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Why Did Calcutta High Court Order a Second Autopsy of IITian Faizan Ahmed?

Kolkata: Calcutta High Court ordered a second autopsy to get a clear understanding of the death of IITian Faizan Ahmed. The third-year student of the Indian Institute of Technology (IIT), Kharagpur student, whose partially decomposed body was recovered from the hostel room of IIT-Kharagpur in October last year.

Faizan was buried in Dibrugarh from where his body was exhumed and flown to Kolkata, following the court order. On Saturday, the second autopsy was conducted at the Calcutta Medical College and Hospital.

The recommendation for the second autopsy was made by Dr Ajay Kumar Gupta, a retired forensic expert from the CID, West Bengal, who had been asked to look into the postmortem, forensic report and police case diary, by Justice Rajasekhar Mantha, in February, earlier this year.

There are several points which indicate why there is a need for a thorough investigation into the death of one of India’s brilliant minds – Faizan Ahmed.

eNewsroom, while going into the details of the case found some stark contradictions in post-mortem and police reports. The forensic expert Dr Gupta pointed out the contradictions in the post-mortem report while Faizan’s lawyers highlighted the case diary, during Justice Mantha’s hearing.

But before going to the technical aspect of the case, let us know who Faizan Ahmed was.

Member of Aerial Robotics Research and RoboSoccer teams

Friends of Faizan, define him as ‘cut above IITians’. Before cracking Joint Engineering Entrance (JEE) he was the winner of three gold medals at the state-level ‘Mathematics and Chemistry Olympiad’ — twice in Mathematics, and once in Chemistry.

After joining IIT-Kharagpur as a mechanical engineering student, he was selected for a few ambitious robotic projects funded by the Government of India. The research group is sponsored by SRIC (Sponsored Research and Industrial Consultancy) as part of the Centre for Excellence in Robotics.

The 23-year-old genius was also a member of the Kharagpur RoboSoccer Students’ Group (KRSSG).

Faizan used to take online Mathematics classes as well. He had created a profile at sites like SuperProf.com.

While the trial in the case is yet to begin, there were three important reports submitted so far in this case — postmortem, police and forensic report.

Watch what Faizan’s parents said when they reached Kolkata with the dead body for second autopsy

Post mortem report

The three-page report (copy with eNewsroom), could not ascertain the cause of death of the IITian. The only thing it mentioned was that no external injuries were found on the body of Faizan.

But in the forensic report, this point did not stand. Dr Gupta claimed that the post-mortem video that he got shows a Haematoma over the RI parieto-temporal area of the scalp.

The autopsy report also mentions several injury marks on the left arm of Faizan. But the forensic expert in its report ruled them out for being the cause of death and claimed in its report that it could be ‘fabricated cut marks’.

The first autopsy report also did not mention the presence of any poison or alcohol in the body of the deceased.

Preliminary Forensic Report by Dr Gupta

In one paragraph of his 9-page report (copy with eNewsroom), Dr Gupta writes, “I would like to submit that after comparison of the pertinent findings in the documents i.e. (i) Post-Mortem Report (ii) the Post-Mortem video by me, my preliminary opinion is that the findings in these two documents are not adequate to draw a final conclusion as to actual cause and manner of death of Faizan Ahmed, Muslim Male, aged 23 years. I am enclosing herein pertinent findings regarding injuries seen on dissection of the dead body i.e. over vault of head, front of left side of chest close to left axilla of Faizan Ahmed, aged 23 years, in videoclips on the Post-Mortem Examination of Faizan Ahmed, aged 23 years which clearly and definitely reveal that there is no mention about these injuries in the Post-Mortem Report No. 1289 of 2022 of Faizan Ahmed, aged 23 years. (sic)”

Holes in police theory of suicide 

Police filed three reports in hundreds of pages long after four months of Faizan’s death. But it could also not reach any conclusion on the cause of death.

One of the reasons the reports cited was the use of the anti-depression drug, Betacap. A wrapper containing six tablets was found in the hostel room of Faizan, indicating four tablets had been used.

According to one report the death took place because of the slashing of veins and excessive bleeding.

But Faizan’s lawyer Ranjit Chatterjee pointed out that as per the case diary, the recovery of the blade used for slashing was recovered from the garden area and not the room where Faizan was found dead.

What Faizan’s lawyers argued

The lawyers representing Faizan’s parents also highlighted several major holes in the police inquiry during the High Court hearing on May 19 before Justice Rajasekhar Mantha.

Among them were police highlighting the presence of six Betacap 20 mg tablets (out of ten in the strip) in the room of Faizan, and suggesting that he might have used four tablets together. Ranajit Chatterjee argued that before the court, “Only the use of 1000 mg would be fatal for the person, but intake of 80 mg (4×20 mg) could not be fatal for anyone.”

The senior lawyer also told the court about the presence of a second blood group at the door of the hostel room where Faizan was found dead.

Chatterjee informed the court, “University records tell that Faizan had O+ blood group. But another group, AB+, found the room.”

Justice Rajashekhar Mantha too expressed surprise and reacted, “It means, there was another person there!”

Faizan’s counsel also pointed out one more thing, which police did not give much importance to during the investigation – the presence of sodium nitrate powder in the room of the deceased. The yellowish powder is used to preserve meat and is also one of the components used to embalm or preserve dead bodies.

“There was mysteriously no smell even after three days of the death,” Chatterjee told the court while mentioning the presence of sodium nitrate in the room.

Aniruddha Mitra, another counsel representing Faizan’s parents, told eNewsroom, “It is a challenging case for us too. So we are giving our best. We have got some other vital information too. And we hope the second autopsy will prove that we are going in the right direction and that Faizan’s death was not due to suicide.”

जवाहरलाल नेहरू व भारत रत्न

सन् 1955 की गर्मियों में भारत के प्रथम प्रधानमंत्री जवाहरलाल नेहरू को उनकी खुद की सरकार द्वारा भारत रत्न देने की घोषणा की गई। नेहरू उस वक्त यानी 1955 की जून-जुलाई में यूरोप के दौरे पर थे और यूरोप के विभिन्न देशों में तैनात भारत के राजनयिकों को साल्जबर्ग में संबोधित कर रहे थे, ऑस्ट्रिया के चॉन्सलर जूलियस राब से वियना में भेंट कर रहे थे। देश का यह शीर्ष सम्मान जब उन्हें देने की घोषणा की गई, उस समय वे वियना में ही थे। “कला, साहित्य और विज्ञान के उत्थान तथा सार्वजनिक सेवाओं में उच्चतम प्रतिमान स्थापित करने वालों के लिए” स्थापित किए गए भारत रत्न सम्मान का यह द्वितीय वर्ष था। भारत के राष्ट्रपति द्वारा जारी अध्यादेश के तहत इसे कायम किया गया था। प्रथम भारत रत्न सम्मान, अपने स्थापित किए जाने के वर्ष 1954 में सी राजगोपालाचारी, सीवी रमन और एस राधाकृष्णन को प्रदान किया गया था।

तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपति राजेंद्र प्रसाद के संबंध अपने प्रधानमंत्री जवाहरलाल नेहरू से ठीक नहीं थे। दोनों के बीच कई मुद्दों पर मतभेद थे। इसके बावजूद राष्ट्रपति राजेंद्र प्रसाद ने नेहरू को भारत रत्न प्रदान करने की पूर्ण जिम्मेदारी स्वीकार की। 15 जुलाई 1955 को इस बाबत प्रसाद ने कहा, “चूंकि यह कदम मैंने स्व-विवेक से, अपने प्रधानमंत्री की अनुशंसा के बगैर व उनसे किसी सलाह के बिना उठाया है, इसलिए एक बार कहा जा सकता है कि यह निर्णय अवैधानिक है; लेकिन मैं जानता हूं कि मेरे इस फैसले का स्वागत पूरे उत्साह से किया जाएगा…”

