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Female sanitation workers in India’s cleanest city suffer from poor health

Indore: Maya Munnalal, who is about 47, gets ready every morning at 5:30 am and goes out armed with a broom to clean the Rajwada area, the main market of Indore, the largest city of Madhya Pradesh. This area of the city is a part of Ward 58 of Indore Municipal Corporation.

First of all, Maya registers her presence with her thumb impression at the supervisor’s office. Then she starts her work on the main road and meticulously cleans the area from 6 am to 2 pm. She works without a break under the supervision of area supervisor Rakesh Chauhan.

“We have the responsibility of cleaning an area of about 800 meters which we complete by 2 pm. We have to check the entire area and make sure there is no dirt left anywhere,” she said.

Maya is not only a sanitation worker but is such a woman of Indore due to which this city with a population of about 34 lakh (3.4 million) has remained at the number one position in the country in terms of cleanliness for the last six years consecutively.

Role of female sanitation workers

Cleanliness can be seen in Indore constantly adjudged the cleanest city in the country but the level of air quality here is very poor. According to Clean Air Catalyst, “With a population of 3.4 million, Indore is the commercial hub and most populous city in the state. The city is not meeting the national government’s ambient air quality standards. Reducing air pollution to the recommended levels could save an average of 4.4 years of life per person.”

Clean Air Catalyst is a flagship program launched by the U.S. Agency for International Development and a global partnership of organizations led by World Resources Institute and Environmental Defense Fund, Inc. Clean Air Catalyst is working with the Indore Municipal Corporation and Madhya Pradesh Pollution Control Board to tackle the root causes of the City’s air pollution.

female sanitation worker indore pollution
Maya Munnalal | Credit: Author

But Maya is unaware of this and the harm it does to her health. When she was asked about it, she thought it better not to answer the question directly. “We don’t know about it. We don’t have any problem. Sometimes some of us become sick but it is not an unusual thing,” she said.

However, while spending 8 hours a day on the city’s roads, many female sanitation workers like Maya endure all kinds of pollution. There are more than 8 thousand Safai Mitras or sanitation workers in Indore who work day and night to keep the city clean. Most of them are women who are engaged in cleaning the streets but are themselves vulnerable to many diseases due to the rising pollution of the city.

Not using any protective equipment

When these women were asked whether they have any kind of protective equipment, they said that they do have it, but we did not find these women using it anywhere in Indore.

The jobs of these women are temporary, so they are not able to put forth their points openly and effectively. But another woman working in the same area, on the condition of anonymity, admitted that she has many problems related to breathing.

She said, “Apart from this work, we do not have any other means of livelihood. I have three daughters, if we don’t do this work, then how will we survive.”

Rajwada area supervisor Rakesh Chauhan said, “Permanent sanitation workers get Rs. 30,000 per month as remuneration, while muster sanitation workers get Rs. 8,000 and regulated sanitation workers get around Rs. 17,000 per month. Each sanitation worker is responsible for cleaning an area of about 800 metres.”

Under muster, workers are hired on fixed remuneration for a fixed period. Besides, the regulated employees are those who are called when needed.

Sangeeta Bai, who works in Ward 59, has been doing this work for the last 30 years. She is over 50 years old and is also a sugar (diabetes) patient.

“I suffer from some minor ailments. Sometimes there is difficulty in breathing and I frequently suffer from coughing. But work has to be done in all seasons,” she said.

She is oblivious to the smoke coming out of the vehicles passing by. Unaware of the health hazards she is daily exposed to, she believes vehicles are everywhere and their smoke does not cause any particular harm to her health.

female sanitation workers indore
Female workers getting themselves registered for their work | Credit: Author

 

Health of sanitation workers

Notably, the city’s Mahatma Gandhi Medical College (MGM) had conducted a study in 2017 regarding the health of sanitation workers. On the basis of this study, it was concluded that most of the municipal sanitation workers are females and 96 percent of them are suffering from one or more diseases. The most prevalent among them are the diseases of the respiratory system as 87 percent of those involved in the study were found to be suffering from them due to exposure to harmful gases.

It was also revealed in the study that 85 percent of the sanitation workers were aware of protective gear but not a single one was found using them. 98 percent of them had said that if they are given protective equipment, they would definitely use it.

Dr. Sanjay Dixit, Dean, MGM college, Indore said, “Cleanliness on roads means regularly dealing with pollution, there can be no two opinions about it. The most important pollution from the point of view of health is the air that they regularly inhale and this has a very bad effect on the functioning of the lungs.

“Most of the street sweepers are women and women in Indian families are negligent in taking care of their food and health. As a result, the side effects of pollution are more pronounced and prevalent among women due to a decrease in their immunity,” said Dixit.

However, some steps can be taken to maintain the health of these female sweepers, he said.

“No doubt personal protective measures like wearing masks, gloves, goggles, head caps etc. can go a long way in preventing or reducing the ill-effects of pollution; they should be followed strictly,” he said.

Dixit further said, “When we sweep the dust with a broom, the dust particles float in the air and they go into our lungs when we inhale. So the system of sweeping and picking up the garbage manually should end. The harms of pollution will be negligible if cleaning is done using vacuum cleaners.”

Dixit also underscored the need for regular health check-ups of all the sweepers with the help of x-rays and scans. If any problem is found in the respiratory system, the disease can be identified and treated effectively at the initial level, he said.

 

sanitation workers indore air pollution
Another team of sanitation workers in Indore | Credit: Author

Diseases due to air pollution

It is clear from this study conducted on about 200 people that these women working on the roads are facing various diseases due to air pollution. At the same time, it was also found that only 57 percent of them consulted qualified physicians for their illnesses.

While talking to the sanitation workers in different areas including Aurobindo Hospital, Mhow Naka Square, Bapat Square, Pardesipura, Satya Sai Square, Vijayanagar, Palasia Square in Indore city, we noticed none of them was provided with masks or gloves or other equipment for protection from air pollution or environmental contaminants.

Rakesh Chauhan said, “We also conduct health check-ups of sanitation workers once or twice a year.”But he could not tell what diseases the female sanitation workers were found to be suffering from during their check-ups.

In a research which was presented at the European Respiratory Society International Congress in Barcelona, Spain in September, it was found that women get more affected by air pollution than men. According to a study by the University of Manitoba in Winnipeg, breathing in fumes from diesel exhaust may be more damaging to women than to men.

The researchers recruited five women and five men who were healthy non-smokers. They were then asked to spend four hours breathing filtered air and another four hours breathing air containing diesel fumes.

They did this three times, each four weeks apart, with different concentrations of fine particulate matter. After each breathing experience, the volunteers donated blood samples 24 hours later.

Researchers examined the volunteers’ blood plasma — the liquid component of blood that carries blood cells, proteins and other molecules throughout the body. Using a technology called liquid chromatography–mass spectrometry, the researchers looked for changes in the levels of different proteins following exposure to diesel exhaust. They then compared the changes in men and women. The team found levels of 90 proteins that were distinctly different between female and male volunteers after exposure to diesel exhaust, with more changes seen in females.

Some of those differing proteins are known to be involved in inflammation, damage repair, clotting, heart disease and the immune system. Some of these differences were clearer with higher levels of diesel exhaust.

Findings presented at medical meetings are considered preliminary until published in a peer-reviewed journal.

worker indore air pollution dust
A sanitation worker cleaning the city amidst the dust

A recently conducted survey by the Ministry of Environment shows that Indore is one of the 37 cities in the country in which air quality has deteriorated in the last four years.

