[dropcap]H[/dropcap]aving visited Edinburgh multiple times, it’s undeniable that this city holds a significant place on the global cultural map. The vibrant festivals celebrating diverse art forms, the ever-changing weather, the warm and friendly locals, and the quintessentially Scottish atmosphere make Edinburgh feel like a world apart. This city, steeped in history, has always had a knack for surprises, especially regarding its connections with India, particularly my work base city, Kolkata—a fact that continuously enriches my understanding of global cultural interweaving.
In this culturally rich city, the first Indian Student Association in the UK was established. This was a surprising revelation, considering that many renowned cultural cities worldwide often hold hidden gems within their archives. The more I travel globally, the more my knowledge of #BaharBharat amazes me about Bharat. For instance, during a trip to Rio de Janeiro, I stumbled upon unexpected Bengali connections, which I later detailed in my articles. These historical threads, seemingly minor, weave a complex tapestry of cross-cultural exchanges that define our global heritage.
The Edinburgh Indian Association (EIA), founded in 1883, is a testament to these intricate connections. Initially established as a society for Indian students studying in Edinburgh, the association quickly became a vital platform for social events, debates, and cultural exchanges between Indians and Scots. It remained a student association until the 1950s, then it was taken over by members of the Indian diaspora in the city.
One pivotal moment in the EIA’s history came in 1911 when the association fought for and won its independence from university authorities. This legal victory marked a significant step towards self-determination and autonomy for Indian students in the UK. The EIA lost this court case, but perhaps despite this loss—or because of it—the students were able to run the affairs of the EIA without any serious inputs from the Trustees of the EIA. 11 George Square was owned by the University but there is no evidence that it tried to dictate what the students did or said, so to that extent, they had self-determination and autonomy.
EIA dining and reading room at 11 George Square
From 1911 to the 1950s, the EIA rented rooms at 11 George Square which became a vibrant hub featuring a debating hall, adining hall serving Indian cuisine, a library, and recreational facilities like a billiard room and a ping pong table. When I visited this time, the square was bustling with a festival, and it took a bit of time to locate the building.
I was informed by my friend, Professor Roger Jeffrey, Honorary Professorial Fellow at the School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, who was in India earlier this year with whom we had a productive meeting during his visit, exploring the potential for future collaborations that the EIA was not just a social club; it was a radicalising force that nurtured future leaders. Professor Roger still conducts tours showcasing this building and discussing its historical and academic significance.
Its members went on to play crucial roles in movements such as the British Guiana East Indian Association, the Non-European Unity Movement in South Africa, and the Indian National Congress. This highlights the profound impact that Edinburgh had on shaping leaders who would go on to influence global politics and social movements.
Edinburgh alum Kesaveloo Goonam Naidoo’s recollections of the EIA provide a window into its vibrant intellectual life. The association hosted illustrious visitors like Nobel Laureate Sir CV Raman and the controversial Right Srinivasa Sastri, whose visit sparked intense debates among Indian students. It also hosted Sir P C Ray, also an alum of the university, possibly a founder member (though we have no evidence of this: he came to Edinburgh in 1882) when he returned on a visit in 1920. These interactions not only enriched the cultural and intellectual milieu of Edinburgh but also mirrored the broader struggle for India’s independence.
As the Home Rule movement gained momentum in India, the EIA became increasingly active in political discussions, drawing the attention of Scotland Yard. This surveillance underscores the significant role that diaspora communities played in anti-colonial movements, acting as crucial nodes in the global network of resistance against British imperialism.
Reflecting on the legacy of Edinburgh Indian Association from a 21st-century perspective, it becomes evident that Edinburgh has been more than just a picturesque city with a rich cultural heritage. It has been a crucible of ideas, debates, and movements that have shaped the modern world. The historical ties between Edinburgh and India, exemplified by the EIA, remind us of the importance of cross-cultural connections in fostering intellectual growth and social change.
