৬ ডিসেম্বর, আবেগ আর হিকমাহ: মুর্শিদাবাদের নতুন মসজিদকে ঘিরে বড় প্রশ্ন

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৬ ডিসেম্বর এমন একটি দিন যা প্রতিটি মুসলিমের হৃদয়ে গভীরভাবে খোদাই হয়ে আছে, বিশেষ করে ভারতের মুসলমানদের হৃদয়ে।

১৯৯২ সালে বাবরি মসজিদের ভাঙন শুধু একটি স্থাপনার পতন ছিল না; এটি এমন এক ক্ষত, যা প্রজন্মের পর প্রজন্ম বয়ে চলেছে। আজও সেই ব্যথা মুছে যায়নি — হয়তো কোনোদিনই যাবে না। কিছু ক্ষত থেকেই যায়, কারণ সেগুলো আমাদের স্মরণ করিয়ে দেয় আমরা কারা, কী হারিয়েছি, এবং কী রক্ষা করা আমাদের দায়িত্ব।

এই আবেগঘন প্রেক্ষাপটে নতুন একটি মসজিদের সংবাদ আশা এবং আত্মপর্যালোচনা—দুটোই আনে। মসজিদ তো আমাদের দ্বীনের অন্যতম বড় প্রতীক। আল্লাহ বলেন:

“আল্লাহর মসজিদ নির্মাণ করে তারা-ই, যারা আল্লাহ ও পরকালে বিশ্বাস করে…” (সূরা তওবা ৯:১৮)

আর রাসুল ﷺ বলেছেন:

“যে কেউ আল্লাহর জন্য একটি মসজিদ নির্মাণ করে, আল্লাহ তার জন্য জান্নাতে একটি ঘর নির্মাণ করেন।” (বুখারি ও মুসলিম)

এটি এমন একটি আমল, যার ফজিলত খুব অল্প আমলের সঙ্গেই তুলনীয়।

কিন্তু আমাদের আলেমরা সবসময় একটি বিষয় জোর দিয়ে বলেছেন—এই বিপুল সওয়াব শুধু ভবনের কারণে নয়; এর পেছনের নিয়তের কারণে।

একটি মসজিদ যদি তাকওয়া, হালাল অর্থ ও খাঁটি নিয়তে তৈরি হয়, তবে সেটি পৃথিবীতে নূর হয়ে দাঁড়ায়।
আর যদি তা প্রদর্শন, রাজনীতি বা বিভেদের উদ্দেশ্যে তৈরি হয়—তাহলে তার বাস্তবতা সম্পূর্ণ ভিন্ন হয়ে যায়।

মুর্শিদাবাদে নতুন মসজিদ

৬ ডিসেম্বর ২০২৫ সালে মুর্শিদাবাদে একটি নতুন মসজিদ প্রকল্পের ভিত্তিপ্রস্তর স্থাপন করা হয়। মানুষ ইট ও অর্থ নিয়ে আসে; আবেগ ও উত্তেজনা স্পষ্ট ছিল। বাবরি মসজিদের স্মৃতি স্বাভাবিকভাবেই এই অনুভূতিকে আরও গভীর করেছে।

ন্যায় ও সুবিচারের জন্য একটি কথা স্পষ্ট: নিয়ত কেবল আল্লাহই জানেন।

আমরা কারও—এমনকি কোনো রাজনীতিবিদেরও—হৃদয়ের ভিতর কী আছে তা দাবি করতে পারি না।
হতে পারে, এমএলএ-র নিয়ত সম্পূর্ণ আন্তরিক এবং ব্যক্তিগত বা রাজনৈতিক স্বার্থমুক্ত।

কিন্তু নিয়ত গোপন হলেও পরিস্থিতি প্রকাশ্য—আর পরিস্থিতির গুরুত্ব অনেক।

এবং আজকের বাংলার পরিস্থিতি সংবেদনশীল।

রাজনৈতিক উত্তেজনা আছে, সাম্প্রদায়িক উদ্বেগ রয়েছে, এবং নির্বাচন ঘনিয়ে এসেছে। এই পরিবেশে—even a well-intended step—অর্থাৎ ভালো নিয়তের কাজও—অপ্রত্যাশিত প্রতিক্রিয়া তৈরি করতে পারে, কখনও কখনও ক্ষতিকর ফলও দিতে পারে।

মসজিদের প্রস্তাবিত নাম, ঘোষণার সময়, জনসমাবেশ—সবই চিন্তাভাবনার দাবি রাখে।
আবেগ এক জিনিস, কিন্তু হিকমাহ (বিকল্পহীন প্রজ্ঞা) অপরিহার্য।

যখন এমএলএ বাবরি মসজিদ তৈরির ঘোষণা দেওয়ার কারণে দল থেকে বরখাস্ত হলেন, তিনি সঙ্গে সঙ্গে নতুন রাজনৈতিক দল গঠনের ঘোষণা দিলেন।
এটা কী ইঙ্গিত করে?

ইতিহাস আমাদের শিক্ষা দেয়

যখনই মুসলমানরা প্রজ্ঞা, ঐক্য এবং আন্তরিকতার সাথে কাজ করেছে, আল্লাহ তাদের সম্মান ও শক্তি দিয়েছেন।
আর যখন আবেগ চিন্তাকে ছাড়িয়ে গেছে বা নিয়ত বিশুদ্ধ ছিল না—ফল হয়েছে কষ্টকর।

এগুলো দোষারোপের জন্য নয়; ভবিষ্যতের জন্য শিক্ষা।

কুরআন মসজিদে দিরারের মাধ্যমে আমাদের সতর্ক করে, যেখানে একটি “মসজিদ” নামের স্থাপনা আল্লাহর কাছে নিন্দিত হয়েছিল—কারণ সেটি তৈরি হয়েছিল ক্ষতি, বিভেদ এবং ফিতনার উদ্দেশ্যে।
আল্লাহ সেখানে বলেছেন:

“আপনি কখনোই সেখানে দাঁড়াবেন না (সালাতের জন্য)।” (সূরা তওবা ৯:১০৮)

এর মানে এই নয় যে প্রতিটি নতুন মসজিদ এই কাহিনীর মতো।
বরং এটি একটি চিরন্তন নীতি শেখায়:

একটি মসজিদের মূল্য তার গম্বুজ বা দেয়ালে নয়; বরং তার উদ্দেশ্যের বিশুদ্ধতায়।

এ নীতি সর্বত্র, সব সময় প্রযোজ্য।

একটি আন্তরিক আহ্বান

যদি এই নতুন মসজিদ তৈরি হয়, এবং যদি মানুষ তা সত্যিই চায়—তবে তা হোক তাকওয়ার উপর ভিত্তি করে, হালাল উপার্জনে, খাঁটি নিয়তে, এবং বিজ্ঞ নেতৃত্বে; যাতে তা রহমতের স্থান হয়।

একটি মসজিদের মহত্ত্ব ভিত্তিপ্রস্তরের আবেগে নয়—বরং যে তাকওয়া সেটিকে টিকিয়ে রাখে, তাতে।

আমরা মুসলমানদের হৃদয় সংবেদনশীল—বিশেষ করে ৬ ডিসেম্বরের মতো দিনে।
কিন্তু ঠিক এই দিনগুলোতেই প্রজ্ঞা সবচেয়ে বেশি দরকার।

কোনো মসজিদ প্রতিক্রিয়া হিসেবে, প্রতীকি অস্ত্র হিসেবে, রাজনৈতিক হাতিয়ার হিসেবে, বা প্রতিশোধের বার্তা হিসেবে তৈরি হওয়া উচিত নয়।
মসজিদ শুধু আল্লাহর জন্য—এবং আল্লাহর জন্যই।

চলো আমরা এগোই সতর্কতার সঙ্গে, দুআ নিয়ে, পরামর্শ নিয়ে, এবং গভীর দায়িত্ববোধ নিয়ে।
কারণ অতীতের ক্ষত আমাদের ভবিষ্যতে ভুলের দিকে ঠেলে দেওয়া উচিত নয়।

আল্লাহ আমাদের সম্প্রদায়কে হিদায়াহ দিন, আমাদের নিয়ত শুদ্ধ করুন, এবং তাঁর নামে নির্মিত প্রতিটি মসজিদকে সুরক্ষিত রাখুন

আামীন।

 

এটি ইংরেজিতে প্রকাশিত একটি মতামতের অনুবাদ

The Cost of Piety: Murshidabad’s Quran Recital and the Question of Intention

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There are moments in our community when the heart feels both hope and unease at the same time. The proposed one-lakh–person Quran recitation in Murshidabad, announced by a suspended MLA, is one such moment.

Although an innovation, it is stirring: thousands gathering to recite Allah’s Book together, voices rising in unison with divine words. Any Muslim’s heart would soften at that sight. What more could a believer ask for?