फलस्वरूप जवाहरलाल नेहरू को देश का यह शीर्ष सम्मान प्रदान किया गया। उनके साथ ही दार्शनिक भगवानदास व टेक्नोक्रेट एम विश्वेश्वरैया को भी भारत रत्न से विभूषित किया गया था। कूटनीतिज्ञ से राजनीतिज्ञ बने शशि थरूर ने सन् 2003 में प्रकाशित हुई अपनी किताब ‘नेहरूः द इन्वेंशन ऑफ इंडिया’ में इस बाबत लिखा, “एशिया का प्रकाश’ अब औपचारिक रूप से ‘भारत रत्न’ था।”

7 सितंबर 1955 को विशेष रूप से निमंत्रित प्रतिष्ठित भद्रजनों के बीच एक गरिमामय समारोह में नेहरू को भारत रत्न से विभूषित किया गया। राष्ट्रपति भवन में आयोजित इस सम्मान समारोह में तत्कालीन केंद्रीय गृह सचिव एवी पाई ने सम्मान पाने वाली विभूतियों के नाम उच्चारित किए, लेकिन नेहरू का प्रशस्ति-पत्र नहीं पढ़ा गया। प्रशस्तियों की आधिकारिक पुस्तिका में प्रधानमंत्री का महज नाम दर्ज है। उनके द्वारा की गई सेवाओं का वहां कोई जिक्र नहीं है। सामान्यतः यह उल्लेख परंपरागत रूप से उस पुस्तक में किया जाता है। पुराने समय के लोग कहते हैं कि देश व समाज के लिए नेहरू के अप्रतिम योगदान का चंद पैराग्राफ में जिक्र करना कठिन होगा, इसलिए उसे छोड़ दिया गया।

एक प्रतिष्ठित अखबार में छपी इस कार्यक्रम की रिपोर्ट के मुताबिक नेहरू जब यह उपाधि प्राप्त करने मंच पर पहुंचे तो सभागार हर्षध्वनि से गूंज उठा। राष्ट्रपति ने उन्हें ‘सनद’ व मेडल से विभूषित किया।

शशि थरूर ने इस मौके का उल्लेख अपनी पुस्तक में यूं किया है- “इस समारोह में उन (नेहरू) का एक फोटो है। सफेद अचकन पर लगा हुआ सुर्ख गुलाब का फूल, लगभग किसी युवा जैसे छरहरे, खड़े-खड़े मुस्कुरा रहे हैं और राष्ट्रपति उनके सीने पर अलंकरण लगा रहे हैं।तब वे छाछट वर्ष के थे मगर… राष्ट्रीय व अंतरराष्ट्रीय मंचों पर एक महान व्यक्तित्व के रूप में स्थापित।”

दिसंबर 1971 में जवाहरलाल नेहरू की सुपुत्री इंदिरा गांधी भी एक महान व्यक्तित्व के रूप में इसी तरह के समारोह की ओर बढ़ रही थीं। इसी साल के प्रारंभ में उन्होंने देश के लोकसभा चुनाव जीत कर सत्ता प्राप्त की थी। फिर उन्होंने एक निर्णायक युद्ध में पाकिस्तान को परास्त कर बांग्लादेश निर्माण का मार्ग प्रशस्त कर दिया। इसी उपलब्धि पर वर्ष 1971 के लिए, मार्च 1972 में इंदिरा गांधी को भारत रत्न देने की घोषणा की गई।

जैसा निर्णय सन् 1955 में तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपति ने लिया था, वही भूमिका इंदिरा गांधी के समय राष्ट्रपति वीवी गिरी ने निभाई। उन्होंने इंदिरा को भारत रत्न देने की पूरी जिम्मेदारी स्वयं स्वीकार की। बाद में नेहरू व इंदिरा दोनों ने यह कर्ज उसी ढंग से चुकाया भी।

सन् 1962 में डॉ. राजेंद्र प्रसाद जब बतौर राष्ट्रपति सेवानिवृत्त हुए, तब उन्हें भारत रत्न से विभूषित किया गया। इसी तरह बतौर राष्ट्रपति वीवी गिरि का कार्यकाल अगस्त 1974 में पूर्ण हुआ और वर्ष 1975 में वे भारत रत्न हो गए।

हालिया बरसों में सूचना के अधिकार पर काम करने वाले उत्साही कार्यकर्ताओं द्वारा नेहरू, इंदिरा, प्रसाद, गिरि सहित अन्य गणमान्य नागरिकों को भारत रत्न देने संबंधी रिकॉर्ड की मांग की गई। तब प्रधानमंत्री कार्यालय तथा राष्ट्रपति भवन द्वारा उन्हें जानकारी दी गई कि इन महानुभावों के महती योगदान से संबंधित जानकारियों व उनकी उपलब्धियों संबंधी कोई रिकॉर्ड मौजूद नहीं है।

 

लेखक ने भारत के प्रधानमंत्री नाम से एक पुस्तक भी लिखा है, जिसमें भी इस ऐतिहासिक संदर्भ का वर्णन आया है।

Madhopur ka Ghar: Where Dog Barks History

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Have you ever met a dog barking history and sociology?

Meet Lora—the she dog! She tells the history of about 100 years encapsulating three generations in pre-British and post-British India with the sensitivity of a social psychologist.

Lora is a pet canine and key character in Madhopur ka Ghar –a novel in Hindi authored by senior Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer of Bihar cadre, Tripurari Sharan and published by Rajkamal Prakashan . It’s not easy to present a dog as a storyteller but Sharan has done it with felicity. And that’s what makes the novel, set in the planes of north Bihar, unique.

Lora ka Akhyan—Lora’s narrations—are cardinal chapter in which Lora begins detailing her experience with Baba (grandfather) and her master and Dadi (grandma). Baba is a reasonably educated person whose journey begins as a teacher at a ‘Delinquents’ Home’ in the sylvan hills of Hazaribagh in British India. Dadi is a finicky housewife of an old man with feudal upbringing but having taste for modernity and inclusiveness within the limitations of that era.

Baba loves Lora and respects Dadi. He goes out on work and meets his friends. Dadi lives at home; she too has a small community around her to talk to and mingle with. The life and litany of Dadi and Baba is the staple of ‘Lora ka Akhyan’ that the dog narrates in detail.

Initially, the story gives the impression that it’s a folktale involving the enchanting tales of typical Baba, Dadi, uncles, aunts, animals and birds that have usually been the part of India’s joint family system. But as the story progresses it delves deep in the struggle of the people of three generations. It narrates the saga of displacement, deprivation, poverty, disparity and untouchability in a vivid style.

Despite most of the objectionable social practices that divide the people and fuel constant conflict among them that the novel reflects with due literary panache, what it also reflects with equal diligence is the spirit of co-existence that keeps them together for generations. The hallmark of the novel weaved in simple words and plain sentences is that it tells the saga of conflict and co-existence with a sense of dispassion and neutrality.

For instance here is the story of illiterate, poor, and landless villager Zahoor Mian: Devoid of means to meet his and his mother’s basic necessities Zahoor goes out to Calcutta—now Kolkata– to earn his living. He has left behind his emaciated mother at his ramshackle hut. He himself lives in a small sack that’s an abode of a dozen of other cotton mills’ labourers in the city

Life is hard for Zahoor and other migrant workers but they have solace in earning the pittance that helps them keep their body and soul together and the home fire burning at their village. The remittance sent by Zahoor to his mother on the gap of a few months is the only source of money to her mother battling hard in the vice-like grip of money lenders.

The other day he receives a postcard from his mother and gets it read by one of his literate friends. His mother has explained about an excruciating pain in her knees that has debilitated her beyond recovery.

The letter has mentioned about the ‘Doctor Saheb’—a third generation zamindar and owner of Bishunpur haveli—who has counselled Zahoor’s mother to call her son back on the promise that he would pay good money to Zahoor for looking after his property at the village.

Zahoor comes back and becomes a manager at Doctor Saheb’s haveli. Here Zahoor as his name suggests is a Muslim youth. The Doctor Saheb, an upper caste Hindu, has appointed him on wages. But the relationship between the master and the manager is not constricted to that of work and wage.