रांची: झारखंड की राजधानी में मंगलवार को एक अलग नज़ारा देखने को लोगों को मिला, जब झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा से जुड़े सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता हाथों में बैनर और अंडा लिए बीच शहर खड़े हुए। उनकी मांग थी झारखंड सरकार के उस आदेश को लागू करना जिसमें आंगनबाड़ी में हर दिन एक अंडा देने को बोला गया था।
मंगलवार को, झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा से जुड़े सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने दो विरोध प्रदर्शन किए। वे आगामी विधानसभा चुनावों में भारतीय जनता पार्टी के खिलाफ अपनी लड़ाई की घोषणा करने के साथ-साथ सोरेन सरकार को अपने वादों को पूरा करने की याद दिलाने के लिए राजभवन के सामने धरने पर बैठे। बाद में बारिश के बावजूद कार्यकर्ताओं ने अल्बर्ट एक्का चौक पर तख्ती और अंडा भी पकड़ रखा था, जिसमें आंगनबाड़ी केंद्रों में बच्चों के लिए अंडा उपलब्ध कराने को तत्काल लागू करने की मांग की गई।
दोनों कार्यक्रमों में राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ता और स्वराज इंडिया एवं भारत जोड़ो अभियान से जुड़े योगेंद्र यादव भी शामिल हुए।
शामिल लोगों ने डबल बुलडोज़र भाजपा राज नहीं चाहिए, और हेमंत सरकार, जन वादे निभाओ के नारे भी लगाए।
विभिन्न जिलों से 2000 से अधिक लोग रांची पहुंचे और ‘भाजपा हटाओ, झारखंड बचाओ’ और ‘हेमंत सोरेन सरकार, जन मुद्दों पर वादा निभाओ’ लगाए।
योगेन्द्र यादव ने कहा कि लगातार राज्य में साम्प्रदायिकता फैलाने की कोशिश हो रही है. जनता तो डबल बुलडोज़र भाजपा राज नहीं चाहती है। लेकिन हेमंत सोरेन सरकार को जन मुद्दों पर सच्चाई और प्रतिबद्धता के साथ कार्रवाई कर के जनता के संघर्ष का साथ देना होगा।
लोगों ने आदिवासी-दलित बच्चों में व्यापक कुपोषण के मुद्दे को भी उठाया। एक रिपोर्ट के अनुसार झारखंड के 40 फीसद बच्चे कुपोषित हैं।
सोमवती देवी ने कहा कि हेमंत सोरेन सरकार ने पांच सालों में कई बार घोषणा किया कि मध्याह्न भोजन और आंगनवाड़ी में बच्चों को रोज़ अंडे दिए जायेंगे। लेकिन पांच साल गुज़र जाने के बाद भी सरकार बच्चों की थाली में अंडा नहीं दे पाई है।
ज्यां द्रेज़ ने याद दिलाया कि आदिवासी-दलितों के लिए फर्जी मामले और सालों तक जेल में विचाराधीन बन के बंद रहना भी एक बड़ी समस्या है. गठबंधन दलों ने घोषणा पत्र में वादा किया था कि लम्बे समय से जेल में बंद विचाराधीन कैदियों को रिहा किया जायेगा।लेकिन इस पर किसी प्रकार की कार्रवाई नहीं हुई।
हेमंत सोरेन और झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा के कार्यकर्तागण | साभार: एक्स/हेमंतसोरेनजेएमएम
धरने की शुरुआत में मंथन ने कहा कि 2019 के विधानसभा चुनाव में झामुमो-कांग्रेस-राजद गठबंधन दल अपने घोषणा पत्र में अनेक जन मुद्दों पर कार्यवाई का वादा किये थे। पिछले 5 सालों में राज्य सरकार ने जन अपेक्षा अनुरूप कई काम किये हैं लेकिन अनेक महत्त्वपूर्ण वादे अभी भी अपूर्ण हैं।
बिरसा हेम्ब्रम ने कहा कि पूर्व की भाजपा सरकार द्वारा राज्य की 22 लाख एकड़ गैरमजरूआ व सामुदायिक ज़मीन को लैंड बैंक में डाल दिया गया था। बिना ग्राम सभा से पूछे, लैंड बैंक से जमीन का आवंटन विभिन्न सरकारी और निजी परियोजनाओं के लिए किया जा रहा है। झामुमो ने इसे रद्द करने का वादा किया था लेकिन इस पर सरकार चुप्पी साधी हुई है।
जेम्स हेरेंज ने कहा इसी प्रकार भूमि अधिग्रहण कानून (झारखंड) संशोधन, 2017 के तहत निजी व सरकारी परियोजनाओं के लिए बिना ग्राम सभा की सहमति व सामाजिक प्रभाव आकलन के बहुफसलीय भूमि समेत निजी व सामुदायिक भूमि का जबरन अधिग्रहण हो रहा है। पश्चिमी सिंहभूम से आये हेलेन सुंडी ने पूछा कि अपनी चुनी हुई सरकार आदिवासियों का अस्तित्व खत्म होने का इंतजार कर रही है?