Yet, surrounding this spiritual promise is a political shadow. The programme comes soon after the foundation ceremony of a new Babri masjid in Murshidabad, and soon before the next phase of that project. It arrives at a time when Bengal is emotionally and politically fragile.

And it is led by a politician whose past continues to make parts of the community uncomfortable. The one who, to further his own political ambitions, had previously joined the very party that was responsible for the demolition of the original Babri Masjid,.

A Question of Trust

This unease is not born out of prejudice. It is born out of experience. For years, many Muslims have viewed his public positions with caution. His shifting political loyalties, his recent suspension, and his tendency to appear prominently during high-visibility moments have created a natural sense of doubt.

This does not render the current initiative invalid. But it does mean that the community’s concerns are grounded in lived reality, and not merely suspicion.

Still, this does not mean the gathering is wrong. But it does make the moment heavier, more layered, and more deserving of deep reflection.

Niyyat: The Heart of Every Act

In Islam, acts of worship are judged by something invisible: intention.

“Actions are judged only by intentions, and every person will have only what they intended.” (Bukhari & Muslim)

A Quran recital of one lakh people may look grand on earth, but in the heavens, it will be weighed by sincerity, not size. A feast for thousands may impress the public, but it will not impress Allah unless it begins from a place of purity.

The Qur’an itself warns us against confusing religious appearance with religious purpose. In the story of Masjid Dhirar, Allah says:

“Never stand (to pray) there. A mosque founded on righteousness from the first day is more worthy of your standing.”
(Qur’an 9:108)

The lesson is timeless: an act may appear noble, yet lose its soul if the inward intention is tied to worldly aims.

The Prophet ﷺ cautioned us strongly:

“Whoever does a good deed to show off, Allah will expose his intentions on the Day of Judgement.”
(SahihBukhari)

For an event of this magnitude, organised by a leader whose political history contains troubling chapters, these warnings naturally rise to the surface. This does not define his intention. Only Allah knows the hearts. But it does make the question of niyyat unavoidable.

In the end…

The community today is sensitive, wounded, and anxious. Every gathering, every statement, every symbol carries weight. The last thing Muslims need is for the Qur’an — our book of guidance — to become entangled in reaction, rivalry, or political theatrics.

If this massive recital is truly for Allah, may it bring blessings beyond measure.

But if it becomes a show of numbers, a tool of mobilisation, or an attempt to counter another gathering recently held at the Brigade ground in Kolkata, then we must pause, breathe, and ask ourselves:

Is this what the Qur’an asked from us?

If a lakh people gather with sincerity, the angels will descend.
If a lakh gather for spectacle, only cameras will.

There is nothing wrong with large gatherings.
What matters is what is sought through them.

May Allah guide our intentions, protect our community, and make every recitation of His Book a light on this earth, not a headline in a political season.

Aameen.

New Masjid in Murshidabad: Qur’anic Caution for a Community Still Healing from Babri

December 6 is a day that lives deep in the hearts of every Muslim, particularly in India.
The demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992 was not only the fall of a structure, but a wound that generations continue to carry. Even today, the pain has not faded, and perhaps it never will. Some wounds remain because they remind us of who we are, what we lost, and what we must protect.

Against this emotional backdrop, news of a new masjid brings both hope and reflection. A masjid, after all, is one of the greatest symbols of our deen. Allah says:

“The mosques of Allah are only to be maintained by those who believe in Allah and the Last Day…”(Qur’an 9:18)

And the Prophet ﷺ said:

“Whoever builds a mosque for Allah, Allah will build for him a house in Jannah.”(Bukhari& Muslim)

This is a blessing few deeds can match.

However, one thing that our scholars have always emphasized about this great blessing is that the reward is not for the building alone, it is for the sincerity behind it.

A mosque built with taqwa, halal means, and pure intention becomes a light on the earth.

A mosque built for display, politics, or division becomes something else entirely.

A New Masjid in Murshidabad

On December 6, 2025, a foundation was laid for a new masjid project in Murshidabad. People brought bricks and funds, expressing emotion and excitement. The echoes of Babri Masjid have naturally heightened these feelings.

It is important to be just and fair: only Allah knows anyone’s intention.

We cannot claim to know what lies in the heart of any person, even a politician. It may very well be that the MLA’s niyyah is sincere and free from personal or political motives.

However, while intentions are hidden, circumstances are visible, and circumstances matter.

And the circumstances of Bengal today are delicate.

There is political tension, communal anxiety, and elections approaching. In such an environment, even a well-intended step can produce reactions far bigger than expected, sometimes even harmful.

The name proposed for the masjid, the timing, and the public mobilisation all deserve thoughtful reflection. Emotion is one thing, but wisdom is essential.

When the MLA was suspended from party for his announcement of constructing Babri Masjid, he immediately announced that he would form a new political party. What does this point to?

Our History Teaches Us

Whenever Muslims acted with wisdom, unity, and sincerity, Allah granted them dignity and strength.Whenever emotion overtook reflection, or when the intentions were not pure, the consequences were painful. These lessons are not for blaming the past, but for guiding our future.

The Qur’an warns us through the story of Masjid Dhirar, where a structure outwardly called a “masjid” was condemned by Allah because it was built with the intention to harm and create discord amongst the believers. Allah condemned it and said:

“Never stand (to pray) there.”(Qur’an 9:108)

This does not mean that every new masjid resembles that story.Rather, it teaches a universal principle:

A masjid’s value lies not in its structure, but in the sincerity and purity of its purpose.
This principle applies everywhere and at all times.

A Sincere Appeal

If this new masjid is to be built, and if the people desire it, let it be built with taqwa, with halal funds, with clear intention, and with wise leadership, so that it becomes a place of mercy. A masjid’s greatness does not lie in the emotions at its foundation but in the piety that sustains it.

As Muslims, our hearts are tender and easily stirred, especially on a day like December 6. But this is exactly when we must hold tightly to wisdom.

No masjid should be a reaction, a political symbol, a tool for mobilisation, or a statement of vengeance.A masjid is only for Allah, and for Allah alone.Let us proceed with care, with du’a, with consultation, and with a deep sense of responsibility. Because the wounds of the past must not push us into mistakes in the future.

May Allah guide our community, purify our intentions, and protect every masjid built in His name.

Aameen.

Delhi Teen Saahil Shot at Close Range by CISF Constable: A Brutal Reminder of India’s Unchecked Uniformed Power

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On 29 November 2025, fourteen-year-old Saahil, exhausted after an eleven-hour shift at a Delhi grocery store, paused near a wedding procession in Mansarovar Park. According to The Indian Express, he, like other children, was collecting currency notes thrown by guests, a harmless and opportunistic teenage gesture. The scene turned lethal when off-duty CISF (Central Industrial Security Force) head constable Madan Gopal Tiwari, reportedly drunk, grabbed Saahil, slapped him, and then shot him at close range when the boy dared to question the assault. Times of India confirmed the officer’s immediate attempt to flee and the recovery of the suspected murder weapon. In that single, brutal moment, the vast distance between a child’s innocent act and the State’s lethal violence catastrophically collapsed, forcing us to confront not merely the crime, but the structural permissiveness that made it possible.

Power Without Scrutiny: Homicide by Impunity

Public discourse often attempts to explain such atrocities as sudden rage or alcohol-fueled accidents, but that framing is a dangerous distortion. As Scroll.in noted, while the officer was reportedly intoxicated and had known anger management issues, these factors alone do not result in homicide; the killing of a child in this manner is the consequence of a systemic lethal combination: a weapon in unregulated hands, an institutional culture of tolerance for lapses, the psychological buffer of uniformed power carried without accountability, and a victim with zero social capital, a poor, working-class child. In India, the uniform grants authority, and the weapon grants lethal confidence. When both are divorced from constant scrutiny, accountability becomes a diluted myth. This murder is not a sudden eruption; it is the raw expression of unregulated power.

From Community Celebration to State Negligence

The accused constable was on leave, attending a family wedding, as Moneycontrol reported. Yet, he carried a loaded service weapon into a private, emotionally charged civilian gathering. India’s lack of a firm, enforced policy prohibiting the off-duty carriage of service firearms is not a benign oversight; it is a loophole that permits State-issued ammunition to enter civilian life casually, even carelessly. The presence of that service weapon in the wedding lane reflected not State duty, but State negligence. More troublingly, the lack of anyone questioning its presence reflects a deep-seated social conditioning, an acceptance of power symbols even in wholly inappropriate contexts. This normalization of armed authority is deadly.

Saahil’s Life: A Struggle Against Structural Neglect

The violence against Saahil did not begin with the bullet; it was preceded by structural deprivation. The Indian Express revealed that the fourteen-year-old had left school after his father’s paralysis to become his family’s primary breadwinner, earning a meager ₹6,000 a month. A Republic that vows to protect children must ask how a minor becomes his family’s sole support. Poverty, often relegated to a backdrop, is central here: it determined Saahil was on the road instead of safely at home, that he worked instead of studied, that his family had no safety net, and tragically, that his life could be taken with the expectation of silence. Child labour is a political indictment. A State that fails to secure the childhoods it promises ultimately fails to protect those children from the bullets of its own agents.