The survey found that the level of PM 10 (inhalable particles with a diameter of about 10 micrometres) in the city’s air had increased during the period between 2017 and 2021.

The study highlights the need for holistic pollution control with a focus on the removal of sources of air pollutants, which cannot be done through surface cleaning in cities and roads alone.

The report of the University of Chicago’s Air Quality Life Index (AQLI) states that India is the second most polluted country in the world. With an average particulate matter concentration of 55.8 µg/m3 in the air, India’s pollutant levels are almost 11 times higher than the guidelines set by the World Health Organization (WHO)

Dr. Lokendra Dave, head of the State Tuberculosis Hospital, Bhopal believes that health camps should be organized every month for all the employees engaged in cleaning work.

He said, “Cooperation of voluntary organizations and pharmaceutical companies can also be taken in this. There are many such social organizations and pharmaceutical companies in our state who are ready to cooperate in this service work. We have to organize health camps in coordination with them. Employees will have to be told about the benefits of regular use of things like masks and gloves.

According to Dr. Dave, health awareness should be created among sanitary workers because at present most of the workers do not use tools for protection from dust and smoke while cleaning.

They do not know about the diseases caused by dust and smoke. They have to be made aware for better health.

Kaushik Raj Hazarika, the project leader of the ongoing Clean Air Catalyst Program feels that The Indore administration has done commendable work in solid waste management and involving citizens and sanitation workers lie at the heart of this success.

“They also need to be sanitized about air pollution and the harmful effects of pollutants on their health. The Catalyst program in close association with the Indore Municipal Corporation has organized a number of air pollution related awareness workshops in the past. There are plans of more such programs in the coming year, especially targeted at vulnerable stakeholders like sanitation workers,” said Kaushik.

Kaushik feels that such efforts must be sustained over time and continuous.

Only through awareness, a pleasant change can be brought in the lives of women like Maya Munnilal and Sangeeta Bai and all the sanitary workers. If the sanitary workers remain disease-free, they will be able to do their work well.

Amidst all this, it is necessary that the Indore Municipal Corporation should organize health camps for these women every month and also create awareness among them about the use of things like masks and gloves. Change can be brought into the lives of women like Maya Munnilal and Sangeeta Bai only through awareness.

 

This story has been produced with support from Internews’ Earth Journalism Network

अपने प्रदेश में काम करने की चाह में इस नौजवान ने छोड़ा महारत्ना कंपनी का ऑफर

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गिरिडीह। सुहैल अहमद को अपने प्रदेश झारखंड में काम करने की चाह इतनी है कि सुहैल ने इंडियन ऑयल कंपनी , जो की एक महारत्ना कंपनी है के ऑफर को नहीं लिया और दामोदर वैली कॉरपोरेशन (डीवीसी), एक पब्लिक सेक्टर अंडरटेकिंग (पीएसयू) को जॉइन करेंगे।

डीवीसी में उन्हे झारखंड में रह कर काम करने का मौका मिलेगा।

25 साल के सुहैल ने अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय से मैकनिकल इंजीनियरिंग की पढ़ाई की है और साल 2022 की गेट में अखिल भारतीय रैंकिंग 63 आई थी, वो झारखंड टॉपर रहे।

“मैकनिकल ब्रांच से लगभग एक लाख सत्ताईस हज़ार अभियार्थियों ने गेट की परीक्षा दी थी। 63 रैंक मिलने पे आप जिस भी कंपनी में अप्लाई करते हैं, वहाँ हो जाता है।” सुहैल ने बताया।

डीवीसी ने भी जिन 22 लोगों को सहायक इंजीनियर के लिए चयनित किया है, उसमे सुहैल दूसरे रैंक में है।

डीवीसी और इंडियन ऑयल के ऑफर से पहले सुहैल ओएनजीसी की एक सब्सिडियरी कंपनी में बेंगलुरु में काम कर चुके हैं।

“पर जब मुझे डीवीसी का ऑफर मिला, जिससे में झारखंड मैं काम कर सकता हूँ तो मैंने यहीं जॉइन करने का फैसला लिया।” सुहैल ने आगे बताया।

सुहैल एक साधारण परिवार से आते हैं, उनके पिता मोहम्मद फ़ैयाज़ डेकोरेशन का काम करते हैं। उनकी स्कूलिंग सीसीएल डीएवी, गिरिडीह से हुई। और प्लस टू एएमयू से। वो शुरू से पढ़ाई में अच्छे रहे और इंजीनियरिंग का एंट्रैन्स बिना किसी कोचिंग के सुहैल ने क्लियर किया था।

“सीसीएल डीएवी में पढ़ाई के दौरान ही मुझे सुहैल के बारे में बताया गया के वो एक होनहार स्टूडेंट है। इसलिए हमलोगों ने उसे बाहर भेजने का फैसला लिया था,” पिता मोहम्मद फ़ैयाज़ ने बताया।

हालांके, एम टेक की पढ़ाई कर रहे और यूपीएससी पास करने का इरादा रखने वाले सुहैल को इस बात का अंदाज़ा है कि झारखंड में लालफीता शाही थोड़ी ज्यादा ही है और यही वजह है कि उन्हे छोटी-छोटी सरकारी कामों में दिक्कतें आ रही हैं।

There were allegations that PAC were terrorising Muslims by resorting to unprovoked firings– Mohsina Kidwai in My Life In Indian Politics

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Bhopal/Lucknow: Here is an interview with the author Rasheed Kidwai regarding his book on Congress’ veteran leader, Memmber of Parliament and former governor Mohsina Kidwai. The book has generated a lot of interest from different quarters, ever since its launch.

Question: Mohsina Kidwai has had a long inning in politics and is a prominent figure. But what exactly made you decide to tell the story of her life and political journey?

Rasheed Kidwai: A cursory look at the elected representatives to the Indian parliament reveals a telling yet largely glossed-over fact—barely 20 Muslim women have made it to the Lok Sabha so far from among nearly 9000 MPs voted since 1951. Out of the seventeen Lok Sabhas constituted till May 2019, five times, the lower house of parliament did not have a Muslim women member. Equally shocking is the fact the number of Muslim women elected to parliament never crossed a mark of four in the 543-seat lower house of parliament.

According to noted French scholar Christophe Jaffrelot, Muslim women face a double bind—discriminated against both as women and as Muslims. His sentiments find an echo in Gilles Verniers, a political science professor at Ashoka University when he observed, “In terms of cumulative discrimination—being a Muslim and being a woman—there is a compounding effect for sure.

The usual barriers to entry that apply to all women, apply even more strongly to Muslim women.” Mohsina Kidwai, hailing from an aristocratic Muslim family of Avadh, holds the distinction of winning Lok Sabha thrice—in 1978, 1980 and 1984. Her parliamentary credentials are remarkable having won from Azamgarh (the Lok Sabha bypoll marked the great comeback of Indira Gandhi) in Eastern Uttar Pradesh and Meerut from the Western side of the state. Anyone remotely connected with the socio-economic condition of Uttar Pradesh and the caste matrix or observing the related fundamentals would vouch that finding acceptability in these two diverse regions is a rather insurmountable task.