अजय एक्का ने कहा कि यह दुःख की बात है कि इस सरकार में भी संसाधनों और स्थानीय व्यवस्था पर पारंपरिक ग्राम सभा के अधिकारों को सुनिश्चित करने के लिए पेसा की नियमावली नहीं बन पाई. वन अधिकारों पर संघर्ष करने वाले जॉर्ज मनिपल्ली ने कहा कि राज्य सरकार वन पट्टों के आवंटन के बड़े-बड़े दावे कर रही है लेकिन राज्य के हजारों निजी व सामुदायिक दावे लंबित हैं। सरकार ने घोषणा की थी कि 9 अगस्त 2024 को हर ज़िले में 100-100 सामुदायिक वन पट्टों का वितरण किया जायेगा। लेकिन आज तक एक भी नहीं हुआ है। लातेहार से आए प्रणेश राणा ने कहा कि वन विभाग सदियों से खेती कर रहे ग्रामीणों पर फर्जी मामले दर्ज कर रही है।
आदिवासी समुदायों की मूल समस्याओं के साथ-साथ राज्य में दलित समुदाय भी अस्तित्व की लड़ाई लड़ रहा है। सफाई कर्मचारी आंदोलन के धरम वाल्मीकि ने बताया कि महज़ जाति प्रमाण पत्र और सीवर सेफ्टी टैंक में हो रही मौतों, के मुख्य संघर्ष है अनेक दलित युवा प्रमाण पत्र न बनने के कारण पढाई व रोजगार से वंचित हो रहे हैं। हालांकि राज्य सरकार ने भूमिहीन परिवारों के जाति प्रमाण पत्र के लिए एक प्रक्रिया बनाकर रखी है, लेकिन वो इतनी जटिल है कि प्रमाण पत्र मिलना ही बहुत मुश्किल है।
देर शाम मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन ने महासभा के लोगों से मुलाकात की और वादा किया कि उनकी मांगों पर गंभीरता से विचार करेगी सरकार।
Kolkata: Kirity Roy, a well-known human rights activist in West Bengal. has been active in raising issues of people living around the India-Bangladesh border. The secretary of MASUM has also participated in several RG Kar protest rallies be it at Serampore, Hooghly or in Moula Ali. But now, the human rights activist is opposing the death penalty proposed to the rapists in the Aparajita Bill 2024 passed by the Bengal assembly led by Mamata Banerjee government.
Roy is not alone, Nisha Biswas, another prominent face in the field of activism in Bengal, Kavita Krishnan, women rights activist, who had led the 2012 Delhi Gangrape protest in national capital. And Dayamani Barla, a civil and tribal rights activist, who is known as Iron Lady in Jharkhand opposed the death sentence proposed in the anti-rape bill.
On August 9, the dead body of a trainee doctor pursuing her post-graduation from RG Kar Medical College and Hospital recovered was recovered from the seminar hall of the medical college hospital. Soon it was established that the 31 year-old trainee doctor had also been raped. After the news, anger spilled over across Kolkata, and later to Bengal and India. Kolkata Police arrested one Sanjay Roy, still the protest did not stop. The case was handed over to the CBI, but the movement to change the system and make the workplace safe for women continued. The Supreme Court too took Cognizance, a rarity in recent times, but protests that already became a movement did not die. Amid all these Mamata Banerjee, brought a bill in Bengal assembly, proposing capital punishment to rapists. The Bill introduces the death penalty or life-long imprisonment for rape by amending the relevant sections in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the new penal code. In fact, death has been sought to be prescribed for five offences — rape; rape by police officer or public servant; rape causing death or sending victim to persistent vegetative state; gang rape, and being a repeat offender. It also amends the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita to provide for special courts to try such offences in a time-bound manner, and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012, to provide for death in cases of penetrative sexual assault and its aggravated form. The President’s assent will be required for the State amendments.
No Conclusive Empirical Studies That Show The Death Penalty Deters Crime
The incident pointed towards the negligence of Bengal’s Health department, police investigation, and crippled administration of the state government. To protest against this heinous crime and corrupted system, every citizen of West Bengal is moving out to the street and raising their voice for justice for about a month. Under these circumstances, the Mamata Banerjee Government announced this anti-rape Bill to divert the movement, said Kirity Roy.
Mamata Banerjee introducing Aparajita Bill in Bengal assembly | Courtesy: PTI
Roy further pointed out, “The death penalty is not a definitive answer to crime, as it fails to address the root causes and complexities of criminal behaviour. There are no conclusive empirical studies that show the death penalty deters crime. It is unacceptable for a civilized society that killers need to be killed as it perpetuates the cycle of violence. Article 21 of the Indian Constitution and Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) both state that everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security of person and the death penalty violates both. A total of 112 countries have abolished the death penalty for all crimes, while 9 others have done so for common law offences. Additionally, 23 nations are in the process of abolishing capital punishment. However, 55 countries, including India, continue to retain the death penalty.”