The Bullet Followed the Path of Inequality

Violence in a class-stratified society rarely travels randomly; it follows predictable fault lines, moving from the powerful to the powerless. The immense social distance between the armed, trained officer and the working-class child with no institutional backing was the trajectory the bullet followed. When police initially suggested, according to Hindustan Times, that Saahil was an “uninvited trespasser” who initiated a scuffle, the framing itself exposed a dangerous societal interpretation of class: a child collecting stray notes is viewed through a lens of suspicion and criminality, not empathy. Saahil was not a threat; he was a symbol of a social order where protection is granted to some children and punishment to others. Class determined not only how he lived, but how he died.

The Promise Broken: Confronting the Indian State

A Republic is a promise of protection. When a child is killed by an agent of the State, that promise is brutally shattered, as Saahil’s killing exposes a confluence of systemic failures: a failure of supervision for allowing an armed officer into a civilian space; a failure of discipline in the relaxed enforcement of alcohol restrictions for weapons personnel; a failure of welfare that forced a child into the workforce; and a failure of policing culture where anger, authority, and weaponry formed an unholy blend. The result was predictable, and the consequences are irreversible.

Justice: Beyond Punitive, Towards Transformative Change

Punishing the guilty officer is non-negotiable, but it is woefully insufficient. True justice for Saahil demands transformative systemic change, starting with a complete, non-negotiable ban on the off-duty carriage of state firearms into all private and civilian events. This must be coupled with rigorous enforcement of alcohol restrictions and mandatory periodic psychological evaluations for all armed personnel, the establishment of a robust, independent oversight body to investigate all killings involving state actors, welfare reform providing stronger disability and social security benefits for families like Saahil’s, and aggressive, rigorous enforcement of child labour laws in urban and rural spaces. These are not ambitious aspirations; they are the bare minimum required to validate the Republic’s moral claim to democracy.

The Child Behind the Tragedy

Siasat.com revealed the humble aspirations of the child who was lost: Saahil simply wanted to repair his family’s damaged home, support his ailing father, and ensure his siblings could continue their studies. His life, simple and defined by duty, was violently snatched by the very authority that should have protected him. If a child can be shot dead in a public celebration for picking up currency, if a State weapon can be used with such casual brutality, and if poor children remain the easiest targets, the nation must be deeply troubled. Saahil’s killing is not a crime that ends with a chargesheet; it is a question that must trouble the conscience of the nation. India can only honour him by refusing to normalise this violence. The country must commit to a future where guns do not enter weddings, children do not enter the workforce, and uniforms do not become shields for impunity. Until then, this tragedy is not an exception. It is a warning.

How the Babri Masjid Demolition Became a Turning Point in India’s Constitutional Decline

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Thirty-three years after the demolition of the Babri Masjid, the event occupies a troubled and unresolved position in India’s constitutional imagination. The structure was brought down on 6 December 1992 by kar sevaks mobilised by organisations associated with the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, an act the Liberhan Ayodhya Commission of Inquiry (2009) described as neither spontaneous nor unplanned.

While judicial bodies later acknowledged that the 1949 occupation of the mosque and its 1992 demolition were profoundly unlawful, neither accountability nor restoration followed. The long legal journey, spanning the 2010 Allahabad High Court verdict, the 2019 Supreme Court decision (M Siddiq v. Mahant Suresh Das), the 2020 Special CBI Court verdict, and the archival record compiled by A G Noorani, reveals not a dispute resolved but a moment in which constitutional principle consistently yielded to political mobilisation.

The Supreme Court’s 2019 judgment further entrenched this contradiction. While recognising the illegality of the 1949 idol placement and the 1992 demolition, the Court awarded the disputed land for the construction of the Ram Mandir, which now stands on the site. The Court simultaneously directed the allotment of five acres to the Sunni Waqf Board, where the Mohammed Bin Abdullah Mosque is planned in Dhannipur, Ayodhya. These developments underline the core dilemma: even where illegality is judicially affirmed, the remedy offered does not reinstate what was unlawfully taken.

The Foundations of Assertion

Much of the mobilisation relied on the assertion that a grand temple marking Rama’s birthplace once stood at the exact location of the mosque. Yet, this claim has been rigorously challenged by leading historians. Romila Thapar, in Ayodhya: The Case Against the Temple, demonstrated that the belief in a geographically precise birthplace is a relatively modern devotional development rather than a historical certainty. RS Sharma, in Communal History and Rama’s Ayodhya, found no conclusive evidence of a deliberate temple demolition. Noorani’s archival compilation reinforces this ambiguity. Together, these works show that the historical foundation of the Ayodhya narrative grew not from verifiable evidence but from sustained political and ideological assertion.

Understanding the demolition requires examining the political mobilisation that preceded it. The Liberhan Commission documented years of planned rallies, coordinated speeches, organisational preparation, and the deliberate weakening of security arrangements, creating an environment in which the state failed to act. As scholars like Christophe Jaffrelot and Thomas Blom Hansen have shown, the Ram Janmabhoomi campaign developed into a national political project aimed at consolidating a majoritarian identity through public spectacle. The demolition was not a spontaneous eruption, but the culmination of a movement that had already moved away from legal contestation toward political theatre.

The demolition also triggered widespread communal violence across India, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat, and Delhi. Human rights reports documented that hundreds of people were killed, the majority of them Muslims. The Bombay riots of December 1992 and January 1993, extensively examined in the Srikrishna Commission Report (1998), emerged directly from the national shockwave of the demolition. This violence reflects not merely public disorder but the state’s tragic inability to safeguard citizens’ lives in the wake of a politically orchestrated act.

The Failure of Judicial Accountability

The judicial record reflects a tension between constitutional recognition and constitutional remedy. The Supreme Court acknowledged illegality yet did not reverse its consequences, resulting in the fundamental contradiction of recognising wrongful dispossession without offering restoration. While the judgment achieved legal closure, it left unresolved the deeper moral and constitutional implications, departing from the traditional principle that remedies should aim to restore the status quo ante.

This sense of incompleteness is deepened by the absence of accountability. Despite the evidence assembled by the Liberhan Commission, the Special CBI Court in 2020 acquitted all 32 accused by describing the demolition as spontaneous. This conclusion stands in direct contradiction to institutional fact-finding and decades of contemporaneous reporting. It highlights the chronic difficulty of prosecuting mass political mobilisation under the evidentiary constraints of criminal law. The outcome was stark: No individual or organisation was held responsible for an act repeatedly recognised as unlawful by the state.

Even archaeology has been frequently misinterpreted.

The Archaeological Survey of India’s 2003 excavation report identified earlier structural remains at the site. However, the Supreme Court itself clarified that the ASI did not conclude that the mosque had been built after the demolition of a temple. Distinguishing structural continuity from deliberate destruction is complex, and the report’s findings do not support the definitive political claims often made in its name.

The Unsettled Question of Equal Citizenship

The demolition and its legal aftermath profoundly shaped how Indian Muslims understand their place within the constitutional framework. Scholars such as Asghar Ali Engineer and Rajeev Bhargava have documented how the events of 1992 created a deep sense of vulnerability and exclusion, particularly given the state’s failure to protect a legally recognised place of worship. Reports noted that the demolition was widely experienced as a moment in which minority religious heritage was left unprotected in the face of majoritarian mobilisation.

These concerns intensified after the 2019 Supreme Court judgment. The community’s unlawful dispossession was acknowledged but not remedied, and the alternative land allocation did not address the core constitutional issue. Scholars have observed that Muslim responses were shaped not by the question of land, but by concerns over the uneven application of constitutional protections. The experience of being recognised as wronged yet not restored, and of witnessing an illegal act shape the final outcome, created a perception that equality before the law did not hold uniformly. These are not mere emotions; they are a civic response to a sequence of institutional failures that reshaped understandings of dignity, belonging, and constitutional protection.

A Memory That Will Endure

The Babri dispute remains unresolved because institutional responses did not satisfy the basic requirements of constitutional justice. The state did not prevent the unlawful acts. Judicial recognition of illegality did not result in restoration. The criminal justice process produced no accountability. Public narratives continued to merge myth, devotion, and history without the rigour of evidence.

In this context, the chain of events surrounding Babri unsettled long-standing principles of equal protection, secular governance, and the rule of law, leaving the constitutional fabric more fragile than before.

A meaningful resolution requires acknowledging institutional failures, reforming legal mechanisms, strengthening protections for minority religious heritage, and fostering historical education grounded in scholarship. Without these measures, the belief that the demolition was politically rewarded and legally normalised will persist. This belief matters because it influences whether citizens understand the Constitution as a functioning guarantee of equal protection or merely as a symbolic promise.