I think the special part of Mohsina Kidwai is on account of her simplicity in public life, probity and ability to act judiciously as a public representative. In May 2016 when Mohsina Kidwai ceased to be a Member of Parliament, there was a sense of fulfilment. But it also came with a worry. The former housing Minister for the rest of India did not have a house of own in the national capital or anywhere else except for ancestral, joint-ownership property in Badagaon.

For those wary of the political class, one should get a sense of what probity in public life means for a person who has been the country’s transport (including railways, civil aviation and surface transport), health and housing Minister for a decade and a Cabinet Minister in Uttar Pradesh. In leading such a Spartan life, Mohsina Kidwai or none of her close relatives ever felt like doing something extraordinary.

On the political front, what distinguishes Mohsina Kidwai from many others in the Congress, is that she was never shy of speaking her mind or sharing candid thoughts, without crossing the Lakshman Rekha (or rubicon) of party discipline. A lot has been written about the Shah Bano Begum Judgment and the Rajiv Gandhi government’s move to overturn, the Ayodhya imbroglio, Congress ties with the Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, communal riots, Mamata Banerjee, tackling issues of probity and other momentous events of post-independent India. I can share with confidence that had the political leadership heeded the sound advice tendered by Mohsina Kidwai at that point of events, the course of the country’s s politics and contemporary history would have been far better and fruitful.

Question: She was a member of parliament from Meerut and it was once a city that had become infamous for communal riots. Does the book throw light on this aspect?

Rasheed Kidwai: Yes to a great deal. I think she has not been overly defensive about it but a full chapter has been devoted to Meerut communal riots. You must be aware that over 15,000 lives in 58 major riots were lost before the Godhra carnage of 2002 burnt itself forever into the collective consciousness of the nation.

Let me quote from Mohsina Kidwai’s memoirs for the benefit of our readers, “While I would win from the city again in 1984, Meerut’s tradition of peace had shattered in September 1982, a little more than two years and a half into my stint as MP from the constituency. By the time elections were held again in 1989, frequent riots had vitiated the atmosphere. My defeat in the Lok Sabha elections in 1989 had a lot to do with these incidents of violence that I tried to quell, while criminal elements and Right-wing Hindutva parties had a field day.

Let me say this upfront; communalism, majoritarianism, riots, arrest of innocent people on the charge of sedition and selective use of law have been blots on our otherwise vibrant and participatory democracy. Dissecting communal violence is always tricky, although most people blame district authorities for ignoring signs of an impending explosion. Meerut was no exception. The district administration failed to win the confidence of the two communities and was afraid to take unpopular measures.”

Question: As a politician, do you think Mohsina Kidwai managed to get success, especially, in terms of benefits for her voters, constituency, state or community?

Rasheed Kidwai: I think yes. She largely maintained a pan-Indian identity and was not identified as a “Muslim face”. Her voters in Azamgarh and Meerut cut across communities and sects, something we find somewhat missing in the North India belt when Muslim politicians contest from urban areas.

Question: The decade of the 1980s was a turbulent period. The Hashimpura and Maliana massacres took place in this era. The role of Congress and the inaction of its leaders in UP finally led to Muslims severing their long link with the party. Does the book focus on this aspect?

Rasheed Kidwai: She has tried addressing all of this: please sample this about the 1982 riots. “The violence that broke out was over a minor disagreement — a 200 sqft property claimed by both communities. But the impact was huge — dozens of deaths and property worth crores of rupees were damaged.

A report published by India Today then said, “As always in such conflicts, it was the poor and underprivileged who had to bear the brunt of the violence. The conflict started as a religious one. It turned quickly into a confrontation with the Muslims on one side and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes on the other. Then it developed beyond that into a stand-off between the district administration and the minority community.”

She also says in her book leaning on India Today, “The biggest problem for the district administration turned out to be the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) that was pressed into service in different parts of the city. The PAC did not have the confidence of the people. More than 20 companies of PAC men were stationed around the town and as the riots progressed, there were allegations that they were terrorising Muslim localities by resorting to unprovoked firings.” I would advice readers to read the book.

Question: Among the Muslim community, there was often a feeling in a section that Mohsina Kidwai could do much more when the region saw communal conflagration but she didn’t do enough. As a journalist, author and writer, how far do you think the perception is justified?

Rasheed Kidwai: I think it is a little unfair. In a constitutional democracy, rule of law must prevail and institutions == police, judiciary, executive, civil society, and media should all act swiftly, and decisively. A Muslim championing the cause of the Muslims may be good optics but it is a bit of grandstanding and heroic and may I add, anti the very grain of secular polity.

In Mohsina Kidwai’s case, she did try to intervene and influence but without rushing to the media. You will get glimpses of it in the book. In my introduction, I have said earlier and I say it again, “A lot has been written about Shah Bano Begum Judgment and Rajiv Gandhi government’s move to overturn, the Ayodhya imbroglio, Congress ties with the Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, communal riots, Mamata Banerjee, tackling issues of probity among others and other momentous events of post-independent India. I can share with confidence that had the political leadership heeded the sound advice tendered by Mohsina Kidwai at that point of events, the course would have been different.”

Also, communal riots and violence are a complex interplay. Please read this passage from her book and ponder, “It is worth remembering that Meerut, throughout the 1980s, was one of the richest districts of Uttar Pradesh. One-third of the sugar produced in the state comes from the district and it was famous for its steel goods, too. Meerut is also known for its handloom industry that employs over 70,000 Muslim artisans. What the repeated incidents of violence also did was explode the myth that economic prosperity and education reduce communal tensions in a society. Or, was there something more sinister that kept unfolding in the years to come? I leave that to the wisdom of this book’s readers.”

Question: Mohsina Kidwai was close to the top leaders of the Congress. Why didn’t we see her open major educational institutions in the state?

Rasheed Kidwai: I think institution building is a major task that requires government, intelligentsia, community and industry cooperation. She did try in her own way and there are many in Barabanki in addition to her behind the scene role in many educational institutions in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Andhra etc but we cannot be comparing her with Zakir Hussain.

In any case, all comparisons are unfair. She has been part of the journey of India’s growth and big strides in education. In her long political career, she must have seen different facets of society. Does she offer any remedy to the problems faced by the Indian Muslim community or have any vision in this regard?

I think she is a firm believer in steadfastness, faith and hard work. Please sample this from her book, ‘I firmly believe that the basic teachings of Islam do not discriminate much between men and women. It is largely due to the cultural and social ethos of Muslim societies and their human failings that such perceptions of inequalities have evolved. 

Also, we need to remember and grasp her focus on Indian-ness blending with Muslimness when she says, “We need to also remember that contemporary ethnic India is an accumulation of several cultures, religions, languages and evolutionary histories and Muslims are no exceptions. Since its introduction into the Indian subcontinent, Islam has made significant religious, artistic, philosophical, cultural, social and political influences on Indian history. Muslim traders, mystics, preachers and invaders have shaped and influenced the Indian subcontinent for thirteen centuries ensuing significant cultural diffusion of Muslim traditions among the ethnic Indian population till date.

The book is available on Amazon at this LINK

 

The interview has been first published at NewsBits.

Amitabh Bachchan’s Statement and Freedom of Expression in Indian Cinema

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At the inauguration of the Kolkata International Film Festival’s 28th edition, Amitabh Bachchan delivered a memorable speech. For the first time, he pointed out that freedom of expression in films is jeopardized now as never before. This is a menace to creating. Big B’s comments were subtle and satirical. Critical thinkers have agreed with what he said.