Zahoor becomes a part of Doctor Saheb’s family. He might not be sharing lunch and dinner with the family members at the same table but serves as an avuncular uncle/brother to the children singing the song and sharing stories of Mela—a film that he had watched in the course of his Calcutta sojourn.

The reader can find the element of coexistence in the saga of Zahoor, Doctor Saheb and the latter’s children playing in the mango orchard that laces the narrative with the local flavour and aroma.

My only criticism of the book and that’s a minor one is that the writer has groomed Lora into a magnificent story teller but has stripped her off her own characteristics of a canine. Had the author retained the canine features of Lora the book, probably, would have been as fascinating for the children as it is for the young adults and seniors.

Still it’s a must read work. For me it was unputdownable. It ended my drought of reading Hindi books. I had read a Hindi novel after years. And let me be honest in admitting that I couldn’t put it down before completing it.

Sharan, a former chief secretary of Bihar, is Information Commissioner of Bihar government, as of now. Despite his demanding schedules he has retained his flair and creativity. Wish him to write more books in the months and years to follow.

Muslim scholars call for end to lavish weddings and Umrahs

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[dropcap]F[/dropcap]aizur Rahman, an Urdu-speaking native of Chennai, is an executive committee member of Harmony India, an organisation to promote secularism and communal harmony which is headed by Mr N Ram, the Editor-in-Chief of The Hindu. He is also the founding secretary of Forum for the Promotion of Moderate Thought in Islam.

Sharing his experiences with this writer, Rahman says, he has lost count of the number of public forums (and private discussions) he has used in the last two decades to speak out against baseless ritualism and extravagance (israaf) in Islam.

Dr M Aslam Parvaiz, author and scholar, is the Vice Chancellor of the Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad. Both Rahman and Parvaiz have been traveling all-round the country, interacting with Muslim community leaders with a plea to cut down spending on lavish marriages and Umrah.

Umrah is a “minor pilgrimage” undertaken by Muslims whenever they enter the holy city of Makkah. In Islam, it is optional for Muslims to perform Umrah. Its similarity to the major and obligatory Islamic pilrimage “Haj” has made some fusion of the two natural, though pilgrims have the choice of performing the Umrah separately or in combination with the haj.

These scholars are self-confessed practising Muslims and not against Umrah per se. They say they only wish to create awareness among Muslims that Umrah not being an obligatory ritual in Islam one need not perform it every year. Instead that money may be used for the socio-economic development of our community at a time when it desperately needs it.

As per the National Commission for Enterprises in Unorganised Sector (NCEUS) report of 2007, 84% of the Muslim population of India lives on a daily income of less than Rs. 20. Now, 12 twelve years later, this figure may have gone above Rs. 20.

According to the Socio Economic Caste Census 2011, there are 24.39 crore households in India, and 17.91 crore of them are in rural areas where the main earning member makes less than Rs. 5000 a month. Only 8% of the rural households have a member earning more than Rs. 10000 a month.

Put differently, if a household has four members the amount available for each member (at an average of Rs 8000 per month) is just about 67 rupees!

For the Muslims in India, this would mean that more than 120 million of them are forced to live on less than 70 rupees a day! Therefore, is it not the duty of wealthy Muslims to remedy this situation? They ask.

Rahman says he has received a mixed response from national level organizations such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) who have maintained a stoic silence on these issues. However, some Muslim organizations and moulvis (priests) in Chennai, have expressed outrage against Rahman’s liberal and philanthropic interpretation of Islam. “In their blinkered view, asking Muslims to stop spending money on non-obligatory pilgrimages amounts to a blasphemous denial of Islamic practices,” Rahman said.

Rahman says he has also received quiet support from a few madrasa-based religious scholars. One such ‘maulana’ went on to write an article in an Urdu magazine against wasting money on umrahs and multiple Haj. Maulana Hafizur Rahman Azami Omeri wrote a piece in Two Circles, a prominent web portal addressing Muslim community issues. Omeri argues that as per Hadees (sayings of Prophet) in Bukhari when Hazrat Bibi Aisha (Prophet’s wife) asked as to which among two neighbours deserves our benefaction when resources are limited, the Prophet answered: “The one whose door is nearest to you.”

Omeri insists that in Islam Huqooqul ibaad (humanitarianism) has been given precedence over Huqooqullah (duties towards God). He quotes an “eye-opening” statement from Imam Ghazali on multiple Haj wherein the Imam laments, “These rich people are very fond of spending their money on the Haj. They perform the Haj again and again sometimes even at the cost of their neighbours suffering in hunger. Abdullah ibn Mas’ud was absolutely right when he said: ‘During the last days of the world there will be a surfeit of people performing the Haj unnecessarily. The journey will appear easy to them and there will be no shortage of funds. But they will return from the Haj poorer without any real benefit. They will be travelling over deserts and open ground while their neighbour will be suffering deprivation. Neither will they empathise with him nor will they display civility.”

As per records, 4,48,268 Muslims applied for Haj in 2017. Rahman takes this as a sign of 450,000 Muslims having the capacity to spend around 250,000 rupees every year on pilgrimage. This works out to more than 10,000 crore rupees. “If we add to this amount the money Muslims annually spend of non-obligatory Umrah, we get the figure of almost 15,000 crores! Even if a small portion of this amount is to be diverted for humanitarian causes, it will come under the definition of effective altruism which, by the way, is not out of sync with the egalitarian teachings of Islam,” insists Rahman.

He argues that if any Muslim is asked for his reasons for performing Umrah and the reply will invariably be, ‘for sawaab’ (divine reward). But more ‘sawaab’ can be gathered right here in India by helping a needy person at half the price of an Umrah, pleads Rahman.

As per a conservative estimate, over 250,000 Muslims travel to Makkah and Madina for Umrah every year. And the average cost of the entire trip is around Rs. 140,000-2,00,000. Therefore, the annual amount spent by Indian Muslims on Umrah alone works out to a whopping Rs. 4100 crores! In comparison, the amount allocated in the 2017-18 budget by the Government of India to the Ministry of Minority Affairs was Rs 4535 crores.

Faizur Rahman says as of now, the only beneficiaries of this expenditure are the tour operators, the airline companies and the oil-rich Saudi economy. It is beyond comprehension that such huge sums could be spent every year at a time when the socio-economic conditions of the Muslims in India are in a pathetically hopeless state as brought out by the Sachar Committee Report.

Muslims spend a lot of money on marriages every year. In fact, a lot more than what they spend on the annual Umrah. Just look at statistics given below.

Minimum guests from the Bride’s side — 300

Minimum guests from the Groom’s side — 300

Minimum cost of the Nikah feast for 600 guests @ Rs. 200 per guest — 1.5 lakhs

Minimum cost of the Valima feast for 600 guests at the same rate — 1.5 lakhs

Average money spent on jewellery by bride’s side — two lakhs

Average money spent on jewellery by groom’s side — 1 lakh

Cost of renting the function hall for Nikah — 0ne lakh

Cost of renting the function hall for Valima — one lakh

Misc. expenditure on decoration etc — 0.50 lakh

Total average expenditure of one wedding comes to eight lakh rupees.

In a total Muslim population of about 180 millions, assuming that at least 150,000 (less than 0.001 percent of 180 million) middle class weddings take place in a year in India, the total money spent by the Muslim community per year on weddings is: 150,000 weddings multiplied by 6.4 lakh rupees which equals Rs. 12000 crores. Add to this the 4100 crore rupees spent on Umrahs and another 1000 crores on multiple Haj. In other words, Muslims in India spend a minimum of Rs. 17100 crores per year on extravagant weddings, non-obligatory pilgrimages.

Let us now see how much it costs to educate a child.

At an average annual fees of Rs. 10,000, the cost of educating a child from LKG to 12th standard is 14 years x 10,000 = Rs. 140,000. For 4 years of technical education @ Rs. 100,000 per year = Rs. 400,000. Total cost is Rs. 540, 000.

