? As it may be used as a whip to beat the Muslim community, will the community bite the bullet or will the Islamic clerics sway them away?

When the BJP MP Kirodi Lal Meena introduced a private member’s Bill in Rajya Sabha, seeking the constitution of a committee to prepare and implement a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) in the country, the opposition was up in arms.

Members from the Congress, TMC, DMK, NCP, CPI(M), CPI, IUML, MDMK and RJD lodged strong protests against the move.

Some political observers pointed out that the ruling party was behind the move and the private member bill was introduced to test the waters before taking a plunge into the contention issue.

Many people may be surprised to know that it was the Congress and its stalwart Jawahar Lal Nehru who tried to introduce the UCC for the first time in 1954. As the Parliament discussed the report of the Hindu law committee during the 1948–1951 and 1951–1954 sessions, Nehru, his supporters and women members realised that the orthodox Hindu laws were supportive of women’s rights since monogamy, divorce and the widow’s right to inherit property were in the shastras.

Law Minister BR Ambedkar recommended a Uniform Civil Code as he thought that this would reform the Hindu society and also ensure protection to the Muslim women who have little protection under the dogmatic Sharia laws.

Almost all sections of the society, Orthodox Muslims and Hindus alike opposed the Uniform Civil Code. Ambedkar introduced a Hindu Bill to ensure modern reformation of Hindu Society. But, it too came under scathing attacks.

Later, four separate acts, the Hindu Marriage Act, Succession Act, Minority and Guardianship Act and Adoptions and Maintenance Act were enacted in 1956.

UCC is meant to replace the Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu Succession Act, Indian Christian Marriages Act, Indian Divorce Act, Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act.

The proposals in UCC include monogamy, equal rights for son and daughter over inheritance of paternal property and gender & religion neutral laws in regards of will, charity, divinity, guardianship and sharing of custody.

All India Muslim Personal Law Board has rejected the UCC and called it unconstitutional and against the Muslims.

But there are serious contradictions in the civil code and many Hindu sects and communities may not accept it. There are Anand Marriage Act, Arya Samaj Marriage, Special Marriage Act, Foreign Marriage Act and Krishna Marriage Act. Similarly we have the Indian Divorce Act, Madras Aliya Sanatan Act, Madras Namboodiripad Act, Madras Makkathyam Act as well. Will the UCC address these laws?

The most complicated and controversial parts belong to the right of inheritance and division of property. Hindus have two codes for division of property.

Dayabhag was prevalent in West Bengal, Odisha and Assam. It allows daughters equal rights in father’s property.

The Mitakshara system was prevalent in Mithila of Bihar, Mayurva of Maharashtra, Dravida of Tamilnadu and Benraras of Uttar Pradesh. The Mitakshara system was not abolished, but it was diluted and daughters were given equal rights by adopting certain laws.

In Sharia law, sons are allowed to get property twice as much as their sisters. If the wife has children, she is entitled to get one-eighth of husband’s property, otherwise, she will get one fourth. If there are more than one wife, one-eighth of the property will be distributed among them.

Will the Uniform Civil Code address these issues? Will registration of marriage be made mandatory?

There are certain issues which Muslims should ponder instead of opposing the UCC under provocation of ulemas.

UCC will ensure that childless Muslim widows get share in their husband’s property. It will ensure that she is not driven back to her parents’ house after the death of her husband.

Similarly, a husband will think twice before divorcing his wife if he has to share his property with her.

Political analysts feel that the Universal Civil Code is aimed at appeasing the majority Hindus and assure them that no special privilege is given to Muslims.

Hindus have been made to believe that they are under threat and also that Muslims have been treated with velvet gloves and given special treatment. BJP wants to correct this anomaly and there will be one law for every citizen irrespective of their religion.

Abolition of triple talaq, abrogation of Article 370 and now Universal Civil Code. The saffron party is ready with its juggernaut before the Lok Sabha Election 2024.

Dilip Kumar’s Excellent Offbeat Movies

CinemaScope

ScribeShah

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December 11, 2022

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Dilip Kumar always said, “A memorable film may not always be popular. A popular film is not always memorable.” According to his statement, a number of his memorable films did not hit the bull’s eye. This disturbed the creative artist within the thespian. He lamented if true art is not appreciated, populist gimmicks will overtake creative pursuits. The essence of good cinema always lies in its script, context and execution. On Dilip Kumar birth centenary here is a look into some of his offbeat films which excelled in cinematic merit.