Navad Lapid’s comments against Kashmir Files being included in IFFI Goa also sparked many controversies. The renowned Israeli filmmaker who was heading the jury at IFFI genuinely felt, badly made, vulgar propaganda films should never get entry into film festivals. Other members of the jury from the international fraternity also voiced the same concern. Actor Anupam Kher, director of Kashmir Files of course spoke against Navad Lapid.

Time and again freedom of speech via cinema has been gagged by various government agencies. The dreaded emergency witnessed the banning of films like Aandhi and Kissa Kursi Ka. Since Kishore Kumar disagreed to follow the dictates of Sanjay Gandhi, his songs were banned on All India Radio. Dev Anand who protested maximum against the emergency faced many hurdles in shooting Des Pardes, his film on illegal immigrants in the UK.

At JNU in the early 90s, Dev Anand in a brilliant lecture highlighted the cause of freedom of expression via cinema. He reminded the student audience how he faced censorship problems during Guide. The Censor Board of Film Certification initially refused to censor Guide citing adultery as an issue. However, Dev and Vijay Anand successfully transcended hurdles and were able to receive an U/A certificate for Guide.

Satyajit Ray avoided a rare opportunity to direct an English film on the Bhopal gas tragedy starring Amitabh Bachchan. Ray confessed to his close associates that the central government would never allow the film to be completed. He was vociferous against the lack of democratic expressions via cinema. Ray said that in Europe, the USA and even Japan, forcefully killing a fundamental right in any form of creative expression was rarely encouraged.

Bengali neo-wave’s eminent director Utpalendu Chakraborty directed Phansi in the late 80s. The film was a radical protest feature film in which a professional hangman ventured against the ruling class. It is a lesser-known fact that Tapan Sinha and Hrishikesh Mukherjee were alarmed viewing the film. They believed its release would create a big disturbance in society. Phansi never saw the light of release.

In a third-world country like India, cinema is still a mere means of larger-than-life entertainment. The educational and social awareness value of cinema takes a back seat here. Protest-oriented masterpieces directed by Jean Luc Goddard, Francisco Rossi and Alan Parker have never been suppressed by governments in France, Italy and USA.

Mrinal Sen often said that a true political film which highlighted protests was very difficult to shoot in India. The government and censors would create a lot of problems and even stop releasing them. He at Cannes pointed out that freedom of expression via cinema received true dignity in Europe. He also stated that Sir Charles Chaplin was even compelled to face problems in the USA by making films like Modern Times and City Lights.

Protests in Indian cinema nowadays receive the wrong media attention and are highlighted sans logic. There is a tendency to make them sensational. The reasons political, social or historical are seldom put forward logically. Because of sheer fear many gifted bold filmmakers shy away from narrating the truth. Freedom of expression in our films is an utopian concept. The saga of Vijay Anand as censor board chairman desperately wanting to redraft and change the 1953 hackneyed Cinematograph Act and introduce a new one with inputs from the USA, UK, France and Greece is well known. He faced stern resistance from the then BJP Government and resigned voluntarily.

Women of India’s cleanest city slums are most affected by household air pollution

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Indore: Santosh Bai, residing in Sai Vandana Nagar Slums of Sanwer Industrial Area of Indore walks towards her home with a pack of three matchboxes in her hand. Why these matchboxes and she replies to burn firewood chulha (mud-stove).

“I have been using a firewood stove for a longtime. My house has turned black because of the smoke. But what to do, I have to feed my family as well. I have a LPG gas connection but the empty cylinder is lying inside the house as we don’t have enough money to get it refilled,” says Santosh Bai.

Santosh Bai is more worried about her house turning black because of smoke caused by burning biomass in her chulha but not her lungs.

This is not the story of Santosh Bai alone but most of the women residing in slums in Indore- the cleanest city of India- echo the same feelings.

The cleanest city has impure air

Indore was adjudged as the cleanest city in India for the sixth consecutive year. A recent survey by the Union Environment Ministry revealed that Indore was one of the 37 cities whose air quality has declined in the past four years. The survey report said that levels of PM10 (inhalable particles around 10 micrometers) particulate had increased in the city’s air during the period between 2017 and 2021.

There are women like Kshama Kanade, who too use firewood, coal, dung cakes for cooking. They too cough and have teary eyes while cooking but believe that using firewood chulha does not have any effect on their health.

When asked if anybody has briefed you about the hazards of household air pollution, women replied in negative.

The level of unawareness about Household Air Pollution (HAP) could be judged by the fact that some women advocated in favour of firewood chulha saying that it keeps away the mosquitoes. All of them admitted that they face problems like teary eyes, burning of eyes and coughing but justified that it was destined to happen if one cooks on firewood.

Household Air Pollution

Household Air Pollution (HAP) has an estimated average contribution of 30-50% to ambient air quality across India’s urban and rural areas, according to a study done by Council on Energy Environment and Water (CEEW). Biofuels also result in lower respiratory infections and coronary chronic obstructive disease (COPD) increasing the risk of severe Covid-19 with women and children being at the highest risk.

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Santosh Bai with match boxes | Credit: Author

As per the Global Burden of Disease Study 2019, nearly 600,000 deaths in India in 2019 can be attributed to indoor air pollution. Burning of solid fuels to prepare food on simple cook stoves (chulha) in homes exposes families, particularly women and children, to the harmful impacts of smoke and indoor air pollution (IAP).

Slum dwellers are doubly affected, both by the higher concentration of particulate matter in urban areas as well as indoor air pollution from the use of unclean cooking fuels. It could be worse considering the fact that most of them are poorly nourished.

With more than 13.7 million people living in slums in the country (Census 2011), there is a strong impetus to understand the use of clean cooking fuels in such households, suggests a study done by CEEW.

Slum population in Mini Mumbai

Indore has a significant slum population, about 30% of the total population or about 8,38,977 residents reside in slums. At present there are 646 slums in the city, of which 599 are notified. The total area of slums combined is 20.35 sq km, which takes up 8% of the total area designated under the Indore Municipal Corporation.

“Many people are unaware that various forms of indoor air pollution also pose a risk to our lung health. Some of the major sources in urban settings include burning of biomass, incense sticks and mosquito coils. People with medical conditions such pulmonary tuberculosis, HIV, poor nutritional status, and concurrent respiratory infections are at a greater risk. Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD) is triggered more during monsoons and winter seasons,” said Dr Lokendra Dave, Head of the department and Pulmonologist, Gandhi Medical College, Bhopal.

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Sheela Kushwah at her shop with firewood chulha

The damage caused to the lungs caused by COPD is permanent but awareness about risk factors can minimize chances of developing COPD, added Dr Dave.

Dr Ajay Nagpure, clean air catalyst expert said that children and women- especially pregnant women, are easy targets of HAP. “Women using biomass like firewood, dung cakes or coal for cooking food suffer more badly. Use of biomass as fuel causes five to ten times more air pollution,” said Nagpure.

Studies say that constant exposure to burning biomass is associated with a wide range of illnesses including COPD, pneumonia, stroke, lung cancer and cardiovascular diseases.

“Most of the people are largely unaware about the ill-effects of air pollution, what to talk of household air pollution,” commented Sudhir Gore, working as Lead for the Rumour Tracking Project of Clean Air Catalyst in Indore. The project aims at removing myths related to air pollution among common people.