In the end, Babri Masjid will not disappear from the nation’s memory. It will stand as a reminder of the constitutional promises that were strained, the institutions that faltered, and the citizens who waited for justice that never fully arrived. Its place in public history endures because it marks a moment when the ideals of equality, protection, and fairness were tested in full view of the republic. Babri is, in this sense, a quiet memorial to the work that remains unfinished.

Babri Demolition’s Echo in 2025: Why 6 December Still Defines the Muslim Experience in India

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There are dates in a nation’s history that refuse to stay confined to calendars. They do not fade away with passing years.Instead, they continue to echo, to haunt, and to remind. For India, 6 December 1992 is one such date. It was not a day when the skies darkened with natural disaster, nor did a foreign power breach the borders of the country. And yet, something irreparable was shattered. A structure of stone and faith may have fallen in Ayodhya, but in truth, a far deeper collapse took place in the psyche of India itself. The Babri Masjid lay in ruins, and with it, the belief of countless Muslims that this country, their homeland, would not always see them as equal inheritors of its soil.

The dust, as it rose from the crumbled dome, traveled beyond Ayodhya. It settled in the hearts of millions, whispering a chilling revelation: identity here is not merely lived, rather it is tested. Citizenship, that beautiful democratic promise of equality, suddenly felt conditional, fragile like pottery that could be cracked by the slightest tremor of majoritarian sentiment. The event taught Indian Muslims once more what history had shown them time and again that their place in the nation’s narrative is constantly negotiated, never fully granted.

The Collapse That Reshaped Citizenship: How Babri Rewrote Indian Muslim Identity

If one were to say that only a mosque was demolished that winter afternoon, it would be a lie told with cruel simplicity. What truly fell was trust — trust in justice, in secularism, in the fundamental idea that a nation’s greatness lies in treating its smallest minority with the largest respect. What fell was the quiet assurance families felt when they locked their doors at night, assurance that tomorrow would unfold like today, threatened. What fell was the certainty of belonging. And that fall did not end with the sound of bricks and beams hitting the ground. It continued, it intensified, it spread, not through physical ruins, but through an unseen architecture of fear.

The vocabulary of life changed. The word precarity — once a distant academic term — moved into the everyday reality of Indian Muslims. Precarity became the background noise to their citizenship: the knowledge that rights can slip like sand through fingers; that peace can be replaced swiftly with unrest; that safety is not stored in documents or constitutions, but in the unpredictable mood of the majority. Vulnerability too found its way into their breath, the vulnerability of existing as a suspect without committing a crime, of being reduced to a stereotype by news studios, of having one’s faith mistaken for defiance. These were not abstract ideas any longer, instead, they were as real as the fear rising in a mother’s heart each time her son stepped out with a beard, a cap, or a name too easily identifiable.

Identity markers, once symbols of pride, turned into warning signs. The call to prayer, a greeting of peace, a surname carrying lineage — all became possibilities of danger. A home purchased in a mixed neighbourhood became a question: Will the neighbours tolerate us? A child admitted to a school became silent prayer: Will she come home insulted or hurt? Even silence became tactical, not natural. And this silence, cultivated out of fear, gradually anaesthetized the vibrant, diverse presence that Muslims once held proudly in India’s public sphere.

But was 6 December 1992 an isolated wound, a sudden eruption of division? History answers otherwise. The decades that followed have borne witness to further violence — Bombay in 1993, Gujarat in 2002, Muzaffarnagar in 2013, Delhi in 2020. Each incident added another layer to the dread that Babri unleashed. Each riot assured the community that tragedy could recur, anywhere, anytime. Trauma, once birthed, does not remain still; it travels through bloodlines, embedding itself into new generations. Children grow up inheriting a grief they did not experience firsthand, yet deeply recognize.

A Timeline of Trauma: From Bombay to Delhi, the Riot Map That Echoes Babri

What could have been healed by justice was instead deepened by political convenience. The judicial process stretched across years — years during which memory was weaponized, history was rewritten, and the promise of secularism was trimmed and reshaped. When verdicts finally arrived, they delivered not closure but irony, the irony that faith could outweigh proof, that noise could overshadow principle. A structure that had already collapsed physically seemed to collapse again symbolically in the judgment halls, leaving Indian Muslims wondering whether the law they reposed faith in, believes equally in them.

Yet even more dangerous than legal ambiguity is the rewriting of history itself. The Babri Masjid, once a site recorded in heritage and memory, has been repositioned as a “disputed structure.” Libraries and textbooks have begun to soften, erase, rephrase. Memory is power: the community whose historical place is questioned eventually finds its present contested and future compromised. To confiscate memory is to confiscate identity. It tells people that you did not build here, you did not belong here, you are guests with overstayed welcome.

When Justice Withers and History Is Rewritten: The Battle for Memory and Rights

In these shifting sands of legitimacy, many Muslims have drawn their curtains tighter. They speak less. They pray discreetly. They avoid political conversations. They advise children to blend in, to compromise, and to not let identity become too visible. And visibility, the very essence of living in society, becomes a high-stakes gamble. When breathing freely feels risky, what remains of citizenship?

Islamophobia, a term once posited as Western, has found its Indian contours. It surfaces not only in violent mobs, but in subtle biases: landlords refusing rent, employers asking for “Hindu candidates only,” school bullies echoing rhetoric heard at home. Prejudice, when normalized, no longer shocks, it merely shrugs. And this acceptance of othering corrodes society slowly, silently, thoroughly.

Still, what would be a tragic misreading is to reduce Indian Muslims solely to victims. That would be an injustice to their history of resilience. They have survived empires and partitions, crises and caricatures. They have built monuments of learning and beauty — universities, poetry, music, architectural marvels. They have fought for India, dreamed of India, and loved India. Their belonging is not a temporary claim but a civilizational truth.

Their resistance continues, not always with slogans, but with scholarship, with art, with participation in democracy itself. Every Muslim student who excels in a classroom, every entrepreneur who builds a business, every author who writes boldly, every citizen who votes despite disappointment, each stands as a pillar of protest. Their assertion is simple yet powerful: We are here not by permission, but by right.

Resilience, Resistance, and the Future: Why Indian Muslims Remain Integral to India

But a question must rise, not from Muslims alone, but from every Indian who believe in justice: Why must patriotism be proven differently by different citizens? Why must a Muslim’s love for India be demonstrated repeatedly, while others inherit theirs unquestioned? Why does pain have to become performance before the nation listens?

These questions are not seeds of division.They are seeds of democracy trying desperately to grow in soil that is turning increasingly hostile. A democracy that cannot withstand questioning is already wounded. And a democracy that divides dignity is already weakened.

Today, as newer generations step into adulthood, they carry history on their shoulders. They are not weighed down by sorrow alone; they are energized by a desire to redefine their place in the republic. They are mapping out futures where identity need not be masked, where memory need not be debated, where citizenship is not negotiable. They dream not of separation but integration — integration built on respect, not assimilation enforced by fear.

Babri thus becomes both wound and warning. A wound that throbs each year when December arrives, pricking at the layers of suppressed grief. A warning that the foundations of a nation can crack if fairness is sacrificed. But Babri is also something else — a mirror. It reflects whether India remembers who it claimed to be: a place where every religion could live without fear, where constitutional promises would not be subject to majority approval.

A country is not weakened by its diversity; it is strengthened by it. The true measure of strength lies not in how proudly a nation displays its majority, but in how safely its minorities sleep at night. If India is to remain India — vibrant, inclusive, plural, it must protect those who are most easily scapegoated, most quickly misunderstood.

Even now, many Indian Muslims awaken each day with a quiet determination. They go to work, they build families, and they contribute to the nation’s economy, culture, and future. They continue to believe that the Constitution is alive, that justice may be delayed but not denied forever. Their perseverance is a testament to a profound patriotism, a patriotism without loud declarations, without conditions, without insecurity.

And so, 6 December remains not just a memory of destruction, but a challenge, a reminder calling out from the ruins: Can India uphold its own ideals? Can equality cease to be a fragile claim and become a lived experience for all? Can a scar become a lesson instead of a stigma?

History cannot be razed like a structure. It persists. It speaks. It demands acknowledgement. The Babri Masjid may no longer stand, but the narrative of coexistence that India prides itself on must stand taller than ever. For if inclusivity fails, the nation loses not merely a minority, rather it loses its founding vision.

Muslims were, are, and will remain a part of India, not as shadows or footnotes, but as co-authors of its story. Their presence enriches the collective soul of the country. Their rights, their safety, their dignity are non-negotiable pillars of the republic. And therefore, the promise must be renewed that the future will not resemble the ruins of that winter afternoon in Ayodhya.