Dividing 17000 crores by 540,000 we get 314814. This means, more than three lakh poor Muslim children can be educated for 18 years on the money spent in just one year by the rich Muslims on nonobligatory pilgrimages.

Dr Parvaiz, an accomplished scientist who has been editing and publishing a monthly journal in Urdu, Science, for the last over 25 years, has been relentlessly speaking at various forums requesting the Muslims to concentrate on Huqooqul ibaad for the moment as the condition of Muslim community is very bad. Allah is not in need of our Umrahs or multiple Hajs. But our Ummah (community) is in desperate need of humanitarian help, Dr Parvaiz argues. He quotes that one who does not take care of orphans and does not arrange and motivates others also to feed displaced people has belied his Deen Islam (Qur’an 107:2-3).  Any contribution towards this would be worth several hundred times the sawaab of an Umrah or a second Haj. In this context, Dr Parvaiz draws attention of Muslims towards a hadith in Bukhari in which the Prophet said; “One who strives for the widows and the poor is like the one who strives in the way of Allah. I shall regard him as one who stands up for prayer without rest and as one who fasts without break.”

This section of Muslim scholars feel the present Muslim attitude is on one of ‘trepidant.’ “The fear of divine retribution has been instilled in Muslim minds to such as extent that it is considered a sin to even to discuss ideas that question prevailing religious notions.

For ages Muslims have been shielded from new ideas in the name of taqleed (sectarian conformism), and ijtihad (liberal interpretation of Islam) is discouraged,” argues Rahman adding, “In my view, Muslims will be certainly be open to religious liberalism if they are not burdened with the fear of a clerical backlash. It is not that Muslims do not realise the need for pulling their community out of poverty and illiteracy. They do, and also have the money to embark on such a mission.

Going by this school of thought, it is not because of a lack of viable models of philanthropy among Muslims that money is not reaching the genuinely deprived. Rahman states: “It is the lack of a philanthropic mind-set which is the cause. If anything can change this mind-set it is the widespread dissemination of a counter-narrative that can challenge and neutralise the anachronistic sermons emanating from most Muslim pulpits.”

 

This piece was first published by the ORF, in 2019.

Thrilling League Stage promises Explosive Grand Finale to IPL 2023

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]PL-2023 has been one of the most closely fought seasons as it went to the last league game to decide the Final 4 for the playoffs. On Sunday, Shubhman Gill’s classy century for Gujarat Titans outgunned Virat Kohli’s terrific ton and knocked Royal Challengers Bangalore out -ensuring an entry for Mumbai Indians into the playoffs. Though it was heartbreak for last year’s Runners Up Rajasthan Royals and Kohli’s fans, ultimately the four teams to qualify – Gujarat Titans, Chennai Super Kings, Lucknow SuperGiants and Mumbai Indians – were a notch ahead of their challengers.

The first Qualifier on Tuesday will pit defending champs Gujarat with Chennai. The Mahendra Singh Dhoni-led side has not only enjoyed the maximum popularity but also a great amount of success in the 16 IPL seasons so far. The match will also be an emotional affair as ‘Thala’ Dhoni might be playing his last IPL match at the Chennai home ground. But Gujarat will have their tails up being last year’s winners and also the most consistent team of this season. They also qualified with the most wins and topped the league table with 20 points.

Gujarat Titans’ success has been a team effort led by their captain Hardik Pandya. The fact that the team’s premier bowlers, Mohammed Shami and Rashid Khan, are also the top wicket takers of this IPL demonstrates the dominance of the Gujarat side. Not just that, Shubman Gill with his fine form has reached second on the top run scorers list and with 2 definite games ahead, he may well walk away with the Orange Cap for the most number of runs this season. The Titans also have a solid middle order, which has power hitters like David Miller and Rahul Tewatia, and of course, they possess the most lethal bowling attack this season.

final 4 ipl 2023 chennai gujarat Subhman Gill
Subhman Gill after his century against RCB, which stopped the journey of Virat Kohli’s team at IPL 2023 | Courtesy: Twitter/IPL

Chennai Super Kings, however, are a formidable side and Dhoni’s expert handling of the side combined with solid starts by Devon Conway and Rituraj Gaikwad has put them in the final 4 yet again. With Ajinkya Rahane’s form revival along with Shivam Dube, Ravindra Jadeja and Dhoni himself, Chennai has a strong batting unit.

CSK bowling, however, leaves a lot to be desired with an inexperienced pace attack which was initially a big handicap. It was handled expertly by Dhoni who was able to mix the spin options in the middle overs with his limited pace resources. In Maheesh Theekshana, Moeen Ali and Jadeja, Chennai has a strong spin department. The Chepauk wicket could play a vital role in deciding who enters the final for if it’s a turning track, the winner may well be the team that plays the spinners better on the day.

Lucknow SuperGiants face Mumbai Indians in their Eliminator game also to be played in Chennai. Lucknow started well in the competition but KL Rahul’s injury nearly ended their chances at one stage. But 3 wins in the last 3 matches meant that they qualified as the 3rd team for the playoffs. In the absence of Rahul, Krunal Pandya marshalled his resources brilliantly. All through the season they were rescued by their middle order with Nicholas Pooran making sure even in the last league game that they managed a respectable score. While Kolkata lost to them by just 1 run in the final game, it was the spin duo of Krunal and Ravi Bishnoi who pulled things back when the match was swaying against them. Ravi especially has been in good form this season and has been the top wicket-taker for the side.

final 4 ipl 2023 Mumbai Indians MI cameron green
Cameron Green rejoices after scoring his hundred against SRH | Courtesy: Twitter/IPL

Lucknow will need to be at their best to win against the mighty Mumbai Indians who seem to have the momentum behind them. Their story is completely a flip of Lucknow as initially, Mumbai was struggling at the bottom half of the table. But they lifted their game and finally ended as the fourth team in the playoffs. Mumbai has a terrific batting unit which dragged them out of many tough spots this season. Suryakumar Yadav has been at his belligerent best and while he has held one end up, the likes of Tim David and Cameron Green have had the license to go full tilt at the back end of the innings.

Sadly, Mumbai’s bowling has been unimpressive in the absence of Bumrah. They gave away over 200 runs yet again in the last league game against Sunrisers Hyderabad. Piyush Chawla has been the only bright spot in their bowling unit and there is a need to sharpen their attack for them to go all the way this season.

final 4 ipl 2023 Yashasvi Jaiswal Rinku Singh RR KKR
Yashasvi Jaiswal and Rinku Singh | Courtesy: Twitter/RajasthanRoyals and KKRiders

Rinku Singh and Yashasvi Jaiswal- Two bright young stars

Beyond the top 4, IPL this year has thrown up a range of bright young stars. At a time when Team India has been lacking left handers in its batting line up, two lefties have impressed a great deal – Rinku Singh and Yashasvi Jaiswal. The 21-year-old Jaiswal from Rajasthan Royals has a dream story– from selling ‘pani-puri’ on Mumbai streets to now in reckoning for Team India selection. His century knock against Mumbai was lauded by many experts.

Another story of batting brilliance is Rinku Singh from Kolkata Knight Riders who hit 5 sixes of the final over to win against Gujarat Titans. His stupendous hitting and remarkable composure all through the season is being cheered by all cricket lovers as the birth of a new cricketing star. His amazing knocks this season will linger in people’s minds for years.

Rinku Singh’s role of finisher also becomes special as he played in different positions in the batting orders.

With the league stage ending on a thrilling note, the business end of the tournament promises to be an exciting mix of high-quality cricket and high drama. Team India’s resource-pool has been enriched by the league stage this season which has enhanced IPL’s reputation as the world’s most prestigious cricket extravaganza. While it’s unclear who will grab the coveted IPL Trophy, what’s certain is a sparkling spectacle that’s bound to regale cricket lovers all around the globe!

How Tough Is BJP’s challenge in Madhya Pradesh after Karnataka Defeat?

Bhopal: After BJP’s massive defeat in the southern Indian state of Karnataka, many believe that it would not be easy for the Hindutva-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in central India. During the winter, three major states of India—Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan will have elections. While Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan have Congress governments, Madhya Pradesh which had witnessed Operation Lotus just before the Covid lockdown in 2020 has BJP rule.