The activist mentioned that how judiciary, administrative and legislative bodies are not doing its work, “We cannot reject that the struggle for women’s emancipation cannot be separated from the struggle against the hierarchical patriarchy in India. Unfortunately, laws, courts, parliaments, and ministries are happy to embrace this flawed system.”
“In the Nirvaya rape and murder case, Justice Verma Committee pointed out that-‘In the larger interests of society, and having regard to the current thinking in favour of the abolition of the death penalty, and also to avoid the argument of any sentencing arbitrariness, we are not inclined to recommend the death penalty. However, ruling political parties are arguing for encounter, death penalty as a result of justice for personal and political gain. Mahatma Gandhi’s famous quote, ‘An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind’ is a lesson for us that violence cannot be the solution for another-violence. The politics of revenge and state-sanctioned killings sustain cycles of violence,” he added.
Institutional Rape and Murder: A Major Concern, Prevent That
Nisha Biswas, a Kolkata based activist reacted, “My first question, why is there a different name for the victims? Sometimes it was Nirbhaya, Sometimes Abhaya and now Aparajita. If somebody has been raped, or brutalized, how she becomes Aparajita or Nirbhaya? Why hide the identity? We are not Nirbahya or Abhaya? We fear, in our lives. When we move on the roads, we fear. My age is 70 years, but at a lone place, if I hear some sound from my back, I turn in fear to see who is coming. This fear has been instilled in us.”
“Laws have been made in Maharashtra and Andhra and awaiting approval from The President of India. We have given capital punishment to people from Kolkata to Delhi. We hanged Dhananjay, what changed after that? After the Verma committee’s recommendation, the punishment from 7 to 10 years has increased but the conviction rate has gone down. For RG Kar protest, I was in Barasat recently, where a daughter was raped, now if there will be the death penalty, nobody in the family will support her. In most of the cases, rapes happen in homes, so how many cases will come out then?” she asked.
She pointed out, “Institutional murder is the main issue, it happened in RG Kar and in Uttar Pradesh too. Raped happened inside the ambulance, the patient was murdered and the wife was raped.”
“Society should be changed to instruct males, not females, instead of asking women to enter the home by 8 pm, it should be said to men. The laws were changed in Nirbhaya time too, and minors were hanged, but have they changed? I believe that even if the criminal has done the crime, he or she should not be hanged,” Nisha added.
The banner of a protest for justice in RG Kar’s rape and murder case reads: “Sorry for the inconvenience, State. Repair work is in progress
New Clothes, Women-Friendly Courtrooms, police-doctor should not have last word, essential for Rape Victims
Kavita Krishnan, the author of Fearless Freedom told eNewsroom, “The introduction of the death sentence will lead to more deaths of rape victims. We have laws in place, it is a question of how to implement them. How to make sure that policing, safety and rape victim’s dignity take place properly.”
The women rights activist said further, “What can be done for prevention of rape, for justice and rape survivors, some of those suggestions are there in the Verma committee report. Implementing these measures would be a great start. The Verma committee not only recommended changing the laws but it recommended specific measures that governments should be making which should be budgeted for and government should be transparent where it has been allocated.”
“Quick justice is bad. It is simply bad for the quality of judicial functioning. There will be no pressure on police to do an intensive investigation. Their sub-standard work will be incentivized. Even the courts will be pressurizing to quickly pass the judgments. The answer is increasing the number of judges and courts, and it is not just for rape survivors but for the people at large,” she mentioned.
“There are several reasons for opposing the Aparajita bill. One is, the way it has been drafted and passed. In this kind of haste. And in a tense situation. Where the government has not even responded to other questions of justice in the RG Kar case. In the wake of Nirbhaya, when there was a proposal to draft a bill and set up a Verma committee, activists feared it would be a mere appeasement. Our taxpayer’s money should be put in place to make institutional changes.
The activist who has watched many such major rape incidents suggested several important steps needed to be done than just pronouncing capital punishment, “Simple things can matter a lot in rape cases as suggested by Dr Pratiksha Bakshi. New clothes should be provided to rape victims in police stations and hospitals, as the clothes they remain wearing get used for evidence. Courtrooms should be made women-friendly, as it is mostly masculine. The judges still allow the prosecution to ask dehumanizing questions related to rape. The drawing conclusion of whether rape happened or not should not be done on police or even doctor’s finding, it could only be noted down.”