Most of the respondents in the study believed that there was no air pollution in Indore. “Our study revealed that people think that air pollution caused by industries does not affect much as it moves towards the sky through chimneys. Most of them believed that air pollution occurs only outside homes and not inside their homes,” added Gore.

Social activist working in the slum areas of Indore, Kirti Dixit too feels the same. “They have seen their mothers cooking on firewood. They have seen them with teary eyes and coughing. They think it is natural during cooking. They are completely unaware about Household Air Pollution (HAP).”

Chulha’s contribution to household air pollution

On the other hand there are women like Parwati Suleri, who cites additional reasons for using traditional chulha. “We belong to a village and we like food cooked on traditional chulha. Rotis baked on wood fire tastes different. Moreover, jowar (sorghum) and makka (maize) chapatis are baked best on wooden fire,” said Parwati.

Another intriguing thing that was observed during the visit to these areas was that most of the houses had an additional chulha built outside their homes. The chulha outside was meant exclusively to warm water during winters.

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Firewood stacked behind a house in Indore | Credit: Author

“We cook food on chulha inside our house. This one (pointing to chulha built outside) is used to warm water for bathing,” clarified Mamta Chouhan and Pinky Rajput, sitting outside their shanty.

The chulha built outside the house, used for warming water, is often fed with any ignitable substance in addition to wood, cardboard paper and other industrial waste.

Several women residing in slums have also opened small shops catering to daily needs of the labourers. Sheela Kushwah, one such woman runs a shop and a tea stall from her home. A firewood stove could be seen at her shop.

“I use it for making tea for the customers. I also cook food on it,” says Sheela. She said that her children and husband collect firewood from nearby places. They also collect paper, cardboard and other industrial wastes that could be burnt for fire, she added.

Sheela said that she could not bear the cost of buying expensive LPG. “The price of a gas cylinder has almost doubled from Rs 600 a few years ago to almost Rs 1100 now. Wood is cheap and often procured free from around.”

Another study by the CEEW says that though 85% of households have an LPG connection but 54% households continue to use traditional solid fuels, either exclusively or by stacking them with the LPG.

The study also states that traditional solid fuels like firewood, dung cakes, agriculture residue, charcoal for cooking increases exposure to indoor air pollution.

“The problem is serious and needs to be addressed immediately. Women should be educated about the nuances of Household Air Pollution and about the use of clean energy fuels and alternatives provided by renewable energy appliances,” said Dr Nagpure.

“Subsidy on the LPG should be ensured that it reaches people belonging to the economically weaker section. Efforts should be made to start an awareness campaign to develop understanding of ecology besides making it part of the school education as well,” said social researcher and director of Vikas Samvad, Sachin Jain.

A sustained campaign should be started among the women of weaker sections where they should be informed about ill-effects of HAP. “Once they realize the health hazards of using biofuels then only they would think of adopting the alternatives,” added Jain.

Cooking solutions based on renewable energy sources should be made affordable and encouraged, he added.

Mayor of Indore Municipal Corporation (IMC), Pushyamitra Bhargava said that IMC and the district administration have taken several steps to reduce air pollution caused by the industries, traffic and waste management.

“Ideas like installing a community water heating system at Sulabh Toilet Complexes through solar energy are welcome and we will start it soon on a pilot basis. Moreover, Deendayal Rasoi Yojana too could be modified to suit the needs of slum dwellers,” assured mayor of Indore, Pushyamitra Bhargava.

Indore, Mayor said that an awareness campaign will be started apprising women about the ill-effects of air pollution on their health.

 

This story was produced with support from Internews’ Earth Journalism Network.

Congress’ Bharat Jodo Yatra – Has the ‘Grand Old Party’ finally found the right path?

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[dropcap]“C[/dropcap]ongress kuch karti nahi!,” “ Kaha hai Congress?” Such remarks constitute the general narrative that has encompassed the Indian political space for almost a decade. A party that has been decimated in all corners of the country, coupled with its eroding political acumen has inflicted heavy electoral losses to the party. The “Bharat Jodo Yatra” promises to cover a distance of about 3500 km within 150 days, that too on foot! Although this country has seen “Yatras” of all sorts, this one feels particularly special given the circumstances that led to its inception. 

The Optics

From tying a little girl’s shoelaces to walking hand-in-hand with party workers and the general public, Rahul and the Congress’ PR machinery are working round the clock to create a non-political narrative for the Yatra. At a time when the nation is riddled with communal tension, the Congress party has reiterated the fact that the sole purpose of this Yatra is to unify the country with their message of harmonious co-existence. A point that Rahul never fails to mention is the constant attack by the ruling party on the “Idea of India” and how the Grand Old Party strives to act as the guardian of this great nation and its people. “I have not come here to speak, I have come here to listen,” something which the Congress’ talisman mentioned at the beginning of this Yatra. 

Although issues like soaring inflation and unemployment were the core issues which the yatra was supposed to raise, the initial phase of this journey focused on redefining the political acumen of Rahul and the Congress. The BJP’s social media wing has left no stone unturned over the years to discredit Rahul Gandhi as an immature and non-sensical politician who does not have credible leadership skills to lead his party or the country. But Congress’ attempt at redefining “Brand Rahul” has surely had a positive impact. 

The powerful image of a rain-drenched Rahul Gandhi continues to address the people who stood under the belting rainfall to listen to their leader. Such images are helping the narrative being put forward by the Congress of Rahul being a staunch public figure who seems to have developed a sense of political maturity in recent times. His manner of interacting with fellow workers, senior leaders and most importantly the people who are so eager to get a glimpse of him has caught the media eye. Television media has always been at the centre of the Congress’ attack with party members alleging inadequate coverage of the principal opposition party. How often do we see public speeches, ‘dharnas’ or ‘gheraos’ carried out by the Congress televised? The answer is probably not so often when compared to the relentless TV onslaught of government events. The tide has certainly turned in the party’s favour with Congress finally occupying the media space daily, something which the party miserably failed at over the past 8 years.

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Rahul Gandhi with village women in Rajasthan | Credit; Twitter/@bharatjodo

 The Presidential elections have also contributed to increased media coverage for the party. A party which comes under constant attack for being a safe haven for dynasts put on great pomp and show of internal democracy by electing its party president for the first time in over two decades. Ever since Sonia Gandhi entered active politics to arrest the Congress’ slump, the party has always turned to her The 

Public Response

The Yatra has evoked an extremely positive response in the states which it has traversed till date. Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has been drawing huge crowds in the Southern Peninsula which has galvanised the party’s ground-level organisation. The Southern corners of the country have always come to the rescue when it comes to a “Gandhi” looking for political resurrection. Indira Gandhi post her electoral drubbing in 1977 started her quest for redemption by winning the Chikmagalur by-election in 1978, Sonia Gandhi won her first major political battle when she defeated fire-brand BJP leader Shushma Swaraj in Belagavi in 1998 and her son managed to gain humongous support in the state of Kerala in 2019 while the party was wiped out across the “Hindi heartland.” 

Humongous crowds do not necessarily get converted into gigantic electoral gains. There have been enough instances in the past which prove that crowds do not often convert into votes, the best example of this being Narendra Modi himself in certain state elections where the party fell short under his leadership. Despite this, people pouring into the ‘Padyatra’ in huge numbers does provide the party a much-needed boost in difficult times. 

Marching in the right direction?