Let the wound remind us of humanity. Let the scar insist on equality. Let the memory resist erasure. For the strength of a nation lies not in monuments or politics, but in whether every citizen can stand upright without fear. Let India choose to be strongest where it once faltered. Let Babri not be the source of endless sorrow, but the beginning of a future where no community must prove that they belong. Because the nation that protects its most vulnerable is the one that survives every storm. And the nation that honours all its children — equally, unquestionably, fundamentally — is the one that truly thrives.

“Bring Her Home”: SC Orders Return of Pregnant Sunali Khatun ‘Dumped’ Across Bangladesh Border

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Delhi/Kolkata: After months of uncertainty and anguish, a ray of hope broke through on December 3, when the Supreme Court of India—acting on a humanitarian plea—ordered the immediate repatriation of pregnant Sunali Khatun and her minor son, back to their ancestral home in Birbhum. The court’s decision marks a turning point in a saga that exposed the human cost of hasty deportations and the perilous administrative handling of citizenship identity.

Sunali’s ordeal began when she was deported to Bangladesh from Delhi solely for speaking Bengali — a claim that sparked outrage among human-rights advocates and communities across Bengal. Her forced expulsion, alongside five others, reverberated as a jarring example of how identity, language and religion are increasingly weaponised in cross-border deportation cases.

The Supreme Court, in its December 3 order, emphatically rejected a government proposal to first bring Sunali to New Delhi. Instead, justices directed authorities to ensure that she and her son are returned directly to Birbhum — a move widely welcomed as compassionate and respectful of the family’s dignity. The court also urged the state machinery to extend full medical support to Sunali, who is in an advanced stage of pregnancy, underscoring the urgency of her physical well-being.

Earlier on December 2, a court in Bangladesh had already granted bail to Sunali and the other five individuals, declaring that they had been “forcefully pushed” across the border without due process. Though now in safe custody, their wait for repatriation dragged on as legal and diplomatic channels slowly unfolded.

A Pregnancy, a Border, and a Battle for Identity

The saga took a turn on December 1, when the group was released, and Sunali publicly acknowledged the support of All India Trinamool Congress (AITC) leaders — including Mamata Banerjee and Abhishek Banerjee — for standing by her during the ordeal. The Supreme Court’s intervention came upon a petition filed by senior advocate Sanjay U Vacha, who emphasised the urgent need for physical verification and humane treatment.

At the heart of this case lies a broader debate: what it means to be Indian citizen when bureaucracy, identity and language intersect — and how easily due process can be bypassed when fear, prejudice or negligence dominate. The court’s observation on December 3 was sharp and unambiguous: if Sunali’s biological father is an Indian citizen, and was not deported, then there is no legitimate basis to label Sunali a foreigner or deport her. By that logic, her son too is an Indian citizen.

For Sunali, the court verdict is more than just a legal victory. It is a chance to reclaim her dignity, to return to her home, to prepare for childbirth surrounded by her people. For thousands of others watching closely, her case is a beacon of hope — a reminder that the law can still uphold humanity in a fraught political environment.

Citizenship, Bureaucracy, and the Faultlines of Justice

As of now, the country awaits the logistics of their return. Once back, Sunali’s safe repatriation will stand as a fitting rebuke to those who — under the guise of national security or migration control — treat ordinary citizens as disposable.

In many ways, this case transcends one woman’s suffering. It speaks to the larger condition of marginalised communities, whose lives — vulnerable to sudden dislocation — depend on the vigilance of courts and the conscience of the nation.

Sunali’s walk back home is not just a physical journey. It is a testimony to resilience, dignity and the enduring promise of justice.

Unregulated Access, Unchecked Power: The Hidden Dangers of India’s Mandatory Sanchar Saathi App

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Delhi: The Government of India’s directive requiring the preinstallation of the Sanchar Saathi application on all smartphones marks a critical inflection point in the country’s digital governance framework.

According to the Department of Telecommunications, the app is designed to help users verify device authenticity, block stolen phones and identify fraudulent SIM cards. Its stated purpose is crime prevention. Yet the mechanism chosen to deliver these benefits represents a far deeper structural shift. A government-controlled application, embedded at the system level and granted permissions that expose telephony metadata, effectively creates a persistent state presence inside every smartphone.

The gap between official justification and technological implementation reveals the core tension. The government frames Sanchar Saathi as a convenience feature. In practice, its architecture enables the possibility of population-level metadata access. This contradiction is not philosophical. It is infrastructural.

The official rationale and its unresolved contradiction

According to the Press Information Bureau’s release on 28 November 2025, the amended Telecom Cyber Security rules require every smartphone manufacturer to preload Sanchar Saathi and ensure that it remains visible and functional upon first use. The directive applies to devices already in the supply chain through software updates. This is not a recommendation. It is a binding mandate.

Amid public criticism, Telecom Minister Jyotiraditya Scindia attempted to defuse concerns, telling The Economic Times that the app is optional and can be deleted, and that its purpose is limited to fraud prevention. However, this assurance does not alter the legal text of the directive. Technical implementation follows the directive, not the press conference. The ministerial reassurance and the regulatory order therefore remain in unresolved contradiction.

The permissions architecture exposes a deeper risk

According to the Sanchar Saathi privacy policy available on sancharsaathi.gov.in, the app requests permissions that include making and managing phone calls, sending SMS, reading call logs, accessing SMS logs, viewing stored media and using the camera. Independent analyses by Jagran and MediaNama confirm that these permissions are both present and functional.

These permissions matter because they expose highly sensitive metadata. Call logs reveal the structure of a person’s social network. SMS logs reveal communication patterns. Device identifiers can map mobility histories. According to a peer-reviewed study by de Montjoye and colleagues in Scientific Reports, even four spatio-temporal data points are sufficient to identify most individuals in a large dataset. Metadata is therefore not a harmless alternative to content. It is a powerful substrate for profiling, inference and reidentification at scale.

When the state mandates that such a tool reside on every device, it creates the potential for systemic metadata surveillance, regardless of stated intent. In a democratic society, the existence of such an architecture, not merely the assurances that accompany it, determines its risk.

System-level installation turns the app into infrastructure

Android platform documentation makes clear that system applications enjoy elevated privileges compared to user-installed apps. They can bypass certain permission checks, resist user removal and integrate more deeply with telephony APIs. When the DoT directive instructs manufacturers to ensure that core functionalities cannot be disabled, it extends the mandate beyond service delivery. It embeds the service into the device.

This is why the minister’s claim that the app can be deleted is technically ambiguous. Removing an icon does not necessarily remove the underlying package, its forensic footprint or its telephony hooks. On many devices, removing a system application requires rooting, which voids warranty protections and exposes users to security risks. For ordinary citizens, deletion becomes a symbolic rather than functional option.

Apple’s refusal clarifies the scale of intrusion

According to Reuters, Apple informed the government that it would not comply with the mandate because iOS does not permit third-party applications to access call logs or manage telephony functions. The Verge reports that Apple argued the mandate violates its core privacy design principles.

The refusal is instructive. It demonstrates that the intended integration is incompatible with high-standard privacy models. The objection was not political. It was architectural. Android permits deeper telephony access. iOS does not. As a result, Indian citizens who rely on more affordable Android devices will be exposed to levels of state-integrated access that would be technologically impossible on iPhones.

The policy thus creates a two-tier privacy regime based not on constitutional protections but on economic capability.

Governance gaps magnify the structural harm

Digital rights organisations, including the Internet Freedom Foundation, argue that the Sanchar Saathi mandate lacks adequate legal safeguards, as reported by The News Minute. India still lacks a fully independent data protection regulator with robust investigative powers. Without such an authority, assurances that data will be used only to prevent fraud remain unenforceable.

The Sanchar Saathi privacy policy states that user data may be shared with law enforcement when “required by law,” a clause devoid of statutory specificity. Without judicial oversight, mandatory transparency reports, access logs or data retention limits, this clause risks becoming an open conduit for expanded surveillance.

Historically, systems introduced for narrow safety purposes have often widened in scope once integrated into state infrastructure. Without independent regulatory checks, mission creep becomes a predictable risk rather than a remote possibility.

Metadata architecture cannot be separated from political context

Intent and capability must be viewed separately. While the government may intend only to prevent fraud, the architecture it has mandated enables population-level metadata capture. Once such a system exists, future governments, intelligence agencies or law enforcement units may find ample incentives to expand its use.

A system-level application present on every smartphone becomes an attractive instrument for political profiling, protest monitoring, counter-terror operations or targeted social control. Absent strong institutional constraints, these incentives tend to prevail over initial assurances.

Democracies therefore build systems with inherent limitations rather than trusting voluntary restraint. A right that depends on discretion is not a right. It is a privilege that can be revoked.

Proportionate alternatives already exist

According to official CEIR documentation, IMEI verification and device blocking already operate through web platforms and SMS commands. These services do not require deep telephony permissions.