Operation Lotus: Madhya Pradesh has a similar story to Karnataka

In contrast to the decisive victory of the Indian National Congress in the May 2023 assembly elections, the 2018 elections resulted in a hung assembly with no clear majority. The BJP’s failure to prove a majority in the floor test led to the formation of a coalition (preplanned) government by Congress and JD (S). However, this coalition was short-lived and collapsed within 14 months. The BJP formed the government after the by-poll elections in 2019. 

The political crisis in Madhya Pradesh occurred just a year after the fall of the Karnataka government, when 22 MLAs of the Scindia camp submitted their resignations and joined the BJP, leading to the collapse of the Congress government. The BJP allegedly used horse trading aka the Operation Lotus technique to break the MLAs and formed the government just before the Covid lockdown. 

Mamata Banerjee, the chief minister of West Bengal, while congratulating the people of Karnataka also predicted that the BJP will face a similar fate in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. She added that the Karnataka verdict marks the beginning of the end for the BJP in 2024. The BJP’s loss in Karnataka has resulted in the South being BJP-free and also uniting the opposition. 

Shabista Zaki, the Bhopal Municipal Corporation leader of opposition said that there is growing discontent among the public towards the BJP government because of a lack of focus on education, unemployment, and women’s safety. Price rise have made it difficult for women to manage households. “The BJP made false promises of development. Their aggressive actions, such as bulldozer politics have left hundreds of people homeless. Any opposition to the government is labelled as terrorism. Their politics resemble dictatorship. They did a criminal act by forming a government using unlawful means. The Congress party holds a strong presence on the ground. We are confident to form the government,” said Shabista.

 

congress karnataka election results mp madhya pradesh bjp
Opposition leader express unity during Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah’s oath ceremony on Saturday | Courtesy: Twitter/Kharge

How difficult will it be for the BJP in central India?

Many considered the state of Karnataka to be a significant laboratory for the BJP in South India, even referred to as the “Uttar Pradesh of South India.” The BJP and its allies aggressively pushed anti-Muslim issues, including Love Jihad, the Hijab ban, protests against Halal food and NRC among others BJP in Madhya Pradesh is pushing somewhat similar anti-Muslim rhetoric with several communal incidents in many districts including Khandwa, Khargone, Indore and Ujjain. Congress’ Bajrang Dal ban announcement in Karnataka also created chaos in Madhya Pradesh depicting the Hindutva influence in the Hindi belt. 

State BJP spokesperson Rajpal Singh Sisodia said that the political dynamics in Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka differ significantly due to factors such as livelihood, politics, education, and geography. “The resentment among the BJP workers on a local level has been successfully addressed. The BJP holds a strong ground presence. We are engaging with the public through various programs,” remarked Sisodia. He criticized Congress for using Muslims as a vote bank through fear-mongering and hindering their development, while the BJP aimed to build an inclusive and exploitation-free society. Sisodia concluded by highlighting that the BJP government is committed to implementing a Uniform Civil Code.

Will polarization politics not benefit BJP in MP?

Journalist and political analyst Deepak Tiwari told eNewsroom that the BJP relies on polarization and creates an illusion of development. However, Madhya Pradesh has a small minority population, where polarization is not effective as it is in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka. Although the BJP is strong in Madhya Pradesh, it faces anti-incumbency for eighteen years. According to Tiwari, the BJP will continue to employ communalism tactics, but there is a limit to how much they can polarize the electorate in Madhya Pradesh.

“Compared to 2018, the Congress party currently holds a stronger position in Madhya Pradesh, while the BJP is experiencing internal strife due to its inclusion of Congress MLAs and their subsequent promotion. The BJP is also losing the support of OBCs, who are unhappy with the reduction of the 27% reservation previously provided by Congress. The way BJP has opened offers for women and other sections, the Congress has very well countered them with their promises,” said Tiwari. 

He added that though Bharat Jodo Yatra passed through a few districts of Madhya Pradesh it has boosted the morale of Congress workers. 

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra spent 12 days in Madhya Pradesh covering a distance of 383 km whereas the Yatra covered 511 km in Karnataka in 21 days. Congress won 15 out of 20 assemblies that the Bharat Jodo Yatra covered. 

State Congress spokesperson Abbas Hafeez Khan mentioned that Madhya Pradesh, being a bipolar state, benefits the Congress party more than Karnataka. A similar situation of unity exists in Madhya Pradesh under the leadership of Kamal Nath. The faction led by Scindia was causing an internal disturbance in Congress. It has already joined the BJP and created problems for them. “The Congress party has effectively addressed the damage caused by Scindia in the by-poll elections. Madhya Pradesh has been experiencing anti-incumbency for two decades. Now, the Congress party has worked to show its achievements in governance,” said Khan. 

bjp congress madhya pradesh karnataka election results

He highlighted the distinction between the religious politics of Congress and the BJP. “Congress does not promote religious hatred or polarization, as its ideology is not based on such divisive principles. We are actively working on strengthening the lower-level organizational setup,” Khan added. He mentioned that the tribal voters have traditionally supported Congress, and the party possesses influential tribal leaders, making it difficult for the BJP to sway their support.

Madhya Pradesh has 47 constituencies reserved for Schedule Tribes and 35 constituencies for Scheduled Castes. As per the 2011 census, scheduled castes constitute 15.6% and scheduled tribes 21.1 % of the state’s 7.26 crore population.

An interesting election in the heartland of India 

Veteran journalist LS Herdenia told eNewsroom, “Since the Hindutva politics failed in Karnataka, it may fail in Madhya Pradesh as well. Corruption and administration failures are common in both states. The BJP’s efforts of isolating Muslims did not work in Karnataka.”

He added, “They might change their strategy by moving away from hardcore Hindutva or increasing communalism as required, as communalism may be a successful tactic for the party in the Hindi belt. Besides, the Congress party in Madhya Pradesh is not as strong as it is in Karnataka, making the election a close one for both the parties.” 

Political Analyst Girija Shankar too feels so. “Each state has its unique politics, strategies, and issues, and the results of one state do not have a major impact on another. The outcome of elections primarily affects the psychological state of party workers but it does not have significant implications beyond that. “The presence of factions within major parties like Congress or BJP is not a significant issue. The competition between the two parties will be interesting, and neither party can expect an easy victory.”  

आदिवासी युवतियों को ‘द केरल स्टोरी’ दिखाने की ज़िद आखिर क्यों!

वेस्ट बंगाल के बीजेपी लीडर दशरथ तिरकी हो या झारखण्ड के बाबुलाल मरांडी, सबको आदिवासी महिलाओं का अब ख्याल आया गया, के द केरल स्टोरी फ़िल्म के रिलीज होते ही इनको दिखाया जाए।

कोई पूरी हॉल आदिवासी महिलाओं के लिए राँची में बुकिंग कर रहा तो कोई अलीपुरद्वार से असम ले जाकर बस में द केरल स्टोरी फ़िल्म दिखाने को बेताब हुए बैठे हैं।

जैसे, आदिवासी महिला का सवाल केरल स्टोरी में खूब बारीकी से दिखाया गया हो।

थू है, ऐसे नेताओं पर जो अपनी आदिवासी महिलाओं को गाय-बकरी समझ कर चाय बागानों से उठा कर असम में केरल स्टोरी दिखाने ले जा रहे। तो कोई कॉलेज की आदिवासी लड़कियों को फ्री में यह दिखाने के लिए टिकट खरीदे बैठे हैं।

आदिवासी महिला के सवाल केरल स्टोरी में नहीं बल्कि निर्मला पुतुल की कविताओं में देखिए। ग्रेस कुजूर और रोज केरकेट्टा की लेखनियों में देखिए। जसिंता केरकेट्टा के लेखन में देखिए। पूनम वासम की चिंताओं में देखिए। उज्ज्वला ज्योति तिग्गा की कवितई में देखिए।