Societal, Administrative and Judicial Reform Key to Ending Rape
Dayamani Barla, the iron lady of Jharkhand too believes that capital punishment will not end the evils in society. “I believe that if we have to end the evils in society, the entire society, administration as well as the judiciary system should work responsibly and together. Then only the cases of rape will be stopped or lessened,” she said.
And added, “The laws which have been made to provide safety to women should be strictly implemented. I strongly believe that the death penalty will not stop the evils in society.”
Kolkata: Kolkata: The two-page resignation letter from Jawhar Sircar, the Trinamool Congress Rajya Sabha member who has resigned from politics and the Rajya Sabha over the mishandling of the RG Kar rape and murder case involving a trainee doctor by the Mamata Banerjee government, reflects the current state of Bengal.
The bureaucrat-turned-politician, posting his resignation letter addressing TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee on social media wrote, “I am quitting as MP primarily because of WB government’s faulty handling of the most spontaneous public movement following the terrible rape-murder case at RG Kar Hospital. I am also quitting politics. I will be with the people in their struggle for justice. My commitment to secular, democratic values will remain unchanged forever. Today, I quit politics.”
The letter not only highlighted the mishandling of the RG Kar rape and murder case but also pointed out the unchecked corruption in the state. Despite being a member of the highest house of the Indian parliamentary system, he was unable to meet with the Chief Minister of Bengal.
“I had to say all this in writing as I have not had the opportunity to speak privately with you In several months. I express my gratitude again for the opportunity you gave me to raise Bengal’s issues in parliament for 3 years, but I do not wish to continue as MP at all. My commitment to fight corruption, communalism and authoritarianism in the Centre and the States is simply non-negotiable,” the third last paragraph of the letter reads.
eNewsroom had recently published a story on Jawhar Sircar, on his excellent report card inside Rajya Sabha.
At the national level, while Mahua Moitra and Derek O’Brien have become prominent TMC faces, Sircar has recently gained popularity due to his important debates on financial issues and factual answers. The 72-year-old former IAS officer remains very active on social media and frequently posts. His writings on religious festivals are a rare work on Facebook by an authentic source. He writes about every festival celebrated in the country.
Since the RG Kar incident, while other TMC members have remained silent, the former chairperson of Prasar Bharati frequently commented in his posts that he found the state government’s work to be ‘very callous’.
However, on social media, there is a flood of messages on Sircar’s resignation letter, and most are respecting his decision. There are people like Kirti Chidambaram, MP from Shivganga who expressed surprise, “Surprised & disappointed by your decision. Parliament needs people like you. You added great value to our discussions in the Parliamentary Standing Committee on IT. While I understand your angst, I hope you will reconsider (sic).”
Some, like River Phoenix, suggested that it was time to stand with the party and that he should have resigned after 3-4 months, “Quitting or not quitting is totally your decision. But quitting your party when it is going through a tremendous crisis and opposition just shows opportunism. Whatever things are wrong in the party must have been wrong before also. But you didn’t quit before. Now when the party is facing backlash and opposition, you try to save yourself at this time, which is the worst kind of backstabbing anyone can do. You could have at least waited 3-4 months before things would have quietened, but leaving it now sends the worst message to the public about the party (sic).”
Political analyst Rasheed Kidwai told eNewsroom on Sircar’s resignation, “Though I am a well-wisher of Jawhar Sircar, you must understand the situation. Crime against women is a blot on the society and rape in India is very unfortunate. But if you see things after Nirbhaya Case, the rapes have increased. And the conviction rate, being 26-27 percent, is poor. It has become systematic. Not only are rapes occurring, but victims are also being killed, which makes the situation even more serious. Controlling this issue is beyond the capability of any political party; it involves society, the judiciary, and religious groups.”
Kidwai continued, “The solution of fast-track courts and speedy trial is also not justifiable as an innocent person will not have time to save himself. In many cases, higher courts have turned down lower courts’ decisions. The outrage is also selective; several equally heinous rape cases have occurred across the country since the RG Kar incident, including the recent Ujjain rape case, yet there has been little public outcry.”
“The rank and file of TMC are very diverse, with actors, artists, activists, and public intellectuals. Sircar and others should pressure Mamata Banerjee for better action in this regard. Being self-rightist is a choice, but correcting the system within the party is a good fight to do,” the political analyst added.
Reacting to Sircar’s letter, TMC leader Kunal Ghosh said that he agrees to a big part of Jawhar Sircar’s letter to Mamata Banerjee regarding his decision to resign as Rajya Sabha member.
“We have heard Jawhar Sircar has taken a decision. He was one of the best bureaucrats in the country, the greatest from West Bengal. It is his personal stand, decision, and letter. I won’t comment on it. He has the right to take a decision,” Ghosh said.