Jogan (1950)

Though Kidar Sharma was Raj Kapoor’s mentor, he opted for Dilip Kumar in Jogan. The Dilip Kumar, Nargis pair was at its histrionic best in Jogan. The rare saga of an atheist falling in love with a jogini (lady devotee) has some brilliant moments. As Dilip Kumar says in his low-pitched voice, “Main Nastik Jo Thehera” to a patiently hearing Nargis, both exchanged classic expressions. Though he was a Muslim, Dilip Kumar looked every inch a Hindu, educated middle-class personality clad in dhoti and kurta. After Nargis death, his tearful look in a silent shot still remains a lesson in acting. Nargis also a Muslim was peerless as the Hindu jogini. The film, though a flop, received praise from the intelligentsia as well Uttam Kumar and Suchitra Sen.

Footpath (1953)

Zia Sarhadi’s tirade against urban corruption and black marketing, Footpath was a classic. As the idealist-educated lower middle-class youth whose financial crisis compels him to choose the path of crime, Dilip Kumar still has no peers. He was well supported by Meena Kumari’s subtle underplaying. Dilip Kumar’s confessions of his involvement in black marketing at the police station in the climax brought tears to the eyes of countless viewers. Method acting achieved a new dimension by virtue of Dilip Kumar’s polished performance. “Ha Main Gira Hue Insaan Hun” was his model dialogue to establish his character and in one single modulation, Dilip Kumar stole the show. Ibrahim Alkazi, former director of the National School of Drama termed Dilip Kumar’s performance in Footpath, unparalleled.

Yahudi (1957)

Bimal Ray experimented with a costume drama in Yahudi, a tale of the Roman Empire which failed to create any impact. A taut screenplay by Nabendu Ghosh had some memorable moments. Compared to Sohrab Modi’s voice-related patterns and otherwise theatrical antics, Dilip Kumar was planned, calculated and method in Yahudi. Meena Kumari moved away gracefully from her tragedienne image. Dilip Kumar riding the chariot, lip-synching, Yeh Mera Diwanapan Hai, was brilliant as a performer. According to Sivaji Ganeshan, it was a cult performance. Dilip Kumar’s eyes were at their altruistic best in Yahudi.

Pari (1963)

Jagannath Chattopadhyay from Bengal directed this double-version film in Bengali (Pari) and Anokha Milan (Hindi). The Bengali version was a big hit. The hero of Pari was Dharmendha who had his Bengali dialogues dubbed. Dilip Kumar as a jailor, Vijay Upadhyay, in a special appearance spoke his own lines, Bengali with a North Indian accent. His entry scene with a confident walk proved his class as an actor. Speaking to the heroine, Pranati Bhattacharya, “Ami Kemon Kore Tomae Bachabo (How will I save you)” Dilip Kumar’s dialogue delivery was superb. Based on a story by novelist Jarasandho, Pari is the first film shot in Andaman prison, a favorite of Soumitra Chatterjee.

Sagina Mahato (1971)

In this film based on a famous novel of the same name by Gour Kishore Ghosh, Tapan Sinha as director extracted the best performance from Dilip Kumar according to many. As Sagina, a simpleton labourer in the tea gardens of Darjeeling during the last days of the British Raj, Dilip Sahab literally lived his character to the hilt. The use of his hands was in perfect harmony with his dialogue delivery. Dilip Kumar did confess that as the anti-hero, Anil Chatterjee stole the show from him in Sagina Mahato.

China-Saudi Bonhomie To Bring Paradigm Shift in World Order?

Around The World

Pramode Mallik

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December 9, 2022

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China-Saudi Bonhomie To Bring Paradigm Shift in World Order?

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen Chinese President Xi Jinping and Saudi Arabia King Salman signed the ‘comprehensive strategic partnership agreement’ and several other deals at Yamamah Palace in Saudi Capital Riyadh, the China-Saudi Bonhomie set the alarm bell ringing.

It indicated the possibility of a paradigm shift in the geo-strategic scenario in Asia and the Middle East.

The two sides also agreed to hold meetings of their heads of state every two years.

The signed deals included 34 investment agreements in sectors varying from green energy to hydrogen, from information technology to transport and construction.

Saudi State broadcaster Al Ekhbariya said agreements worth 110 billion riyals or USD 30 billion were signed.