पर आप भगवाधारी पढ़ने लिखने के शौक से तो कोई वास्ता रखेंगे नहीं।

आदिवासी स्त्री के सवाल नहीं है तथाकथित ‘लव जिहाद’
आदिवासी स्त्री का सवाल नहीं है उनको इस्लामिक स्टेट में टार्चर करने की कहानी। एक काल मिथकों का था जब आप सभी तथकथित सभ्यों ने महाकाव्य (रामायण, महाभारत आदि) लिखकर आदिवासियों को नीचा दिखाया। अब नए युग के ये युगपुरुष फिल्मों के हवाले से अपना प्रोपेगंडा फैला रहे हैं। इस्लाम के प्रति जो फोबिया है, मनगढ़ंत उसको हवा देती हुई इस घटिया वाहियात फ़िल्म को बैन किया जाना चाहिए। और आदिवासी महिलाओं को इस फ़िल्म दिखाने के पीछे का सीधा अर्थ है कि आदिवासी महिलाएं जो आज तक धर्म के नाम पर कभी हिंसक नहीं रही उन्हें इस फ़िल्म के बहाने से एक खास सम्प्रदाय के प्रति घृणा से भरा जाए। उनको भी मुस्लिम हैट्रेड का एक प्याला दिया जाए।

आदिवासी महिलाएं क्यों आखिर इतनी लिबरल दिखें
कट्टर हिन्दू महिलाओं की भांति क्यों न ये सभी भी तलवार, भाला, और हथियार उठाये। दुर्गावाहिनी, काली सेना, आदि संगठनों की तरह यह भी हिन्दू राष्ट्र निर्माण में अपनी भूमिका तय करें। क्यों आखिर ये आदिवासी महिलाएं यह उच्चारण तख्तियां लेकर करें कि – “आदिवासी हिन्दू नहीं हैं।”

“आदिवासी धर्म का कॉलोम जनगणना में देना होगा.”
“आदिवासी सरना कोड लेकर रहेंगे।”
परेशानी का सबब मुख्यतः यही है।

आदिवासी महिलाओं ने इस हिन्दू राष्ट्र की परिकल्पना को नकारा है। आदिवासी महिलाओं ने प्रेम की महत्ता को हमेशा स्वीकारा है। अदिवासी महिलाओं के मन मस्तिष्क में आज तक धार्मिक उन्मादी बनने की कोई इच्छा आज तक नहीं दिखी है। आदिवासी समाज आज तक इस्लामोफोबिया के गिरफ्त में नहीं आया है। आदिवासी महिलाओं के सवाल से कोई वास्ता न रखने वाले यह नेतागण 2024 में लोकसभा इलेक्शन की तैयारी में अपने आकाओं को खुश करने के लिए इस तरह के आयोजन में लिप्त है।

आदिवासी समाज को इस तरह के लॉलीपॉप बेचने वाले नेताओं का सामाजिक राजनैतिक बहिष्कार करना चाहिए।

हम आदिवासी महिलाएं जहाँ कंही हैं अपनी आदिवासी पहचान के कारण शोषित हैं, चाहे वह जंगल हो, चाहे वह विश्वविद्यालय हो, चाहे वह सरकारी दफ्तर हो, चाहे वह डोमेस्टिक हेल्प के नाम पर महानगरों में हों। मानसिक हिंसा से वह लगातार त्रस्त है। शारीरिक हिंसा से भी वह त्रस्त है। सोनी सोरी के गुप्तांगों में पत्थर डालने वाली सत्ताएं आज आंख मूंदकर सिनेमाघरों का हवाला दे रही हैं। मणिपुर को जलता छोड़कर मल्टीप्लेक्स में अपने अय्याशी का पैसा उड़ा रही है। घिन आती है इस राजनीति पर।

आदिवासी महिलाएं इतनी नासमझ नहीं कि आपके एक फ़िल्म दिखा देने से वे आपके हत्यारी मंसूबों का औजार बन जाएंगी। फूलों-झानो, सिनगी दई-कईली दई की वंशज हैं हम। आपकी मंशाओं पर पानी फेरकर रहेंगी।

Karnataka chooses compassion and genuine connection over megalomania

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An egotistical utterance should always be regarded as false.”– MK Gandhi, Bapu Ke Ashirvad, July 26, 1945

This is precisely how the Karnataka voter responded to the high-decibel, repulsively lavish but unashamedly false campaign mounted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the abusive one by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. They were both very transparently dishonest. The resounding defeat of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Karnataka despite such a loud and costly campaign is due to many factors but one of the main reasons is that the conduct of its star campaigners repulsed the electorate.

Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra proved to be a gamechanger, creating a groundswell for him which transferred to the Congress. His positive campaign and ethical, issue-based attacks on the BJP resonated with the electorate. It reflected in the Congress’ landslide victory and substantial vote share. The party, after a long time, connected with the poor and the marginalised – which used to be the Congress’ strength. They had lost this ability over the past couple of decades, essentially post-liberalisation. Rahul’s Bharat Jodo Yatra reestablished the connection. The nation saw how honest and filled with love and compassion Rahul’s connect with the poor and marginalised was as compared to the orchestrated, insincere photo opportunities the prime minister indulged in. Honesty won over deceit.

The contribution of Priyanka Gandhi in the campaign cannot be diminished either; her earnest speeches resonated with the voters. The siblings successfully won hearts and votes.

A return to sound logic

After a long time, the Congress rediscovered its strength with a strong state leadership given charge of the elections. Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, also from Karnataka, gave a free hand to state party president DK Shivakumar and former chief minister Siddaramaiah. While both were chief ministerial aspirants, Kharge managed to ensure a united campaign.

The Congress has weakened when strong satraps are sabotaged and the ‘Delhi Durbar’ holds sway over party affairs. People who could not ensure a win for themselves used to be given the authority to strategise and run elections, which ensured that the Congress lost even in its strongholds. Repeatedly.

After the Karnataka results, I hope that the Congress nurtures and strengthens local leadership and relies on it for electoral success in other states. It must definitely act in Maharashtra to strengthen a couple of capable, strong leaders and tell them clearly that they have to deliver results if they want to relish the fruits of success.

In its own way, in the Karnataka election, civil society initiatives working in the background also contributed to the BJP’s defeat. One such is the Bharat Jodo Abhiyan, which worked hard in many of the marginal seats over the past two months to convince the electorate to vote against the BJP. For the first time, these groups stood without reservations with the Congress. Such an initiative by civil society was last seen after the Emergency when it took to the streets to ensure the Congress’ defeat. And what a thrashing the party received!

This time, civil society, whom Modi derisively calls “andolanjeevi”, contributed appreciably to the Congresses victory – as was the need of the hour.

PM’s ego did the BJP in

There will be detailed analyses of voting trends to establish what contributed to the Congresses massive victory in the face of the BJP’s muscle and money power and the fact that two of its most ‘powerful’ leaders campaigned so intensively. It can now be said that the campaign by the prime minister and home minister was directly responsible for the BJP’s rout.

Modi, from his days as chief minister of Gujarat, has displayed a very prominent ego. After he became prime minister, his ego became even more overbearing. Now, in his second term, it has turned into megalomania. He does not bother to hide it. His second term can be described as a “ME AND ONLY I” era.

Look at his hurried inaugurations of half-complete projects, flagging off even local trains and turning them into “I! I! Only I!” events. The only thing he hasn’t inaugurated so far is a public latrine and that may happen soon.

His choreographed roadshows feature only him. His photo ops, where he brusquely shoos off anyone having the audacity to enter the frames, are expertly set up. The shower of flower petals, the obscene amount of exchequer money wasted on building up the ‘leader’ image of a megalomaniac… If we are to believe that the flowers showered on him were spontaneous, the Special Protection Group should face parliamentary censure because it is a clear security breach. How did they ensure that the people spontaneously showered petals of one variety of flower only? How did they ensure that someone would not throw a stone or something more lethal, taking advantage of such a ‘spontaneous’ opportunity? Isn’t it the SPG’s duty to protect the prime minister from harm? This leads me to believe that these events were orchestrated and choreographed, vetted by the SPG.