 A major talking point over the past couple of months has been the route followed by Rahul and his team. In peak election season, the party’s supreme leader (although not officially) has side-lined himself from campaigning in two crucial BJP-ruled states. Although the party seems to have pulled up its socks in Himachal, it is difficult to comprehend the reason behind the Congress’ lackluster campaign in Gujarat. The Congress proved to be a tough nut to crack in the last election, riding off a rigorous campaign but this time the party’s nowhere to be seen. With the Congress banking on the mythical door-to-door campaign, the Aam Aadmi Party has made serious inroads into the electoral scene. The Congress refuses to acknowledge the threat posed to their status in Gujarat, banking on the fact that such third-party experiments have always fallen below expectations in the state. Having backed out of campaigning in the poll-bound state indicates the fact that his priorities do not necessarily “rest in the west.” 

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Rahul Gandhi with Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot on December 15 | Credit: Twitter/@bharatjodo

Bharat Jodo – More like Cadre Jodo? 

From the North to the South, the party is riddled with factions of all sorts. Such factions have grown stronger in the absence of a staunch central leader (a point highlighted by the alleged G-23 on numerous occasions). From climbing up a water tank with DK Shivkumar and Siddharamaiah to making Mr. Gehlot and Pilot dance hand-in-hand on stage, the Yatra is trying to project an image of unity across state units. Heavy infighting has already inflicted heavy electoral damage to the party and this yatra is leaving no stone unturned when it comes to putting on a show of unity. 

Bearing in mind the fact that such on-camera antics only create a façade of unity as the problems are too deep-rooted to be resolved by a handshake. The central leadership has repeatedly fallen short of providing a feasible power-sharing solution to accommodate warring factions into the government. The “Manesar” episode was a prime example of a failed experiment of transition wherein an established regional force was to be replaced by a new face. Having initially saved face, the recent ruckus prior to the CLP meeting in Jaipur again reflects what is intrinsically wrong with the party functioning, i.e., prior planning and crisp execution. Ashok Gehlot unconditionally apologising for what many believed to be a rebellion of his doing does show that something has changed in the top brass. It will be interesting to note how the new President will resolve the issue, depending on if the issue will at all be resolved in any manner. 

Madhya Pradesh too presents an interesting dynamic. The Yatra was flooded with effigies and banners of Kamalnath being projected as the face of the MP Congress throughout its course in Madhya Pradesh. Although Rahul’s yatra sailed smoothly through the heart of Central India, it might not prove to be enough to fill the vacuum left within the Congress’ space in the state. The high-profile departure of his staunch loyalist Jyotiraditya Scindia has left Rahul searching for a new face to build the party at the ground level, something which Kamalnath might find difficult to do given his age. 

What Next? 

From the coast of Kerala to the sand dunes of Rajasthan, the Bharat Jodo yatra has traversed more than half of its designated route. Everywhere they go, the band of Rahul and his followers is greeted by humungous crowds. Even though the majority of the people showing up are party workers, retired government professionals, artists, activists and actors have also joined the Yatra at numerous junctures. They started with an aim to unite the country with messages of love and harmony and have left no opportunity to showcase their secular nature by visiting religious shrines and paying homage to social workers of the past and present. Despite media censorship, the Congressmen are marching on with positive long-term implications on party functioning and performance in sight. Even if the Yatra does not bring immediate electoral success, it has at least shown the Congress workers that there is a world outside social media where the Congress presence can still be felt in full force.

Is Uniform Civil Code A New Weapon To Harass Minorities?

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[dropcap]W[/dropcap]ill Uniform Civil Code be another trump card of the saffron brigade to further strengthen its narrative before the General Election 2024? As it may be used as a whip to beat the Muslim community, will the community bite the bullet or will the Islamic clerics sway them away?

When the BJP MP Kirodi Lal Meena introduced a private member’s Bill in Rajya Sabha, seeking the constitution of a committee to prepare and implement a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) in the country, the opposition was up in arms.

Members from the Congress, TMC, DMK, NCP, CPI(M), CPI, IUML, MDMK and RJD lodged strong protests against the move.

Some political observers pointed out that the ruling party was behind the move and the private member bill was introduced to test the waters before taking a plunge into the contention issue.

Many people may be surprised to know that it was the Congress and its stalwart Jawahar Lal Nehru who tried to introduce the UCC for the first time in 1954. As the Parliament discussed the report of the Hindu law committee during the 1948–1951 and 1951–1954 sessions, Nehru, his supporters and women members realised that the orthodox Hindu laws were supportive of women’s rights since monogamy, divorce and the widow’s right to inherit property were in the shastras.

Law Minister BR Ambedkar recommended a Uniform Civil Code as he thought that this would reform the Hindu society and also ensure protection to the Muslim women who have little protection under the dogmatic Sharia laws.

Almost all sections of the society, Orthodox Muslims and Hindus alike opposed the Uniform Civil Code. Ambedkar introduced a Hindu Bill to ensure modern reformation of Hindu Society. But, it too came under scathing attacks.

Later, four separate acts, the Hindu Marriage Act, Succession Act, Minority and Guardianship Act and Adoptions and Maintenance Act were enacted in 1956.

UCC is meant to replace the Hindu Marriage Act, Hindu Succession Act, Indian Christian Marriages Act, Indian Divorce Act, Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act.

The proposals in UCC include monogamy, equal rights for son and daughter over inheritance of paternal property and gender & religion neutral laws in regards of will, charity, divinity, guardianship and sharing of custody.

All India Muslim Personal Law Board has rejected the UCC and called it unconstitutional and against the Muslims.

But there are serious contradictions in the civil code and many Hindu sects and communities may not accept it. There are Anand Marriage Act, Arya Samaj Marriage, Special Marriage Act, Foreign Marriage Act and Krishna Marriage Act. Similarly we have the Indian Divorce Act, Madras Aliya Sanatan Act, Madras Namboodiripad Act, Madras Makkathyam Act as well. Will the UCC address these laws?

The most complicated and controversial parts belong to the right of inheritance and division of property. Hindus have two codes for division of property.

Dayabhag was prevalent in West Bengal, Odisha and Assam. It allows daughters equal rights in father’s property.

The Mitakshara system was prevalent in Mithila of Bihar, Mayurva of Maharashtra, Dravida of Tamilnadu and Benraras of Uttar Pradesh. The Mitakshara system was not abolished, but it was diluted and daughters were given equal rights by adopting certain laws.

In Sharia law, sons are allowed to get property twice as much as their sisters. If the wife has children, she is entitled to get one-eighth of husband’s property, otherwise, she will get one fourth. If there are more than one wife, one-eighth of the property will be distributed among them.

Will the Uniform Civil Code address these issues? Will registration of marriage be made mandatory?

There are certain issues which Muslims should ponder instead of opposing the UCC under provocation of ulemas.

UCC will ensure that childless Muslim widows get share in their husband’s property. It will ensure that she is not driven back to her parents’ house after the death of her husband.

Similarly, a husband will think twice before divorcing his wife if he has to share his property with her.

Political analysts feel that the Universal Civil Code is aimed at appeasing the majority Hindus and assure them that no special privilege is given to Muslims.

Hindus have been made to believe that they are under threat and also that Muslims have been treated with velvet gloves and given special treatment. BJP wants to correct this anomaly and there will be one law for every citizen irrespective of their religion.

Abolition of triple talaq, abrogation of Article 370 and now Universal Civil Code. The saffron party is ready with its juggernaut before the Lok Sabha Election 2024.