“We also agree with a big part of his letter. But our stand is that under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee and Abhishek Banerjee, we will take visible steps to address the concerns of civil society. We will try to address that by remaining in the party,” he added.
Delhi: In a dramatic turn of events, the Congress party has made a bold move in the run-up to the Haryana Assembly elections, drawing attention and excitement by welcoming two of India’s most celebrated wrestlers, Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia, into its fold. The announcement, made on a Friday in New Delhi, saw the wrestlers join the Grand Old Party in a grand display of political maneuvering, with Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge and General Secretary KC Venugopal presiding over the occasion.
The induction of Phogat and Punia is being seen as a strategic maneuver by Congress to galvanize the youth and capture the electorate’s imagination. Both wrestlers, having recently resigned from their positions in Indian Railways—Phogat having been employed under the sports quota—are now set to launch their political careers. Their departure from their esteemed sports positions underscores their commitment to their new path, one that they hope will transform their popularity in the wrestling arena into political capital.
Their entry into Congress is not just about political debut; it carries with it a rich backdrop of recent activism. Both Phogat and Punia were prominent figures in the protests against Brijbhushan Sharan Singh, the former Wrestling Federation of India Chief and BJP MP, whom they accused of molestation. Their activism, which captured national attention and led to legal proceedings now ongoing in court, positions them as champions of justice and rights, a narrative Congress is keen to leverage.
Phogat is expected to contest from Badli, while Punia is eyeing either Julana or Badli—seats known for their significant Jat population, which could play a crucial role in their electoral prospects. The wrestlers’ recent show of support for protesting farmers further aligns them with grassroots issues, potentially endearing them to voters who have seen them advocate for critical causes.
Yet, the path to electoral success is fraught with challenges. The story of wrestlers in Haryana politics is mixed, with past figures like Yogeshwar Dutt and Babita Phogat struggling to make a significant impact despite being fielded by the BJP in 2019. Their experiences serve as a cautionary tale that not all sports icons translate their public adulation into political victories.
With the BJP grappling with anti-incumbency sentiments and Congress gaining momentum, the political landscape in Haryana is ripe for change. The question remains: can Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia defy the odds and turn their sports fame into electoral success? Only time will tell if their wrestling prowess will translate into political clout in Haryana’s turbulent political arena.
[dropcap]I[/dropcap] had stood last or second last in every class from Class 7 onward and had managed to fail in Class 8, necessitating a repeat of the year. The Headmaster of St Xavier’s seriously considered expelling me from school, but at my father’s fervent pleas, he gave me a last chance by shifting me from Science to Humanities. So, in 1967, I joined Class 10 in Humanities— which was the second year of our three-year ‘high school’ course.
The other ‘feathers’ in my cap were the several warnings I received for ‘poor conduct,’ mischief, and misbehavior. In other words, I was declared an ideal bad student when I joined, not without trepidation, on the first day in my new Humanities class—without knowing what had already been taught in Class 9. Everything was strange in this Class 10: the room, the boys, the subjects. No physics, chemistry, or maths—only vague subjects like history, geography, and literature.
But the strangest element was the class teacher, Father PY Gilson. I had seen this peculiar priest in the corridors and had always wondered how this placid Belgian missionary, with no noticeable chin and a peculiar French accent, survived the heat of India and the turmoil of unruly boys. Though he knew of my terrible reputation, he took no note and asked me to move to the first bench—something I had never done before. He then proceeded straight into the lessons, little realizing that I could hardly understand anything. Be that as it may, I was unconsciously drawn into his fascinating stories. Which child can resist a good story? Father Gilson seemed to weave tales with his magical voice and funny accent. His narrative was so life-like that I listened spellbound and gently stepped onto a magic carpet that carried me over fantasy lands. For the first time in my life, I was not bored in the classroom, and when the period ended, I could not believe it—I had actually enjoyed the literature!
More wonders followed as Father Gilson’s stories continued to flow from his magician’s hat. Soon, I started looking forward to his classes. Perhaps the greatest transformation he induced in me was not only a friendly attitude towards his subjects but towards studies in general. And that was just the beginning. Between classes and after classes, he encouraged me to meet him for extra lessons to make up for the year’s study that I had missed in Class 9. The special care he took with me had a soothing influence not only on my attitude towards studies but on the world at large.
However, my reverie was soon shattered by the reality of the first-class tests. I dreaded these approaching exams, convinced that I would never pass them, despite my brief flirtation with academics. “English Essay” was the first test, and I distinctly remember telling Father Gilson, with a choking voice, that I just could not write properly. His encouragement could hardly stop the streams of sweat that flowed endlessly during the exam.