A more proportionate design would include making Sanchar Saathi entirely opt-in, restricting its permissions to camera access for barcode scanning and network access for reporting, publishing its full source code for independent audit, imposing statutory limits including judicial oversight for any law-enforcement access and prohibiting manufacturers from placing the app in system partitions.

These measures would preserve the legitimate aim of fraud prevention while avoiding the hazards of systemic device-level integration.

The issue is not intent. It is architecture.

According to the government, Sanchar Saathi is a digital safety tool. According to the directive, it is a compulsory system-level component. According to the minister, it is optional. According to its permissions, it exposes sensitive metadata. According to industry analyses, it violates privacy architecture norms. According to civil society, it lacks sufficient oversight.

All of these claims cannot be true at the same time.

India is at a decisive moment. The country can choose a rights-respecting model of cyber safety, grounded in transparency, consent and minimal privilege. Or it can choose a model that embeds a permanent state interface into the personal devices of more than a billion people. In its current form, Sanchar Saathi moves India toward the latter. That path requires far greater scrutiny before it becomes internalised as normal.

A democracy protects citizens not only from fraud but also from the silent expansion of unregulated state power. To maintain that balance, the Sanchar Saathi mandate must be reconsidered and redesigned with constitutional principles at its core.

होमबाउंड: दलित–मुस्लिम पहचान पर नए भारत की सियासत का कड़वा सच

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फिल्म ‘मसान’ से चर्चित हुए निर्देशक नीरज घायवान की फिल्म ‘होमबाउंड’ बॉलीबुड के फिल्मी पैटर्न को तोड़ती हुई फिल्म है। इस फिल्म के नायक (चाहें तो मुख्य पात्र कहें) चंदन वाल्मीकि और शोएब मलिक दो व्यक्ति नहीं हैं, बल्कि समकालीन भारतीय समाज में दलितों-मुसलमानों के प्रातिनिधिक चरित्र हैं। कोई व्यक्ति या कोई खलनायक इनके जिंदगी के सपने, गरिमा, आत्मसम्मान और लोकतांत्रिक अधिकारों को नहीं रौंदता हैं, इनसे इनका किसी और के जैसा ही इंसान होने का हक नहीं छीनता है, पूरा का पूरा सिस्टम रौंदता है, कुचलता है। दलित समुदाय का चंदन वाल्मीकि तो सैंकड़ों वर्षों से वर्ण-जातिवादी व्यवस्था, संस्कृति, जीवन-मूल्यों, आदर्शों और मनोविज्ञान की पग-पग मार झेलता ही रहा है, शोएब भी नए हिंदू राष्ट्र के पैरोकारों के निज़ाम में चंदन की नियति को पहुंच गया है। कुछ मामलों में चंदन से भी बदतर स्थिति में भी।

चंदन फिल्म में एक-दो बार शोएब को हिंदू नाम देकर पिटाई-अपमान से बचाने की कोशिश करता है। हां, एक-दो बार वह खुद को मुस्लिम के रूप में प्रस्तुत करके शोएब के साथ मार भी खाता है। हालांकि ऐसा नहीं है कि शोएब के प्रति पहले दुराग्रह-पूर्वाग्रह नहीं थे, पर नए निज़ाम ने उसे खाद-पानी देकर एक बीज को पूरा का पूरा बरगद का पेड़ बना दिया है।

जाति–धर्म की संयुक्त कैद में दो सपने

वैसे तो इस देश में चंदन वाल्मीकि और शोएब मलिक होना ही किसी इंसान की नियति तय करने के लिए आज काफी है, इसके साथ ही दोनों का मेहनत-मजूरी करने वाले मां-बाप का बेटा होना, रही-सही कसर पूरी कर देता है। नीरज घेवान को भारतीय समाज के इस सच का पूरी तरह अहसास है कि यदि आप वाल्मीकि हैं, मुस्लिम हैं, उसके मजदूर वर्गीय स्थिति के हैं, तो आपके लिए देश में ज्यादातर रास्ते बंद हैं। आपकी उड़ान की हर कोशिश को, अपनी जातीय-धार्मिक और वर्गीय वंचना से निकलने के हर प्रयास को नाकाम बना देने के लिए पूरा का पूरा सिस्टम मौजूद है। फिर आप चाहे कितने ही काबिल और होनहार क्यों न हों। सामाजिक-धार्मिक तौर पर निम्न स्थिति के साथ वर्गीय निम्न स्थिति जब जुड़ जाती है, तब इस देश में स्थिति कितनी भयावह हो जाती है, यह चंदन-शोएब की कोशिशों और नाकामयाबियों से समझा जा सकता है, जिसकी अत्यंत यथार्थपरक प्रस्तुति यह फिल्म करती है।

चंदन-शोएब का घर आस-पास है। वैसे भी इस देश के शहरों में दलित-मुस्लिम मुहल्ले और आवास आसपास ही अक्सर होते हैं। विशेषकर गरीब और निम्न मध्यवर्गी बड़े हिस्से की। चंदन वाल्मिकी हिंदू समाज के श्रेणीक्रम में जहां खड़ा है, वहां हिंदूपन की बू का शिकार होकर शोएब से घृणा करने का कोई संस्कार नहीं पाया है या उसके पास इसकी कोई वजह नहीं हैं। शोएब भी हिंदू के बू के शिकार किसी लड़के या परिवार से शायद ही घना दोस्ताना रिश्ता बना पाए, खासकर आज के दौर में। दोनों के बीच घनी दोस्ती है। साथ ही पढ़ते हैं, अक्सर साथ ही रहते हैं, साथ ही खेलते हैं, एक-दूसरे के घर खाते-पीते हैं। दोनों के मां-पिता और बहन एक दूसरे की मां-पिता और बहन जैसे ही हैं। दोनों के सपने भी एक ही हैं– पुलिस में भर्ती होना। पुलिस में भर्ती होकर दोनों अपनी और अपने परिवार की दो बुनियादी समस्याएं हल करना चाहते हैं। पहली आर्थिक। चंदन की मां, पिता, बहन और खुद चंदन की सबसे बड़ी इच्छा है कि उनका एक पक्का घर हो, यही सबसे बड़ा सपना है। पिता खटते हैं, बहन पढ़ाई छोड़कर स्कूल में दाई का काम करती है। बच्चों के पोतड़े साफ करती है। लेकिन पिता-बहन की कमाई से इतना नहीं जुट पाता कि वे अपने लिए पक्का घर बना सकें। सारा कुछ चंदन और उसके भविष्य पर निर्भर है। शोएब का सबसे बड़ा ख्वाब पिता के पैर का आपरेशन करना है, ताकि वे चल सकें।

वर्दी का वादा, ज़िंदगी का धोखा

दोनों इंटर पास हैं। पुलिस भर्ती की तैयारी कर रहे हैं। फार्म भर रहे हैं। परीक्षा दे रहे हैं। पहले परीक्षा नहीं होती, परीक्षाएं कभी होती हैं, तो रिजल्ट नहीं आता। लेकिन दोनों एक अन्य बड़े कारण से पुलिस में भर्ती होना चाहते हैं। वह कारण यह कि उन्हें लगता है कि यदि वे पुलिस बन जाएंगे, तो वाल्मीकि होने और मुस्लिम होने के चलते होने वाले रोज-रोज के अपमान और संघर्ष से मुक्ति मिल जाएगी। उनका आत्मसम्मान और व्यक्तिगत गरिमा वापस मिल जाएगी। चंदन कई बार एससी कैटेगरी में नहीं सामान्य कैटेगरी में फार्म भरता है ताकि वहां पुलिस में भी उसे वाल्माकि होने के चलते अपमानित न होना पड़े या किया जाए। अलग-अलग कारणों से दोनों पुलिस में भर्ती नहीं हो पाते। चंदन के अंतिम तौर पर भर्ती होने की जब सूचना आती है, तब तक उसकी मौत हो चुकी है। शोएब के पास एक विकल्प अरब देशों में जाने का है, लेकिन वह मां-बाप का अकेला बेटा है, वह उन्हें और अपने परिवेश को छोड़कर जाना नहीं चाहता है। चंदन अंत मे गुजरात मजदूरी करने जाता है। बाद में शोएब भी उसके पास ही आ जाता है। अंत में दोनों की नियति उन्हे फैक्ट्री में मजदूर बना देती है। दोनों अपने-अपने मजदूर परिवार को हाड़-तोड़ मेहनत-मजूदरी से बाहर निकालना चाहते हैं, खुद भी निकलना चाहते हैं, लेकिन उन्हें मजदूर ही बने रहना पड़ता है।