Dilip Kumar’s Excellent Offbeat Movies

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Dilip Kumar always said, “A memorable film may not always be popular. A popular film is not always memorable.” According to his statement, a number of his memorable films did not hit the bull’s eye. This disturbed the creative artist within the thespian. He lamented if true art is not appreciated, populist gimmicks will overtake creative pursuits. The essence of good cinema always lies in its script, context and execution. On Dilip Kumar birth centenary here is a look into some of his offbeat films which excelled in cinematic merit.

Jogan (1950)

Though Kidar Sharma was Raj Kapoor’s mentor, he opted for Dilip Kumar in Jogan. The Dilip Kumar, Nargis pair was at its histrionic best in Jogan. The rare saga of an atheist falling in love with a jogini (lady devotee) has some brilliant moments. As Dilip Kumar says in his low-pitched voice, “Main Nastik Jo Thehera” to a patiently hearing Nargis, both exchanged classic expressions. Though he was a Muslim, Dilip Kumar looked every inch a Hindu, educated middle-class personality clad in dhoti and kurta. After Nargis death, his tearful look in a silent shot still remains a lesson in acting. Nargis also a Muslim was peerless as the Hindu jogini. The film, though a flop, received praise from the intelligentsia as well Uttam Kumar and Suchitra Sen.

Footpath (1953)

Zia Sarhadi’s tirade against urban corruption and black marketing, Footpath was a classic. As the idealist-educated lower middle-class youth whose financial crisis compels him to choose the path of crime, Dilip Kumar still has no peers. He was well supported by Meena Kumari’s subtle underplaying. Dilip Kumar’s confessions of his involvement in black marketing at the police station in the climax brought tears to the eyes of countless viewers. Method acting achieved a new dimension by virtue of Dilip Kumar’s polished performance. “Ha Main Gira Hue Insaan Hun” was his model dialogue to establish his character and in one single modulation, Dilip Kumar stole the show. Ibrahim Alkazi, former director of the National School of Drama termed Dilip Kumar’s performance in Footpath, unparalleled.

Yahudi (1957)

Bimal Ray experimented with a costume drama in Yahudi, a tale of the Roman Empire which failed to create any impact. A taut screenplay by Nabendu Ghosh had some memorable moments. Compared to Sohrab Modi’s voice-related patterns and otherwise theatrical antics, Dilip Kumar was planned, calculated and method in Yahudi. Meena Kumari moved away gracefully from her tragedienne image. Dilip Kumar riding the chariot, lip-synching, Yeh Mera Diwanapan Hai, was brilliant as a performer. According to Sivaji Ganeshan, it was a cult performance. Dilip Kumar’s eyes were at their altruistic best in Yahudi.

Pari (1963)

Jagannath Chattopadhyay from Bengal directed this double-version film in Bengali (Pari) and Anokha Milan (Hindi). The Bengali version was a big hit. The hero of Pari was Dharmendha who had his Bengali dialogues dubbed. Dilip Kumar as a jailor, Vijay Upadhyay, in a special appearance spoke his own lines, Bengali with a North Indian accent. His entry scene with a confident walk proved his class as an actor. Speaking to the heroine, Pranati Bhattacharya, “Ami Kemon Kore Tomae Bachabo (How will I save you)” Dilip Kumar’s dialogue delivery was superb. Based on a story by novelist Jarasandho, Pari is the first film shot in Andaman prison, a favorite of Soumitra Chatterjee.

Sagina Mahato (1971)

In this film based on a famous novel of the same name by Gour Kishore Ghosh, Tapan Sinha as director extracted the best performance from Dilip Kumar according to many. As Sagina, a simpleton labourer in the tea gardens of Darjeeling during the last days of the British Raj, Dilip Sahab literally lived his character to the hilt. The use of his hands was in perfect harmony with his dialogue delivery. Dilip Kumar did confess that as the anti-hero, Anil Chatterjee stole the show from him in Sagina Mahato.

China-Saudi Bonhomie To Bring Paradigm Shift in World Order?

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen Chinese President Xi Jinping and Saudi Arabia King Salman signed the ‘comprehensive strategic partnership agreement’ and several other deals at Yamamah Palace in Saudi Capital Riyadh, the China-Saudi Bonhomie set the alarm bell ringing.

It indicated the possibility of a paradigm shift in the geo-strategic scenario in Asia and the Middle East.

The two sides also agreed to hold meetings of their heads of state every two years.

The signed deals included 34 investment agreements in sectors varying from green energy to hydrogen, from information technology to transport and construction.

Saudi State broadcaster Al Ekhbariya said agreements worth 110 billion riyals or USD 30 billion were signed.

A separate agreement was inked on the ‘alignment plan’ of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative and Riyadh’s ‘economic diversification programme’.

The Saudi officials confirmed that the deal over Chinese telecom giant Huawei Technologies is related to cloud computing and data centres and it will allow the Chinese government firm to set up high-tech complexes in the country.

Earlier the US security agencies warned that the equipment made by Chinese companies like Huawei could be used to interfere with the 5-G wireless network, and collect sensitive information and these pieces of information may be used for military purposes.

Riyadh came out with a grand reception to the Chinese President as his plane was escorted by Saudi jets, spewing red and white fumes, the colours of the Chinese flag.

Riyadh’s Governor Prince Faisal bin Bandar Al Saud, Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud and the governor of the sovereign Public Investment Fund, Yasir Al-Rumayyan welcomed Xi Jinping as he waved from the plane.

Crown Prince, the de facto ruler and Prime Minister Muhammad Bin Sultan shook hands with the Chinese President and King Salman held the guest’s hand warmly.

It can be compared to the low-key and lackadaisical reception given to US President Joe Biden when he visited Riyadh earlier this year.

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President Xi Jinping and Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Sultan | Courtesy: Shanghai Daily
The two leaders met with a fist-bump and Riyadh simply ignored Biden’s request to pump more crude oil at a time when the price of the oil is skyrocketing due to the Russia-Ukraine War.

Sino-US relations came under tremendous pressure when Donald Trump was the president and in a bid to appease the business class of the country, he increased tariffs on Chinese imports.

Bejing retaliated and a trade war followed that brought the bilateral relations to the lowest point in decades.

Later, the two sides made a retreat from the drawn battle lines and the relations improved a little bit.

Joe Biden during the campaign for the presidential election pledged to treat Saudi Arabia like a ‘pariah’ and pressed the Crown Prince about the murder of ‘Washington Post’ columnist Jamal Khashoggi, a Saudi citizen.

Khashoggi was allegedly killed by Saudi agents in 2018 at the Istanbul embassy for his continued campaign against MBS, as he is called.

A few months after taking over as the president, Joe Biden released an intelligence report that said the de facto ruler ordered the killing, a charge denied by the Crown Prince.

Recently, the two sides clashed over the Saudi-led OPEC plus decision of slashing crude oil production by 2 million barrels a day. A disappointed US President called it an ‘unnecessary step.’

Experts believe that besides all the rhetoric, the Saudi Crown Prince wants to diversify the oil-dependent economy.

He also wants to develop a civil nuclear programme and build an indigenous defence industry.

Saudi experts want to learn from China and follow its footprint to achieve economic transformation before the oil wells dry up.

They also want technology, the know-how, the required equipment and machinery.

But the bilateral relations will not be limited to the economy, political observers feel.