When the results came out, you could have knocked me down with a feather. I had stood fourth in class! My parents were overjoyed, my friends pinched me, but nobody realized what it did to my confidence. The next surprise was a ‘first’ in Arithmetic. Coming from the Science stream to Humanities, it was not too difficult to score, and I had learned to dream. History, Geography, and other subjects followed, and I could not stop this new-found excitement for ‘topping’ in class. The rest was just crazy: one small success followed another, of course, with a lot of toil under Father Gilson’s constant guidance.
A few months later, we were all shocked to learn that Father Gilson was to leave for another school, and then, in a day or two, he was gone! I wept openly. Nobody had ever treated me like this before. Nobody else could turn around a sad case like mine into a fairy tale. And thanks to him, I am where I am today—there is no doubt about that.
A decade later, I was in the IAS and posted as Additional District Magistrate of Asansol and Durgapur in the Burdwan district of West Bengal. I was overjoyed to hear from a friend that Father Gilson was the Headmaster of St Xavier’s, Durgapur. I sought an immediate appointment and was eager to tell him that he was the teacher who had turned my life around. Would he recognize me? I could hardly wait!
The day finally arrived. A strange feeling of nostalgia overpowered me as the official car drove into the school with red lights, policemen, and the other unavoidable trappings of authority. I was ushered into Father Headmaster’s room, where a familiar scent greeted me. He was not there, as he had to take a class because some teacher was absent.
But he came in soon and shook my hand warmly. “I am proud of you,” he said. He was just the same, a trifle older. I was transformed—from a picture of confidence to a quivering, nervous ‘student’ groping for words. Even before I could frame my gratitude into proper sentences, the bell rang, and Father Gilson sprang up from his chair exclaiming: “Oh my God, there’s another class to attend. And the little boys are waiting. Naughty, you know. Like you were. I must go. God bless you, my son. Do well. But I must leave.” The good Jesuit teacher, whom I would never see alive again, had no time for my praises and my ever-lasting gratitude. He had other problems, children to tend to, to improve, to reform.
[dropcap]A[/dropcap] young boy called Aryan Mishra was killed by the cow terrorists in Haryana. The Times of India wrote that the boy was killed ‘mistakenly’. Why did the Jain paper say that it was a mistake and not a crime? Is it because the person was not Asif or Mohammad in place of Aryan Mishra?
Like bulldozer justice, Love Jihad and other issues, cow vigilantism too is deliberately made to criminalise Muslims. While it might be possible in the common parlance that communities and people have prejudices against each other when it becomes part of the rule book of the establishment then it will only bring disrepute and disaster. Law, say every good book of modern democracy, must remain neutral in all forms, gender, religion or region and must be committed to statute books and in layman’s language, as per the constitution.
What has happened in Haryana was bound to happen. One day the fire that you are putting on, will bring you too in its periphery.
The life of a human being is far less than that of a cow or bovine. Isn’t it a hypocrisy of how much noise we make on the ‘death’ of cows? All these bhakts have killed the entire cow market. Most of the farmers now avoid buying cows and after an age, they go to their ‘old age home’ or what is called gaushala. I can bet, none can run these gaushalas unless they get huge support. The governments are pumping money for it and ‘devotees’ make huge donations daily. So it is a lucrative business. It does not help the gaupalaks, those farmers who keep cows and equally respect them. Of course, they don’t do all dikhawa, and make loud noises about cows, ‘our mother’. If we all were concerned about it, they would not have been left to feed themselves and create a nuisance in open markets, eating polyethene.
The cow devotees or what is called gaubhakts have no time to fight against the owners of beef exporting companies, a majority of them hail from those jaatis who preach to us ‘save cows’. Have we ever heard of any demonstration, any letter written by the Sanghi moral police, their owners to the government of India to ban the beef companies? Why should beef be allowed to be exported? I am sure, the government has all the details and it must act against such companies if its policy is to protect cows and other such bovines.
We expect too much from the political class which blatantly uses the language of a rigid person suffering from prejudices. When you are in power, you follow Rajdharma, as Atal Bihari Vajpayee once said. Perhaps, the Supreme Court can frame some guidelines in this regard and save people from getting slaughtered in the streets. Like bulldozer justice by the government, mob lynching or killings in the name of keeping beef or killing a cow have become India’s version of blasphemy laws which must be stopped at all costs.