A separate agreement was inked on the ‘alignment plan’ of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative and Riyadh’s ‘economic diversification programme’.

The Saudi officials confirmed that the deal over Chinese telecom giant Huawei Technologies is related to cloud computing and data centres and it will allow the Chinese government firm to set up high-tech complexes in the country.

Earlier the US security agencies warned that the equipment made by Chinese companies like Huawei could be used to interfere with the 5-G wireless network, and collect sensitive information and these pieces of information may be used for military purposes.

Riyadh came out with a grand reception to the Chinese President as his plane was escorted by Saudi jets, spewing red and white fumes, the colours of the Chinese flag.

Riyadh’s Governor Prince Faisal bin Bandar Al Saud, Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud and the governor of the sovereign Public Investment Fund, Yasir Al-Rumayyan welcomed Xi Jinping as he waved from the plane.

Crown Prince, the de facto ruler and Prime Minister Muhammad Bin Sultan shook hands with the Chinese President and King Salman held the guest’s hand warmly.

It can be compared to the low-key and lackadaisical reception given to US President Joe Biden when he visited Riyadh earlier this year.

china-saudi arabia strategic partnership india geo-politics the us — President Xi Jinping and Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Sultan | Courtesy: Shanghai Daily

The two leaders met with a fist-bump and Riyadh simply ignored Biden’s request to pump more crude oil at a time when the price of the oil is skyrocketing due to the Russia-Ukraine War.

Sino-US relations came under tremendous pressure when Donald Trump was the president and in a bid to appease the business class of the country, he increased tariffs on Chinese imports.

Bejing retaliated and a trade war followed that brought the bilateral relations to the lowest point in decades.

Later, the two sides made a retreat from the drawn battle lines and the relations improved a little bit.

Joe Biden during the campaign for the presidential election pledged to treat Saudi Arabia like a ‘pariah’ and pressed the Crown Prince about the murder of ‘Washington Post’ columnist Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi citizen.

Khashoggi was allegedly killed by Saudi agents in 2018 at the Istanbul embassy for his continued campaign against MBS, as he is called.

A few months after taking over as the president, Joe Biden released an intelligence report that said the de facto ruler ordered the killing, a charge denied by the Crown Prince.

Recently, the two sides clashed over the Saudi-led OPEC plus decision of slashing crude oil production by 2 million barrels a day. A disappointed US President called it an ‘unnecessary step.’

Experts believe that besides all the rhetoric, the Saudi Crown Prince wants to diversify the oil-dependent economy.

He also wants to develop a civil nuclear programme and build an indigenous defence industry.

Saudi experts want to learn from China and follow its footprint to achieve economic transformation before the oil wells dry up.

They also want technology, the know-how, the required equipment and machinery.

But the bilateral relations will not be limited to the economy, political observers feel.

China wants a foothold in the Middle East and the Muslim Ummah or the Islamic world.

It wants a strategic alliance for its Belt and Road Initiative to push its way to the African continent and West Asia.

Beijing also wants a partner that can support it in the wake of the US pressure in the Indo-Pacific and the South China Sea.

After the end of the cold war, the world moved towards a multipolar system in which Washington is losing its clout and it is being replaced by Beijing quickly. Saudi Arabia wants to join the bandwagon.

The China-Saudi bonhomie is set to change the geo-strategic dynamics of Asia and India can not be left completely untouched by the development.

In its bid to diversify its economy, Saudi Arabia eyed the Indian economy, a large and ever-expanding middle class and its increasing demand for crude oil.

India imports more than 85 per cent of its crude oil need and till recently Riyadh was the biggest source. Russia replaced it recently as it offered a huge discount.

MBS, the Crown Prince visited India and signed many deals. The state-controlled Saudi Aramco inked an agreement to invest USD 20 billion in India.

On the other hand, Sino-India relations are at their worst and are going through the most difficult time in history, despite being India’s largest trade partner.

China sent its troops in May 2020, the PLA captured a large swathe of Indian territory. Soldiers of both countries were killed in a fight on June 15 in the Galwan Valley.

After 16 rounds of painstaking talks between the area commanders of the two armies, the two sides pulled back.

But a few thousand Chinese soldiers are still stationed in Demchok and Depsang.

Consider Pakistan joining the hands of China and Saudi Arabia in the area and attempting to exploit its relationship with these countries to counter India.