कोविड का प्रहार: 1200 किलोमीटर की मौत-यात्रा

दोनों के सपने कुछ उड़ान भरते है, तभी कोविड काल शुरू हो जाता है। सपने अधूरे ही दम तोड़ देते हैं। चंदन 1200 किलोमीटर की घर-वापसी की यात्रा में दम तोड़ देता है, शोएब की बाहों में। उसे बचाने की शोएब की सारी कोशिश नाकामयाब हो जाती है। फिल्म कोविड काल की मजदूरों पर पड़ी मार, पुलिसिया दमन और सिस्टम की निर्ममता का भी जीता-जागता चित्र प्रस्तुत करती है। इस पूरी प्रक्रिया में चंदन और शोएब के गहन मानवीय रिश्ते (दोस्ती) को फिल्म इस तरह सामने लाती है कि दर्शक के मन में इंसानी भाव भीतर तक भर जाता है। चंदन का शोएब की बाहों में दम तोड़ने का दृश्य, चंदन मर रहा है या शोएब, इसके बीच के अंतर को मिटा देता है।

ऑफिस की दीवारों में बंद अदृश्य सांप्रदायिकता

शोएब पुलिस भर्ती में असफल घोषित होने के बाद एक प्राइवेट फर्म में चपरासी का काम करता है। वहां अपनी योग्यता साबित करके सेल्समैन बन जाता है। उसकी जिंदगी उड़ान लेने की ओर बढ़ती है, सपने पूरा होने की ओर बढ़ते हैं। पर एक दिन जब उसी फर्म के लोग भारत-पाकिस्तान का क्रिकेट मैच देखने के लिए एक जगह जुटते हैं, पार्टी करते हैं। शोएब मैच के दौरान भारतीय टीम के सपोर्ट में सहज ही उत्साहित हो रहा है, तालियां बजा रहा है, लेकिन उसके ऑफिस के वरिष्ठ सहकर्मी भारत की जीत के उल्लास और विजयी भाव को जाहिर करने के लिए अकारण शोएब को धर्म के आधार पर निशाना बनाते हैं, उसे पाकिस्तानी टीम का समर्थक घोषित करते हैं, उसके खान-पान की खिल्ली उड़ाते हैं। उसकी मां के बनाए मूंग के हलवे को धर्म से जोड़कर गंदे इशारे करते हैं। स्थिति शोएब के लिए असहनीय हो जाती है और वह नौकरी छोड़ देता है। हालांकि यह ऑफिस में पहली घटना नहीं थी, लेकिन धर्म-पहचान आधारित छोटे-छोटे अपमानों को वह टालता रहता था। लेकिन किसी भी व्यक्ति की अपमान सहने की कोई न कोई तो सीमा होती ही है, उस दिन शोएब के लिए वह हद पार हो जाती है। ऐसा नहीं कि उस ऑफिस में कुछ एक अच्छे हिंदू नहीं है, हैं। लेकिन बहुत ही कम। उनकी आवाज उतनी मुखर नहीं है, जितनी धर्म-पहचान के आधार अपमानित करने वालों की।

ऐसा नहीं है कि इस फिल्म में सिर्फ त्रासदी ही त्रासदी है, खुशियों के पल नही हैं, प्यार के पल नहीं हैं, जीवन कभी ऐसा नहीं होता है। हर स्थिति में इंसान खुश होने का रास्ता ढूंढ़ ही लेता है, अपने सपनों को पूरा करने की कोशिश तो करता ही है। पढ़ाई और पुलिस भर्ती की तैयारी के दौरान चंदन-शोएब पूरी उम्मीद से भरे हैं, उन्हें अपनी मेहनत और तैयारी पर भरोसा है कि वे पुलिस में भर्ती जरूर हो जाएंगे। इस पढ़ाई, तैयारी और सपने देखने के दौरान वे खुशियों से उछलते हैं, कुलाचें भरते हैं। परिवार की गरीबी दूर हो जाएगी, घर बना जाएगा, पिता का आपरेशन हो जाएगा, पुलिस में भर्ती होते ही चंदन वाल्मीकि होने और शोएब मलिक होने के अपमान से छुटी मिल जाएगी। बस कुछ दिनों की बात है। यह सब सोचकर उनके दिल उमंग-उत्साह से भरे हुए हैं। बुरे दिन कुछ दिनों की बात है, यह उन्हें गहरी दिलासा दिलाता है।

इस सपने के टूटने के बाद अपनी नियति मान जब वे गुजरात में मजदूरी करने लगते हैं, जिंदगी की गाड़ी आगे बढ़ती है, पैसे घर भेजने लगते हैं। चंदन के घर के निर्माण का काम शुरू हो जाता है। पूरा घर खुश है। शोएब भी पैसा जुटाकर और कर्ज लेकर पिता के आपरेशन के पैसे जुटाता है, आपरेशन हो जाता है। खुशी का एक नया दौर आता है। सभी युवा मजदूर गुजरात में अभावों के बीच भी मौज-मस्ती का कोई न कोई रास्ता निकाल लेते हैं। वह शोएब के घर से आए अचार की छीना-छपटी ही क्यों न हो।

मोहब्बत, मज़दूरी और टूटते सपनों की दास्तान

फिल्म में एक नायिका भी है, यदि उसे नायिका कहना चाहें। सुधा भारती नाम है। चंदन वाल्मीकि और उसके बीच प्यार की एक डोर बंधी हैं। चंदन की जिंदगी में सुधा का प्यार उमस भरी गर्मी में एक ठंडी बहार के जैसी है, लेकिन चंदन की जिंदगी और सुधा की जिंदगी में बंबइया फिल्मों के प्रेमी जोड़े की तरह सिर्फ उछल-कूद, आह-उह, देवदास-पारो की तरह गम में डूबे रहने का वक्त नहीं हैं। परिवार, मां-बाप-बहन की रोटी, आवास और एक सम्मानजनक रोजगार माउंट एवरेस्ट की तरह सामने खड़ा है, जिसकी चढ़ाई की कोशिश में ही सारा दम निकल जाता है। यहां तक की मौत भी हो जाती है। फिल्म यहां थोड़ी कमजोर दिखी, सुधा के जीवन और जीवन-संघर्षों को दिखाने के लिए फिल्म में कोई स्पेस नहीं है। ऐसा लगता है कि सुधा को सिर्फ चंदन के चरित्र को उभारने के लिए लाया गया है। जबकि सुधा के माध्यम से जातीय-धार्मिक पहचान की कीमत क्या चुकानी पड़ती है, उसके साथ लैंगिक पहचान की कीमत क्या चुकानी पड़ती है, उसे भी सामने लाया जा सकता था। खैर जो नहीं है, वह नहीं है। सुधा को अंत में चंदन की लाश ही देखने को मिलती है।

कला की दृष्टि से इस फिल्म की सबसे अच्छी बात यह है कि व्यक्तियों के नायकत्व और खलनायकत्व की जगह उस समाजशास्त्र, धर्मशास्त्र, अर्थशास्त्र और उससे बनने वाले पूरी की पूरी व्यवस्था को कटघरे में खड़ा किया गया है। फिल्म में व्यक्ति केवल उस व्यवस्था के प्रतिनिधि के रूप में सामने आते हैं। चंदन वाल्मीकि और शोएब मलिक कुछ एक व्यक्तियों की अपराधिक मानसिकता के शिकार नहीं है, बल्कि पूरी की पूरी समाज व्यवस्था उनके प्रति आपराधिक है। कुछ व्यक्ति यदि अपराधी हों तो उनको ठीक किया जा सकता है, दंडित किया जा सकता है। लेकिन जहां पूरी की पूरी समाज व्यवस्था ही आपराधिक हो, वहां तो व्यक्तियों को नहीं, व्यवस्था को बदलने का कार्यभार सामने आ जाता है। इस फिल्म की एक यह बड़ी खूबी है। फिल्म देखते समय आपको कुछ व्यक्तियों से नहीं, उस पूरी व्यवस्था से नफरत होती है, जो वर्ण-जाति-वर्ग या धार्मिक पहचान के आधार पर सोचती है और व्यवहार करती हैं तथा जहां किसी व्यक्ति की नियति उसकी वर्ण-जाति-वर्ग और धार्मिक पहचान से निर्धारित होती है। फिल्म व्यक्ति और समाज के द्वंद्वात्मक रिश्ते के इस नाजुक संतुलन को कायम रखने में फिल्म कामयाब रही है।