While Modi banged on about “I work!”, “They abuse me!”, “I am like Shiva”, “I! I! I!”, Rahul and Priyanka talked about issues relevant to the people, never complaining about the constant slander and abuse they and their family face.

Modi, from his CM days, has played the victim card and it has paid him handsome dividends. When Sonia Gandhi called him a “maut ka saudagar” after the 2002 riots in Gujarat, he played the victim card and won the next election there. When Mani Shankar Aiyar called him a “chaiwala”, he played the victim card again. When Aiyar called him “neech”, Modi again played the card. But he has played it once too often. The electorate in Karnataka saw through this charade.

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The persecution of Rahul after the Bharat Jodo Yatra, his disqualification from the Lok Sabha and being thrown out of his house in such a hasty manner showed to the people who the real victim was. Rahul’s dignified silence won him the people’s sympathy.

Meanwhile, Modi’s uncaring silence on vital issues also showed the people what a self-obsessed, uncaring person he is. Women wrestlers, who have won international laurels for India, have been protesting for justice for so long but the ‘Beti Bachao’ PM remains unmoved. Meanwhile, he makes a nationwide tamasha, wasting exchequer wealth on 100 episodes of his ‘Mann Ki Baat’ radio address.

Manipur burns but the modern-day Nero has said not a word against the carnage there or to sympathise with the victims. He is too busy having flower petals showered on him in Bengaluru.

Serious charges have been made by a senior leader, one his own government appointed as Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, about the handling of the tragedy at Pulwama where so many of our brave soldiers were killed.

The PM’s silence has begun to bother the nation. The nation wants to know the ‘Sachchi Baat’.

Lastly, the Karnataka verdict has proved that hate campaigns will not always work. The BJP for too long has depended on its divisiveness; Karnataka has shown that hate has a limited shelf life. Since his days in Gujarat, the PM has used hate as a weapon and it has won him handsome victories. It did not work this time. Shah tried to be even more venomous, but it backfired. Rahul administered an effective antidote, love, and the people lapped it up. In Karnataka, Rahul succeeded in opening a “mohabbat ki dukaan” in a “nafrat ka bazaar”.

I began this column with a quote by Bapu about the falseness of an egoist. The voters of Karnataka understood this.

 

The article was first published at All Indians Matter.

Pakistan at a Crossroad: Imran Khan’s Struggle Against the Army and the Uncertain Future of Democracy

Delhi: Has Imran Khan won round one in his struggle against the Pakistan Army as it got the preventive bail order from the Supreme Court? Will he be able to rein in the Army and slash its political clout in the long run? Will it help Pakistan get its roots of democracy further deeper? Or is it a part of the bigger game plan of the ubiquitous institution that has ruled the Islamic Republic for a bigger part of its history since its inception?

The Islamabad High Court gave a major relief to the Ex-Pakistan Prime Minister by giving him preventive bail in the Al Qadir Trust case and prohibiting the authorities from arresting him till May. It also ruled that Khan cannot be arrested in any case filed till May 9 and until May 17.

Many analysts believe that the cricketer-turned-politician has proved that he is ready to take on the Army and he has challenged this institution.

It appeared to be evident when a day earlier supporters of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Pakistan barged into the General Headquarters and ransacked the residence of the Corp Commander.

It was perhaps for the first time in decades that the public, maybe a handful of them, expressed their anger against the Army. It was historic that the people were seen damaging the Army properties and looting whatever they could lay their hands on.

Media reports also suggest that some family members of army men joined the crowd in protesting against the Army.

The people came out on the streets after the Pakistan Army forcibly picked Imran Khan from the Islamabad High Court when he was completing the biometrics procedure in a separate case. Pakistan’s paramilitary force Rangers lifted Khan from his wheelchair, dragged him holding him by his collar and pushed the former Prime Minister inside a waiting vehicle.

Khan told the media persons a day later on the court premises that he was beaten by the police.

When the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party won the National Assembly Election in 2018, many attributed it to the Army’s support. Some of the opposition politicians went to the extent of accusing the forces of rigging the polls.

Khan, too, said on many occasions that he and the Army were on the same page. The cricketer turned politician mentioned several times that Pakistan needs a stronger army.

The Army drafted many of PTI’s policies, including increased terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.

But PTI chief lost the favour of the army after he interfered in the affairs of the armed forces and tried to install the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief of his choice.

They also quarrelled on the issue of foreign policy as Khan wanted to break away from the United States.

The Army supported the policy of throwing its hat on the side of China but wanted to go slow in the process.

The Imran Khan government failed miserably in controlling the economy which brought the country to the brink of collapse and bankruptcy.

He bungled the IMF negotiations and received no relief from the world body.

The worst came when he visited Moscow on the day Russia invaded Ukraine last year. He kept silent on the attack and defended his decision to visit Russia.

It is not that the Pakistan army was aghast with Imran Khan’s decision on all fronts. It did not go down well with the establishment that the man they installed became rogue and took independent decisions.

The Army that has ruled the country for most of the years after independence can not be kept aside and it hit back with a vengeance.

Imran Khan was replaced after a no-confidence motion. He came down heavily upon the army and the US and blamed them for his ouster. The former PM declared war against the US and the Army.

It is naive to suggest that the Pakistan army can be pushed aside so easily.

The Al Qadir Trust case may be just the beginning and many more cases dug up to put the yesteryear’s cricketing hero behind bars.

The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) is expected to take up these cases. It has always been controlled by a retired army officer so far. Considering how the Army operates it can be easily imagined how fair the NAB would be.

It is also interesting to note that no important leader of the PTI has joined the supporters and members creating mayhem on the roads. There is no one to lead them and the entire leadership is completely silent.

Are the important leaders of the party waiting for an indictment of the ex-Prime Minister?

If found guilty, the founder of PTI is most likely to be banned from contesting elections for life.

Khan is systematically being hauled out of political and electoral life.

The irony is that Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif is silently enjoying the moment forgetting that his brother Nawaz Sharif too was thrown out of politics in a way not much different.

The ruling party may be happy at the plight of its political opponent and exploit the situation for its benefit in the national assembly polls, expected next year.

If such a situation arises, keep aside the ruling party, many PTI leaders may come forward and replace Imran Khan as the next stooge of the Army.

It will further erode the position and prestige of the state and the democratic institutions that have never been exceptionally robust.

So, Pakistan has come to a bizarre crossroad. And the Army enjoys the position of ‘tail you lose, head I win,’ situation.

Review of Madrasas In Madhya Pradesh, A Move To Polarize Voters?

Bhopal: The Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, recently tweeted that his government will be conducting a review of all illegal Madrasas and institutions that are suspected of teaching fundamentalism in the state. Given that Madhya Pradesh is only a few months away from Assembly polls, many see this move as an attempt to polarize voters and appease the majority.

Following it, the Deputy General of Police in Madhya Pradesh, Sudhir Saxena, on Thursday (April 27) held a video conference to review the state’s law and order situation. The meeting was attended by all the ADGIs/IGIs from various zones, as well as police commissioners from Bhopal and Indore and the SP/DCPs from all districts. They were instructed to keep a close eye on banned organizations like the PFI (Popular Front of India) and Madrasas.

In September 2022, Cabinet Minister Usha Thakur called for a survey of Madrasas in Madhya Pradesh to close unregistered Madrasas. This is not the first instance of any government targeting religious institutions of Muslims such as Madrasas. The governments of Uttar Pradesh and Assam are doing a continuous crackdown upon Madrasas. Himant Biswa Sharma, the Chief Minister of Assam informed in March that they have shut down 600 Madrasas and plan to close all as they don’t need them and require schools, colleges, and universities which produce doctors and engineers. A statewide survey to identify unrecognized Madrasas was also conducted in Uttar Pradesh.