China has tried to use the Organisation of Islamic Co-operation to create problems for India on the issue of Jammu and Kashmir. It has failed several times, but after the October 5, 2019 decision of abrogating Article 370, giving special power to the valley, Islamabad found many sympathisers.

A five-member delegation of OIC under its Secretary General will visit Pakistan-occupied Kashmir on December 10-12 on the invitation of Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.

They will also discuss the situation in Jammu-Kashmir, the abrogation of Article 370 and the alleged Islamophobia in India.

Saudi Arabia has been challenged many times by Turkey, which wants to dominate the Islamic world.

Turkey has close relations with both China and Pakistan. In a bid to placate the Muslim world on the issue of Jammu-Kashmir, Saudi Arabia may succumb to the pressure of Istanbul and Islamabad.

It may create a slew of problems for India and complicate the Kashmir conundrum.

Though many people feel that the Saudi-China bonhomie is US-specific and it has nothing to do with India, surprises are not uncommon in ever-changing world scenarios and complicated geopolitical dynamics.

India should be ready for such surprises.

I broke a fixed deposit and sent to candidates in 1977– Mohsina Kidwai

Book Review

Nalin Verma

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December 9, 2022

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I broke a fixed deposit and sent to candidates in 1977– Mohsina Kidwai

“The party had no finances to fund its candidates. So as the state party president, I broke a fixed deposit of Rs 90,000 I had saved and sent whatever little amount I could to the candidates”—This is how Mohsina Kidwai recollects the plight of the Congress after its defeat in the 1977 Lok Sabha elections and her own efforts to bring her party to the roads of recovery.

‘My Life in Indian Politics’ is the autobiography of the veteran Congress leader Mohsina Kidwai. The book written with the help of senior journalist and author Rasheed Kidwai and published by Harper Collins is full of personal and political anecdotes.

Rasheed, a master raconteur with a penchant to bedeck his work with enchanting anecdotes has, apparently, helped Mohsina in recollecting the small details of high literary value and penning it down. But the actual credit for penning down such a fascinating account of her over half a century of political journey obviously goes to Mohsina Kidwai who occupied high offices in various union ministries in the 1970’s and 80’s besides officiating as the Uttar Pradesh Congress chief and Congress Working Committee member for long.

The lines of the book quoted above date back to the torrid time in the life of Indira Gandhi and her party known as the Congress-I then. Indira had lost from Raibareilly in the 1977 Lok Sabha polls and her party was in shambles. The former Prime Minister and phenomenal woman leader of post-Independent India had gone into a shell in the run-up to the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh—the heartland state of India— in 1977. She had lost self-esteem and no amount of cajoling by Mohsina and other party leaders who had access to her worked on her.

Her autobiography is in a sense an account of how it brought out the best from Mohsina when her party and her leader were in crisis. Mohsina is synonymous with Congress’s culture. She joined the party when the most shining star of India’s freedom struggle Jawaharlal Nehru was the Prime Minister. She worked with Indira and Rajiv Gandhi. And she is with the Congress in the era of Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi too.

She is in 90’s and in the twilight of her life. But what is still fresh in her mind are her memories which she has narrated with flair. “It was February 1954, a couple of months after my marriage, when Jameel Ur Rahman Kidwai (her father-in-law) decided to travel to Delhi to meet Jawaharlal Nehruji and introduce me to him as the newest member of his family, his daughter-in-law. I had never felt so nervous. ….. While we waited Nehruji’s daughter Indira Gandhi, came down the staircase that led to the living room. She walked up to my father-in-law, greeted him respectfully and then looked at me. Is this pretty young woman your daughter”, she asked my father-in-law.

The book weaved in the maze of colourful anecdotes takes the reader through the pages with ease. Mohsina has been very honest in detailing her experience with colleagues and opponents in politics. Sonia Gandhi, Chandra Shekhar, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav, N. D. Tiwary, Manmohan Singh, Pranab Mukherjee, Amed Patel, V. P. Singh, M. L. Fotedar, Madhav Rao Scindia and many others are in the long list of the leaders Mohsina encountered and worked with in her long political career. She sounds fair, at the same time very nuanced, in assessing the personalities of these leaders.