रोजमर्रा के अपमानों का समकालीन भारतीय महाकाव्य

इस फिल्म की दूसरी कलात्मक खूबी यह है कि चंदन-शोएब जैसे लोगों के जीवन-यथार्थ को किसी अति पर ले जाकर अवास्तविक नहीं बनाती है। दलित-मुस्लिम उत्पीड़न को दिखाने के लिए किसी कभी-कभी दिल दहला देने वाली घटनाओं को विषय नहीं बनाती, जिसके बारे में कहा जा सके कि यह तो कभी-कभार होता है या कुछ एक के साथ होता है। वह भारतीय समाज के रोजमर्रा के जीवन में सहज-स्वाभविक तरीके से दलितों-मुसलमानों के साथ घटित होने वाले यथार्थ को अपना विषय बनाती है, जो रोज-बरोज बहुसख्यक दलितों-मुसमलानों के साथ हो रहा है। जो सहज व स्वाभाविक बहुतों के लिए बन चुका है। लेकिन यह सहज-स्वाभविक अपराध जिनके साथ घटते हैं, उनके लिए किस कदर भयावह होते हैं, कितना जानलेवा होता हैं, फिल्म उसे सामने लाती है। जो किसी के लिए सहज-सामान्य व्यवहार है, वह किसी के लिए कितना यातनादायी है, इसकी ओर ध्यान दिलाती है।

फिल्म में यदि जाह्नवी कपूर को छोड़ दिया जाए तो किसी स्टार-सुपरस्टार को नहीं लिया गया है। फिल्म में जाह्नवी की भूमिका बहुत छोटी है, उनका स्टारडम हावी नहीं होने पाया है। ईशान खट्टर (शोएब मलिक) और विशाल जेठवा (चंदन वाल्मीकि) का अभिनेता रूप फिल्म के चरित्रों पर हावी नहीं होता। अभिनेता और चरित्र पूरी तरह एकाकार हैं। चरित्रों पर अभिनेता हावी नहीं हैं।

फिल्म में एक अन्य रेखांकित करने लायक चीज यह है कि यह बड़े-बड़े विमर्शों की फिल्म नहीं है। हिंदी में कई चर्चित विमर्श आधारित कलात्मक फिल्में भी बनी हैं, जिसके लिए नसीरूद्दीन शाह, ओमपुरी, अनुपम खेर आदि जाने जाते रहे हैं। विमर्श आधारित फिल्में बौद्धिक वर्ग के एक हिस्से तक तो अपना प्रयोजन संप्रेषित कर पाती हैं, लेकिन आम आदमी उससे जुड़ नहीं पाता। यह फिल्म सामान्य जिंदगी की कहानी को बिलकुल सामान्य तरीके से प्रस्तुत करती है, बिना किसी विशेष ताम-झाम या अबूझ संकेतों के। चंदन या शोएब की जिंदगी वाल्मिकी समाज या व्यापक अर्थों में दलित समाज और शोएब की जिंदगी मुस्लिम समाज के निम्म मध्यवर्गीय युवाओं की सपनों-संघर्षों की जिंदगी है। ऐसे एक दो नहीं, करोड़ों युवा और उनके संघर्ष आसानी से देखे जा सकते हैं।

निर्देशक नीरज घायवान ने भारतीय समाज में जाति, धर्म और वर्ग के बीच के रिश्ते कैसे घुले-मिले हैं, कैसे आपस में गुथे हुए हैं, कैसे किसी व्यक्ति या व्यक्तियों की जिंदगी की दिशा और नियति तय करते हैं, इसको पकड़ने और प्रस्तुत करने में कामयाबी हासिल की है।

नीरज घायवन की यह हिंदी फ़िल्म ‘होमबाउंड’ ऑस्कर, 2026 (98वें अकादमी पुरस्कार) में सर्वश्रेष्ठ अंतर्राष्ट्रीय फीचर फ़िल्म श्रेणी के लिए भारत की आधिकारिक प्रविष्टि चुनी गई है। इसे ऑस्कर मिले। इससे न केवल निर्देशक और फिल्म यूनिट के लिए, सिनेमा जगत के लिए और देश के लिए भी अच्छी बात होगी। उससे अच्छी बात यह होगी, शायद इस बहाने इस देश के हाशिए पर फेंक दिए गए दलित-मुस्लिम और मेहनतकश लोग और उनकी स्थिति लोगों की आंखों के सामने आए, उनके दिलों में उतरे।

Indian Team Discovers 53 Giant Radio Quasars, Some 50 Times Bigger Than the Milky Way

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Kolkata: A team of four Indian astronomers from West Bengal discovers 53 new rare giant radio quasars, 20 to 50 times bigger than the Milky Way. A research paper named “Unveiling New Giant Radio Quasars from the TGSS Sky and Their Large-scale Environment,” published in the The Astrophysical Journal Supplement Series, tells of this.

A team of four Indian astronomers, led by prominent astronomer Dr Sabyasachi Pal of Midnapore City College, recently discovered 369 radio quasars exhibiting enormous radio jets that stretch from approximately 0.2 to nearly 7.2 million light-years using data from the TIFR GMRT Sky Survey (TGSS) at 150 MHz. Of the newly discovered astronomical objects, 53 have been identified as giant radio quasars.

How Bengal’s Astronomers Mapped the Universe’s Longest Radio Jets

Under the leadership of Dr Pal, two young scientists, Dr Souvik Manik from Midnapore City College and Dr Netai Bhukta from Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University, conducted much of the work. Dr Sushanta K Mondal from Sidho-Kanho-Birsha University also contributed significantly to this project. The researchers used the TGSS data because its low observing frequency, wide sky coverage, and high sensitivity of the GMRT (the Giant Metrewave Radio Telescope) make it ideal for identifying such gigantic radio-emitting structures in the distant universe.

Quasars are supermassive black holes, typically containing ten million to a billion times the mass of the Sun, surrounded by intensely luminous disks of gas and dust, and are found at the centers of distant galaxies. Only a small fraction of quasars emit strong radio waves, and most of these radio sources appear compact at radio wavelengths. However, a tiny subset of these rare radio-emitting quasars exhibit enormous radio jets that shine brightly in radio wavelengths, stretching across several million light-years, known as giant radio quasars.

Why Giant Radio Quasars Hold Clues to Black Hole Evolution

Their projected jet lengths span several million light-years. Young scientist Dr Souvik Manik added, “The sizes of these radio jets are not comparable to our solar system or even our galaxy; we are talking about twenty to fifty Milky Way diameters placed side by side.” Galaxies that emit radio signals are called radio galaxies. Each radio galaxy has one or more supermassive black holes at its center. Jets of charged particles are emitted in two directions from the region near these black holes, which are mainly visible at radio wavelengths. The jets from these radio galaxies are sometimes larger than the Milky Way.

At the center of these systems lies a supermassive black hole that draws in the surrounding gas and dust through an accretion disk. As this material spirals inward, it becomes extremely hot and ionized, producing intense magnetic fields in the inner regions of the disk. These fields are believed to channel and accelerate streams of high-energy plasma away from the black hole’s poles, forming powerful relativistic jets that shoot out in opposite directions and travel vast distances through space. Over time, these jets inflate into enormous lobes of radio-emitting plasma that extend far beyond the visible boundaries of their host galaxies. “Their enormous radio jets make these quasars valuable for understanding both the late stages of their evolution and the intergalactic medium in which they expand, the tenuous gas that confines their radio lobes millions of light-years from the central black hole,” said Dr Pal.

Chaotic Early Universe Explains Extreme Jet Asymmetry, Say Researchers

Dr Pal also tells us that the addition of 53 new giant radio quasars significantly expands the known population of such rare objects. The main significance is the size of the newly assembled sample, which is larger than many earlier catalogs. Interestingly, the enormous sizes of these quasars also provide clues about how long jets remain active and how quickly they expand.

Many leading astronomers and research groups have highlighted that uncovering such a powerful and distant quasar provides an important opportunity to study the formation and evolution of supermassive black holes at megaparsec scales as well as the conditions of the early universe and its surrounding environment, jet evolution, and the physical conditions of the young cosmos. Several teams have also remarked that the discovery demonstrates the continued scientific value of archival radio surveys and the capabilities of low-frequency radio telescopes in revealing rare, high-redshift objects.

“It appears that the environment plays a major role in shaping how these radio jets evolve,” comments Dr Bhukta. “In denser regions, the jets might be slowed down, bent, or disrupted by the surrounding gas, while in emptier regions, they can grow freely across the intergalactic medium.” Although most quasars launch two opposing radio jets, the team observed that these jets are often unequal in length or brightness, a feature known as radio jet asymmetry. Regarding this, “This asymmetry tells us that these jets are battling against an uneven cosmic environment,” explained Dr Mondal. “On one side, the jet may be ploughing into denser clouds of intergalactic gas, slowing its growth, while the other side expands freely through a thinner medium.” The team also found that giant quasars at higher redshifts tend to show greater asymmetry than lower-redshift sources. This could be because the early universe was more chaotic and filled with denser gas that distorted the jets’ paths. This observation offers insight into how galaxies and their environments evolved during that era.

Dr Pal informs us that follow-up observations are already underway using the upgraded GMRT and the Very Large Array for further advanced studies. They’re also conducting optical or infrared spectroscopy for precise redshifts and X-ray observations to probe the hot gas around the host galaxies. In this way, discoveries of many new giant quasar models directly strengthen the black hole theory and indirectly improve the modern cosmological models.