China wants a foothold in the Middle East and the Muslim Ummah or the Islamic world.

It wants a strategic alliance for its Belt and Road Initiative to push its way to the African continent and West Asia.

Beijing also wants a partner that can support it in the wake of the US pressure in the Indo-Pacific and the South China Sea.

After the end of the cold war, the world moved towards a multipolar system in which Washington is losing its clout and it is being replaced by Beijing quickly. Saudi Arabia wants to join the bandwagon.

The China-Saudi bonhomie is set to change the geo-strategic dynamics of Asia and India can not be left completely untouched by the development.

In its bid to diversify its economy, Saudi Arabia eyed the Indian economy, a large and ever-expanding middle class and its increasing demand for crude oil.

India imports more than 85 per cent of its crude oil need and till recently Riyadh was the biggest source. Russia replaced it recently as it offered a huge discount.

MBS, the Crown Prince visited India and signed many deals. The state-controlled Saudi Aramco inked an agreement to invest USD 20 billion in India.

On the other hand, Sino-India relations are at their worst and are going through the most difficult time in history, despite being India’s largest trade partner.

China sent its troops in May 2020, the PLA captured a large swathe of Indian territory. Soldiers of both countries were killed in a fight on June 15 in the Galwan Valley.

After 16 rounds of painstaking talks between the area commanders of the two armies, the two sides pulled back.

But a few thousand Chinese soldiers are still stationed in Demchok and Depsang.

Consider Pakistan joining the hands of China and Saudi Arabia in the area and attempting to exploit its relationship with these countries to counter India.

China has tried to use the Organisation of Islamic Co-operation to create problems for India on the issue of Jammu and Kashmir. It has failed several times, but after the October 5, 2019 decision of abrogating Article 370, giving special power to the valley, Islamabad found many sympathisers.

A five-member delegation of OIC under its Secretary General will visit Pakistan-occupied Kashmir on December 10-12 on the invitation of Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari.

They will also discuss the situation in Jammu-Kashmir, the abrogation of Article 370 and the alleged Islamophobia in India.

Saudi Arabia has been challenged many times by Turkey, which wants to dominate the Islamic world.

Turkey has close relations with both China and Pakistan. In a bid to placate the Muslim world on the issue of Jammu-Kashmir, Saudi Arabia may succumb to the pressure of Istanbul and Islamabad.

It may create a slew of problems for India and complicate the Kashmir conundrum.

Though many people feel that the Saudi-China bonhomie is US-specific and it has nothing to do with India, surprises are not uncommon in ever-changing world scenarios and complicated geopolitical dynamics.

India should be ready for such surprises.

I broke a fixed deposit and sent to candidates in 1977– Mohsina Kidwai

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The party had no finances to fund its candidates. So as the state party president, I broke a fixed deposit of Rs 90,000 I had saved and sent whatever little amount I could to the candidates”—This is how Mohsina Kidwai recollects the plight of the Congress after its defeat in the 1977 Lok Sabha elections and her own efforts to bring her party to the roads of recovery.

My Life in Indian Politics’ is the autobiography of the veteran Congress leader Mohsina Kidwai. The book written with the help of senior journalist and author Rasheed Kidwai and published by Harper Collins is full of personal and political anecdotes.

Rasheed, a master raconteur with a penchant to bedeck his work with enchanting anecdotes has, apparently, helped Mohsina in recollecting the small details of high literary value and penning it down. But the actual credit for penning down such a fascinating account of her over half a century of political journey obviously goes to Mohsina Kidwai who occupied high offices in various union ministries in the 1970’s and 80’s besides officiating as the Uttar Pradesh Congress chief and Congress Working Committee member for long.

The lines of the book quoted above date back to the torrid time in the life of Indira Gandhi and her party known as the Congress-I then. Indira had lost from Raibareilly in the 1977 Lok Sabha polls and her party was in shambles. The former Prime Minister and phenomenal woman leader of post-Independent India had gone into a shell in the run-up to the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh—the heartland state of India— in 1977. She had lost self-esteem and no amount of cajoling by Mohsina and other party leaders who had access to her worked on her.

Her autobiography is in a sense an account of how it brought out the best from Mohsina when her party and her leader were in crisis. Mohsina is synonymous with Congress’s culture. She joined the party when the most shining star of India’s freedom struggle Jawaharlal Nehru was the Prime Minister. She worked with Indira and Rajiv Gandhi. And she is with the Congress in the era of Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi too.

She is in 90’s and in the twilight of her life. But what is still fresh in her mind are her memories which she has narrated with flair. “It was February 1954, a couple of months after my marriage, when Jameel Ur Rahman Kidwai (her father-in-law) decided to travel to Delhi to meet Jawaharlal Nehruji and introduce me to him as the newest member of his family, his daughter-in-law. I had never felt so nervous. ….. While we waited Nehruji’s daughter Indira Gandhi, came down the staircase that led to the living room. She walked up to my father-in-law, greeted him respectfully and then looked at me. Is this pretty young woman your daughter”, she asked my father-in-law.

The book weaved in the maze of colourful anecdotes takes the reader through the pages with ease. Mohsina has been very honest in detailing her experience with colleagues and opponents in politics. Sonia Gandhi, Chandra Shekhar, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav, N. D. Tiwary, Manmohan Singh, Pranab Mukherjee, Amed Patel, V. P. Singh, M. L. Fotedar, Madhav Rao Scindia and many others are in the long list of the leaders Mohsina encountered and worked with in her long political career. She sounds fair, at the same time very nuanced, in assessing the personalities of these leaders.

Here is an example of her take on Mulayam Singh Yadav: “While I feel that nothing negative should be said about anyone, Mulayam Singh, I think, laid himself bare to criticism with the kind of political behaviour he has often exhibited. Opportunism has been the constant companion of this former wrestler and drawing teacher, who would eventually take up politics as his profession”. And look at how she sums up Lalu Prasad Yadav’s persona. “The Rashtriya Janata Dal boss could be charming when he wanted, often disarming, a stern-faced politician with his humour. ‘Everyone says my hairstyle is Sadhna cut. You tell me, Mohsinaji, is this true?’ he asked me suddenly, as we all sat in his room”. Her take on Chandra Shekhar: “Generous, caring and bold, Chandra Shekhar maintained a friendship with all—family friends and even political adversaries—even if some of them had tainted reputation. He never abandoned a friend in good or bad times. Other qualities that he stood out, rare for a man of his stature, were his simplicity and straightforwardness”.

Mohisina’s observations about her contemporary political leaders are very much in sync with that of the academics, scholars and journalists watching them from outside. Apart from her own journey, the book also enlightens the reader about the history and culture, particularly in the Barabanki region. She also deals with the rise of divisive politics that is ruining the syncretic culture of India and has expressed her profound love for what she describes as “Ganga Jamuni Tehjeeb” –the hallmark of India’s social life for ages, under threat now.

I strongly recommend readers to read Mohsina’s memoir. It helps in understanding the contours of politics—particularly of Uttar Pradesh—after Independence. My only criticism and that is a minor one is the book has been written in hurry. It is too short to accommodate the minute details of Mohsina’s life and also the complexities of politics during her time; scholars in contemporary history might want it to have more details. 

Sonia Gandhi has written special notes while Manmohan Singh and Shashi Tharoor have written forewords which are worth reading.

(Nalin Verma is a journalist, media educator, author and independent researcher in Social Anthropology)