Here is an example of her take on Mulayam Singh Yadav: “While I feel that nothing negative should be said about anyone, Mulayam Singh, I think, laid himself bare to criticism with the kind of political behaviour he has often exhibited. Opportunism has been the constant companion of this former wrestler and drawing teacher, who would eventually take up politics as his profession”. And look at how she sums up Lalu Prasad Yadav’s persona. “The Rashtriya Janata Dal boss could be charming when he wanted, often disarming, a stern-faced politician with his humour. ‘Everyone says my hairstyle is Sadhna cut. You tell me, Mohsinaji, is this true?’ he asked me suddenly, as we all sat in his room”. Her take on Chandra Shekhar: “Generous, caring and bold, Chandra Shekhar maintained a friendship with all—family friends and even political adversaries—even if some of them had tainted reputation. He never abandoned a friend in good or bad times. Other qualities that he stood out, rare for a man of his stature, were his simplicity and straightforwardness”.

Mohisina’s observations about her contemporary political leaders are very much in sync with that of the academics, scholars and journalists watching them from outside. Apart from her own journey, the book also enlightens the reader about the history and culture, particularly in the Barabanki region. She also deals with the rise of divisive politics that is ruining the syncretic culture of India and has expressed her profound love for what she describes as “Ganga Jamuni Tehjeeb” –the hallmark of India’s social life for ages, under threat now.

I strongly recommend readers to read Mohsina’s memoir. It helps in understanding the contours of politics—particularly of Uttar Pradesh—after Independence. My only criticism and that is a minor one is the book has been written in hurry. It is too short to accommodate the minute details of Mohsina’s life and also the complexities of politics during her time; scholars in contemporary history might want it to have more details.

Sonia Gandhi has written special notes while Manmohan Singh and Shashi Tharoor have written forewords which are worth reading.

(Nalin Verma is a journalist, media educator, author and independent researcher in Social Anthropology)

Dr Makhmoor Kakorvi: On the mission to collect all the ‘chronograms’ on epitaphs

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ScribeShah

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December 7, 2022

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Dr Makhmoor Kakorvi: On the mission to collect all the ‘chronograms’ on epitaphs

Lukhnow: One would be surprised to see the passion of poet Makhmoor Kakorvi, who has several books to his credit, is quite often seen visiting graveyards and hospices, dargahs and mazaars.

He started the mission to collect all the ‘chronograms’ on epitaphs in Kakori, one of the most important towns of North India that is known for its litterateurs and writers apart from Sufis.

The master poets who have absolute command over language are able to write poetry in the manner that their numerical value, either of the stanza or a phrase, comes out as the year of a person’s demise. This art is termed ‘Tareekh-Goi.’

It’s an ancient art and such skilled poets who can compose chronograms or write ‘Qita-e-Tareekh’ are few. On the tombstone, along with the person’s information, the poetry is inscribed and the last couplet or line has a numerical value as per the ‘Abjad’ system that represents the date or year of death.

And, this mathematical equation is also engraved, often, on the tombstone’s plaque. In an era when people are no longer able to compose poetry in meters and as per traditional and hard standards of prosody, it is even more difficult to find someone who writes chronograms.

But till a few decades ago, it was common. When Makhmoor began registering the long verses and couplets carrying the chronogram on the epitaphs, he found that there were not a few but dozens of senior poets who had composed them over the last three centuries in Kakori.

In a town that has a population of barely 22,000 but has a history of producing one of the biggest Urdu dictionaries—Noor-ul-Lughaat, as well as being home to writers and poets of the calibre of Shah Turab Ali Qalandar, Mohsin Kakorvi, Furqat Kakorvi and scores of others, Makhmoor found that poets with the ability to write chronograms were exceptional, in fact, too many poets who were perfect in this art in Kakori in the past.

“I would go to the graves, clean the plaque and then try to decipher the verses. The last line or stanza or phrase is the poetic chronogram. I found more than 60 different poets who had written chronograms in Kakori alone. Many of them were poets of such stature and command over language that is not seen anymore.

Some of them wrote many chronograms and the terms used are fascinating as well as a reflection of their mastery over Urdu poetry”, says Makhmoor Kakorvi, who is also a poet and has also written chronograms. He is, perhaps, the only person who can pen it, in the town now. However, he hopes to compile all these couplets and information about these poets of yore in the form of a book.