The sudden controversy over the Madrasa in the state of Madhya Pradesh has filled the Muslim community with disappointment. Masood Ahmed Khan, Secretary of the Coordination Committee for Indian Muslims told eNewsroom, “I believe that when they label Madrasas as illegal institutions, they are not targeting those that come under the Madrasa Board, but rather Maktabs in Masajid. Their aim is to compel Muslim children to study in government-sponsored Madrasas, effectively denying them mainstream education and limiting their social equality. The same pattern was followed in Uttar Pradesh and Assam, where independently regulated Madrasas are under attack. This attack on Madrasas is clearly a targeted attack on Muslims. Any investigation into their regulation should also include Pathshalas. It is unfair for only Muslims to suffer in this way.”

According to the Madhya Pradesh Madrasa Board, there are 2689 madrasas operating in the state, out of which only 1755 have a DISC code and recognition. According to the District Project Coordinator’s office, there are 479 such madrasas in Bhopal. However, there are a large number of madrasas in the state that are not affiliated with any authority. Previously, madrasas used to receive grants from the government, but since 2014, the grants have been discontinued due to various complaints against them.

There is a distinction between a madrasa and a maktab. The former is a formal religious school that may offer residential facilities, whereas the latter is a supplementary school usually attached to a mosque. The maktab provides religious education to children who attend regular schools.

The Madrasa Board is essentially a government school that operates in Urdu medium. In contrast, independent Madrasas that follow the Dars-e-Nizami concept adhere to the university/college pattern. These Madrasas are autonomous bodies and are often affiliated with higher Islamic Seminaries, including Darul Uloom Deoband and Nadwat Ul Ulema. They follow the syllabus of these institutions, which is already known to the government.

According to the Times of India, the School education department deputy secretary PK Singh said that registration of madrasas is not mandatory in Madhya Pradesh. If anyone wants, they can get it registered. Thus, the government has no data on the number of madrasas, how many students they have, or what syllabus is taught, say officials. The registration of a madrasa is entirely voluntary by the person or organization that runs it. Since 2019, registration of new madrasas is closed in the state. If one wants to get a madrasa registered, there is no way. Registration of madrasa is renewed every three years and officials say it’s being done for the already recognized ones.

madarsa madrasas in madhya pradesh votes islamic education
Flag hoisting ceremony in an MP Madarsa during Independent Day celebration (File Picture)

A Brief Of History Of Madrasas and Madrasa System In India

The term ‘madrasa‘ originates from the Arabic word ‘darasa,’ meaning ‘a place of study.’ Initially, Madrasas did not have any religious implications. Over time, in 1701, with the establishment of Firangi Mahal Madrasa in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, the concept of ‘Dars e Nizami‘ emerged. The syllabus included medieval sciences and aimed to train students for civil services and government jobs, with limited religious content such as Tafseer and Nadira Qur’an. The purpose was to bring out bureaucrats from there.

However, with the advent of colonial modernization, the meaning of Madrasa education underwent a transformation. Madrasas reinvented themselves, and the establishment of Darul Uloom Deoband in 1867 marked a significant change which introduced a new model of public funding to Madrasas. It gave independence to Madrasas and attracted uneducated Muslim individuals towards learning. However, with the aim of protecting Islam this model limited the Madrasas to religious education only. Prior to this, Madrasas were dependent on donations from rich Muslims.

Madrasas registered under the Madrasa board fall into two categories. The first is fully regulated by the government, similar to schools. The second is private Madrasas that receive support from the central government through the Scheme for Providing Quality Education in Madrasas (SPQEM) scheme. This scheme supports the Madrasas for modern education. However, there is also a third category of unregistered and independent Madrasas. These Madrasas are deemed illegal by the system and are accused of teaching fundamentalism.

Senior researcher of SPECT foundation Dr Sajid Ali told eNewsroom, “As of now the government has only accused Madrasas of promoting fundamentalism without providing any data to support their claims. For the Muslim community, Madrasas are essential to safeguard their religion and identity. These institutions offer free or low-cost education, making them accessible to children who cannot afford school fees. As per the Sachar Committee report, only 4% of Muslim children attend Madrasas. As the vast majority of Muslim children lacking access to education, instead of addressing this issue and providing education to all, the government is targeting Madrasas for political reasons. This move, as seen in Uttar Pradesh, Assam, and now Madhya Pradesh, is a part of competitive Hindutva aimed at securing votes. Unfortunately, it appears that this is the only means through which they believe they can win.”

The Sachar Committee Report (2006) mentioned in detail the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. The Report found that Muslim parents are not averse to modern or mainstream education and in sending their children to the affordable regular schools. They do not want to send their children only to Madrasas if other schools are accessible and affordable.

Importance Of Madrasas For Muslim Men And Women

Ayman Khan, a 21-year-old resident of Bhopal, recognizes the immense value of her Madrasa education. Growing up in a poor Muslim family, she initially attended a nearby school, but her father’s income as a laborer made it impossible to afford tuition for all three of his children. Fortunately, Ayman’s father enrolled them in a Madrasa where she learned Arabic, Urdu, and Persian. Ayman now gives Arabic and Urdu lessons to neighborhood children and has achieved mastery in these languages.

Ayman believes that Madrasas provide an essential education for girls like her, and rather than being threatened by political moves, the government should focus on providing education to Muslims. “Without Madrasas,” she mentions, “I would not have been able to achieve anything. Girls like me have a significant importance of Madrasas in our lives. Would they deprive us of education? Instead of comparing us to others, the government should recognize the value of our education and invest in it.”

Ayesha, 24, a practicing Muslim girl never saw school. Her parents, both of whom were illiterate, instilled in her a love for the Quran and the teachings of Islam from a young age. She was enrolled in local Madrasa at the age of five, where she learned to read and recite the Quran. Further, she studied Islamic jurisprudence, theology, and Arabic. Madrasa became the most significant part of her life, as she spent most of her time there, learning about the religion and building strong bonds with teachers and peers. “I love the sense of community and the discipline that the Madrasa education instilled in me. The lessons I learnt at the institution have given me a strong foundation in faith and a sense of purpose in life. Now, I am a teacher at the same Madrasa where I studied. I will dedicate my life to passing on the knowledge and values I learned here to the next generation of Muslim children,” pointed out Ayesha.

Mufti Faizan, an Arabic teacher at a prominent school, completed his education from a Madrasa. Despite attending primary classes at a school, he enrolled in a Madrasa for Hifz Qur’an. Faizan is a strong advocate for the value of Madrasa education and the professional opportunities it can provide. He argues that it is a myth that Madrasas do not produce professionals, as many of his peers from the Madrasa have gone on to work in respected fields such as teaching, medicine, and engineering. Faizan believes that society needs to stop viewing Madrasas with suspicion and instead recognize the valuable education they offer to the underprivileged.

Senior Journalist Shams Ur Rehman Alavi said that the government’s recent statements about Madrasas being illegal are aimed at appeasing their electorate with anti-Muslim rhetoric and have little to do with education. Muslims are not provided with cultural and religious education in regular schools, which makes it necessary for them to seek such education through Madrasas. Madrasas have always been independent institutions, and even the formation of the Madrasa Board in the 1990s was met with opposition from Muslim intellectuals who feared future government regulation. Despite this, Madrasas have played a major role in teaching languages like Urdu, Arabic, and Persian to many Muslims.

“Attacking Madrasas is a move to undermine the system and erase Muslim identity. Instead of focusing on this negative rhetoric, the government should recognize the important role that Madrasas play in providing education to underprivileged communities and work to support their infrastructure and network. There is no need to debate the legality or illegality of Madrasas when their contribution to society is so significant. It is evident that the government wants to erase the visible Muslim identity, which includes discouraging practices such as Namaz, Hijab, and Madrasas. The state should not interfere in Muslim’s choice to provide religious education to their children, and Muslims should not be required to register their Madrasas,” said the senior journalist.

“In addition, it is important to recognize that millions of Indians speak Urdu, yet there are few Urdu teachers in regular schools, mostly Sanskrit teachers. It is the responsibility of the government to provide equal opportunities for education and cultural preservation, rather than appearing as opposed to educational institutions of minority communities,” added Alavi.