कांग्रेस ने ज़िला अध्यक्षों की सूची में सुधार कर बदले चार अध्यक्ष

ताज़ातरीन

ScribeShah

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December 6, 2022

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कांग्रेस ने ज़िला अध्यक्षों की सूची में सुधार कर बदले चार अध्यक्ष

रांची: अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी ने ज़िला अध्यक्षों की सूची में सुधार करते हुए, झारखंड में 25 में दो दलित और दो मुस्लिम को ज़िला अध्यक्ष बनाने की घोषणा की है।

मालूम हो कि एआईसीसी ने 4 दिसम्बर को पहली बार 25 ज़िला अध्यक्षों के नाम की सूची जारी की थी। पर लिस्ट में ना तो कोई दलित, न माइनॉरिटि और न कोई महिला ज़िला अध्यक्ष थी। इस पर ईन्यूज़रूम ने विस्तार से ख़बर की और झारखंड प्रदेश कांग्रेस कमेटी अध्यक्ष राजेश ठाकुर से भी बात की थी। प्रदेश अध्यक्ष ने माना था कि चूक हुई है और दूसरी सूची जारी होगी।

“कन्सिड्रेशन तो होता ही है, पर हमारे यहाँ इंटरव्यू भी हुआ था इस बार के ज़िला अध्यक्षों के चुनाव में। आप दूसरी पार्टियों, ख़ास कर बीजेपी से न इतना सवाल कर सकते हैं और न उम्मीद रख सकते हैं। और हमारे यहाँ जो चूक हुई है उसे सुधारा जाएगा।”

ज़िला अध्यक्षों की सूची में बदलाव

जिन चार ज़िलों में अध्यक्ष का नाम बदला गया है, वो हैं— रामगढ़, गढ़वा, साहेबगंज और कोडरमा।

रामगढ़ से मुन्ना पासवान, जिनको शांतनु मिश्रा, गढ़वा से ओबेदुल्लाह हक़ अंसारी को श्रीकांत तिवारी, साहेबगंज से बरकतुल्ला ख़ान को अनिल कुमार ओझा और भागीरथ पासवान को नारायण बरनवाल के स्थान पर कोडरमा से ज़िला अध्यक्ष बनाया गया है।

6 दिसम्बर को जारी प्रेस विज्ञप्ति में ये भी कहा गया है कि शांतनु, श्रीकांत, अनिल और नारायण को प्रदेश कांग्रेस कमेटी में जगह दी जाएगी।

लेकिन, नई सूची में भी किसी महिला को जगह नहीं मिल पाई है।

और जो सबसे बड़ा सवाल अभी भी बना है कि एक पार्टी जिसके राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष, मल्लिकार्जुन खड्गे, दलित हों, वो पार्टी 25 ज़िलों में एक भी दलित को पहली बार में अध्यक्ष के तौर पर नहीं चुनती है।

वहीं दूसरी तरफ, जिस पार्टी को हमेशा से माइनॉरिटी वोट्स मिलता रहा हो वो, किसी माइनॉरिटी को भी इस काबिल नहीं समझती है।

Chinese Communist Party Surrenders To Proletariat?

Around The World

Pramode Mallik

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December 6, 2022

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Chinese Communist Party Surrenders To Proletariat?

[dropcap]H[/dropcap]as the mighty Chinese Communist Party (CCP) surrendered to the will of the people? Has the strong and ruthless regime under Xi Jinping succumbed to the masses? Is the communist rule ready to accommodate the wishes of the proletariat?

It may sound ironic, but these questions have surfaced after the Chinese government announced its decision to come out with a 10-point Covid protocol to replace the 20-point old protocol. The government will unveil the new less stringent set of Covid restrictions on December 7.

Beijing is most likely to downgrade Covid management from the most infectious disease grade ‘A’ to less stringent measures of grade ‘B’.

The Chinese government has already taken some measures to loosen the grip and discontinue a few measures to allow the people more relaxed norms.

But, there is no sudden change of heart, the covid-19 situation has not changed overnight either.

The experts believe that the sudden U-turn has been taken as a measure to cool down the tempers of the people so that there is no repeat of the 1989 Tiananmen Square incidents.

The decision to assuage the feelings of the people and to accommodate them has been taken after widespread protests erupted across the country. These protests were triggered by a fire in Xinjiang capital Urumqi, killing 10 people.

But, days before this, an unknown man hung two anti-lockdown and pro-democracy banners on the parapet of the Sitong Bridge in Beijing on 13 October 2022. This rumbling of dissent was heard on the eve of the 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party.

A massive protest was held on November 5, 2022 in Guangzhou, where migrant workers marched on the streets of the Haizhu district.

On the night of November 22–23, workers of a Foxconn factory clashed with security forces and police in Zhengzhou in Central China.

In Chongqing, a man protested on the street on November 24 and shouted, “Give me liberty, or give me death.”

Similar protests were held in Nanjing, Lanzhou, Shanghai, Chengdu, Xi’an, Korta, Shanghai, Beijing, Wuhan, Hong Kong and Urumqi.

chinese communist party xi jinping zero covid restrictions in china policy protocol — A protestor shouting against Chinese government during Covid protocol protest

Worse, the slogans were not limited to local authorities or those involved in implementing the Covid-19 strict measures. Slogans were raised against the omnipotent and omnipresent CCP and its head Xi Jinping.

‘CCP Stepdown’, ‘Xi Jinping Stepdown’, ‘We are not slaves, and ‘We want freedom’ were some of the most popular slogans.

Xi Jinping was given the unprecedented third term only a few days back and his opponents were sidelined. Jinping’s predecessor Hu Jintao was humiliated publicly when he was removed unceremoniously from the podium in the Great Hall of The People during the 20th CCP Congress. Such was Xi’s clout!

This was followed by massive protests. Political observers have opined that these protests were not against the Covid-19 measures, there were against the CCP, the authoritarian regime and CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping. The Urumqi fire was just a trigger and the Covid-19 measures were just an excuse that allowed the growing dissent to manifest itself.

Observers believe that the CCP has taken a smart move to accommodate the people and use the recent rumblings as a safety valve.

Basically, it is against the leadership pattern shown by Xi Jinping. By trying to accommodate the people’s wishes, it is going back to the post-Tiananmen Square crackdown days.

Hundreds of thousands of protesters assembled in Tiananmen Square in the capital Beijing on April 15, 1989, demanding political reforms, freedom of speech, respect for human rights and a multi-party democratic system. The then CCP General Secretary Hu Yaobang sympathised with the students. His death triggered the Tiananmen Square protest.

After waiting for more than a month and a half, the administration sent the tanks to Tiananmen, resulting in the death of about 10,000 people, mostly youth.

But it forced the CCP to change itself. The CCP adopted the policy of inner party democracy, and collective leadership and accommodated those who did not always support the party line and the government decisions.

There was a large-scale purge and a new leadership emerged. Jiang Zemin replaced Zhao Ziang as the CCP General Secretary. He later became president of the country.

Jiang Zemin encouraged inner party democracy, did not sideline those who opposed him and groomed a new generation of future leaders.

Xi Jinping was one of those leaders, who opened their wings under the leadership of Jiang Zemin.

But once he became the CCP general secretary in 2012, Xi Jinping decided to take regressive steps. He crushed the inner party democracy, put them behind bars or sidelined all those whom he considered a challenger in future.

Under Xi Jinping, the administration became centralised, all the powers were vested in the hands of a few people, police and security forces were given more powers and party schools were asked to teach adherence to the central leadership instead of the proletariat.

This led to internal discontent, anger against the party leadership and continuous grudge against the party. It was back to square one, back to the pre-Tianmanmen crackdown days.

But as all the powers are vested in General Secretary Xi Jinping, who is full of confidence, vigour and ambition after the 20th Congress endorsed him for the third time, putting him on the same pedestal as Mao Zedong, will he accept the changes?

Will Xi Jinping hit back after a while and become more aggressive, will he resolve to stamp out all opposition after consolidating his position? There is no one in the party to oppose any move of Xi Jinping. Will these protests help the CCP take a new avatar or will it become a more aggressive juggernaut, crushing all those who come in its way?

राहुल गांधी की भारत जोड़ो यात्रा और झारखंड कांग्रेस की माइनॉरिटि और दलित छोड़ो अभियान

ScribeShah

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December 5, 2022

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राहुल गांधी की भारत जोड़ो यात्रा और झारखंड कांग्रेस की माइनॉरिटि और दलित छोड़ो अभियान

रांची: झारखंड कांग्रेस के टिवीटर हैंडल से आज भारत जोड़ो यात्रा के एक विडियो ट्वीट किया ये दर्शाते हुए कि राहुल गांधी, लोकमन हुसैन नागोरी के साथ चल रहे हैं और देश को एक साथ जोड़कर चलने का संदेश दे रहे हैं। पर इससे पहले के एक दूसरे ट्वीट, जो प्रदेश में 25 ज़िला अध्यक्षों (रांची के लिए दो) के नामों की घोषणा की है में पार्टी की ट्रोल्लिंग इसलिए हो रही है कि सूची में एक भी दलित, मुस्लिम, सिख और महिला का नाम नहीं है।

अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी ने दिसम्बर 4 को झारखंड के 24 जिलों के लिए 25 ज़िला अध्यक्षों (रांची के लिए दो) के नामों की घोषणा की। पर कांग्रेस पार्टी जो दलितों, आदिवासियों और माइनॉरिटि के सवालों को उठाने का दावा करती है, उसने एक भी मुस्लिम, दलित या सिख को ज़िला अध्यक्ष नहीं बनाया है, और प्रदेश की राजधानी, रांची में दो में से एक ज़िला अध्यक्ष आदिवासी को बनाया जाना जरूरी नहीं समझा। हालांकि चार आदिवासियों को इस सूची में जगह मिली है।

हालाँकि नामों की सूची एआईसीसी ने जारी की है, पर राजनीति के जानकार ये जानते हैं की बिना प्रदेश कमिटी के अनुशंसा के किसी भी उम्मीदवार का नाम राष्ट्रीय स्तर से जारी नहीं होता।

81 सीटों वाली झारखंड विधानसभा में कुल 18 विधायक कांग्रेस के हैं। जिनमें दो मुस्लिम है— आलमगीर आलम और इरफान अंसारी। पर देश की सबसे पुरानी पार्टी में दलित समुदाय से झारखंड में कोई विधायक नहीं है। 2019 के विधानसभा चुनाव में पार्टी ने दो दलित नेता को आरक्षित सीटों से टिकट दिया था पर वो नहीं जीत पाये।

पार्टी ने जहाँ एक भी मुस्लिम और दलित को ज़िला अध्यक्ष नहीं बनाया, वहीं सिर्फ ब्राह्मण समुदाय से आठ लोग हैं।

सोशल मीडिया पे इसको लेकर तमाम तरह की प्रतिक्रिया पढ़ने को मिल रही है, कि कांग्रेस को वोट मुसलमान समाज का चाहिए पर प्रतिनिधित्व नहीं देना। कुछ ने तो ये भी कहा कि कांग्रेस के गिरते ग्राफ का यही सबसे बड़ा कारण है कि पार्टी, संगठन में भी अपने बेस वोट को सम्मान नहीं देती। इलेक्शन में तो किसी न किसी फैक्टर और विन्नीब्लीटि (जीतने वाले उम्मीदवार) पे दाँव की बात होती है, पर ये मसला संगठन में नहीं होता।

जब से झारखंड कांग्रेस के ट्विटर हैंडल से ये लिस्ट जारी की गयी तभी से पार्टी की ट्रॉल्लिंग हो रही है।

मुस्लिम और दलित नाम नहीं होना चूक, दूसरी सूची जारी होगा: प्रदेश अध्यक्ष

जब ईन्यूज़रूम ने प्रदेश अध्यक्ष राजेश ठाकुर से बात की तो उन्होंने जहाँ ये कहा इस बार के चुनाव में इंटरव्यू के भी सहारा लिया गया, वहीं कुछ में कन्सिडर भी किया गया। “इस बार पूरी प्रक्रिया में उम्मीदवार का इंटरव्यू का ज़रिया चुनाव हुआ। मुसलमान या दलित का नाम नहीं आना दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण है। इस मामले में दोबारा सूची जारी होगी।”

और दलित उम्मीदवार नहीं होने की ये वजह बताई, “एक ज़िला अध्यक्ष के नाम में दास होने के वजह से ये अंदाज़ा लगाया गया कि वो दलित है, पर ऐसा नहीं था।”

सबसे खास बात ये कि, इंटरव्यू की प्रक्रिया होने के बावजूद, कांग्रेस के एमपी और एमएलए के बच्चों को भी जगह मिली है।

पर 25 में से एक भी महिला का ना होना भी एक बात है, पर इसमें पार्टी दलील देती है के महिला का एक विंग है जो पार्टी का फ्रंटल ऑर्गनाइज़ेशन है, इसलिए किसी महिला ज़िला अध्यक्ष का न होना उतनी बड़ी बात नहीं।

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eNewsroomEngage | Enlive | Empower

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