The Constitution protects us all and gives equal treatment as per law. The executive has to implement it impartially. It is time for the Supreme Court to see whether the Constitution is not being violated. One is sure that theymust be aware of what is happening in India in the name of ‘protection of cows’. It is time we stand up and speak against such brutal murder in the name of cow protection. The track record of the government of Haryana is not great in this regard and only the Supreme Court can ask for a status report of other such cases already pending in the court. Time for monitoring this cow terrorism killing innocent people.
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here is a need to protect the land, identity, and interests of the people living in the hills of Uttarakhand. There is a demand by various groups to have a special land law that does not allow outsiders to buy or purchase land under any pretext. They want the government to bring a special domicile act with a baseline of 1950 so that the land is not transferred to outsiders as is being done these days.
Need for Special Land Laws: Protecting the Hills from Overexploitation, Not Targeting Communities
While these demands are genuine, there is also a campaign going on from various handles that are just pushing how the Muslim population is growing multifold in Uttarakhand. These handles always look for any issue concerning Muslims and make it a huge challenge. Unfortunately, many activists and intellectuals are also using this to push their argument to bring special land laws. Does Uttarakhand need a special land law to protect it from Muslims, or is the issue different and requires serious introspection?
Many of the leaders want ST status for the hill people, and numerous others are asking for the state to be put under Schedule V. Unfortunately, these are just wish lists without understanding or even seriously introspecting the things. The thing is that Uttarakhand hills are at unease because, in the coming years, they are going to reduce seats due to delimitation exercises. Hills will become a minority in the future, and the whole theory of a hills state will just end unless the government continues to consider the issue based on geographical location and not based on population.
Uttarakhand | Author
Reimagining Representation: Ensuring Political Voice for the Hill Communities
First, the Uttarakhand activist should know that it has never been an issue of Pahadi versus Muslims but the original thing was Pahadi versus Desi. The whole narrative of the Muslim population increasing is based on demographic profiles selectively being used from Manglaur and other bordering towns with Saharanpur districts, where Muslims have a sizable presence. It is a historical fact, and those who annexed these regions to Uttarakhand from Uttar Pradesh should have known these facts. A similar thing happened with Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar when Sikh groups protested against merging with the state. One must understand that when Uttarakhand state was being carved out, people opposed the merging of Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar and Haridwar in Uttarakhand. The political leaders of that time wanted many more places. Thank God, Saharanpur, Najibabad, or Muzaffarnagar were not included; otherwise, the whole meaning of a hill state meant to protect and preserve Uttarakhand and its hill identity would have been lost.
Simply, plains have bigger populations, and hills can accommodate so many people. Now, hills have lots of pressure, and there is almost a negative growth of population, while the population in plains is growing multifold. So not merely Muslims are growing, but the Hindus too are growing. A state can’t have two laws: one for the Pahadi people and the other for the Desi people. Uttarakhand’s laws for SC-ST are rarely implemented. The OBCs have not got their due, and the government has declared many areas as OBCs. Jaunsar is declared as an ST area, which is unconstitutional. Jaunsaris are not tribals. It is not a tribal identity but a regional identity where all Jaati people live, but Jaunsar’s ST status benefitted the Brahmins and Thakurs living in the area. Shockingly, the SC-ST act is not implementable as the entire region is declared ST. There is more violence against Dalits in Jaunsar than in any other region. Will the netas of the movement speak about this?
Author Vidya Bhushan Rawat in Uttarakhand
Beyond Pahadi versus Desi: Addressing Internal Inequalities and Misguided Campaigns
How can the entire state be declared as ST when they are not? Yes, the Chipko movement was that of the Scheduled Tribes, but how was this movement co-opted by the Brahmanical elite of the state, which carefully sidelined the tribal leadership and diverted the attention? New netas became bigger than the movement, and it lost its earlier shine. It was converted into a mere hugging tree movement, a romanticisation of the entire thing while ignoring the whole issue was access to forest produce when big companies were allowed to cut the trees and plunder the forests.
The only way for Uttarakhand hills to protect itself is by asking the government to declare districts of Pauri, Rudraprayag, Chamoli, Tihari, Uttarkashi, Nainital, Champawat, Bageshwar, and Pithaurgarh as special hill districts and ask the central government to put them under Schedule VI, as happens in the North East. Schedule VI is meant for the North East only, but the government can make laws for other states. None can stop them. Recently, even the tribal commission wanted Ladakh to be put under Schedule VI, which creates autonomous hill councils which have district councils with enough rights.
Uttarakhand state will have to follow what others do, hence at a certain point in time, the political representation for the plain people will increase and then there will be a crisis because the motive and philosophy of the hill state will be defeated. The only way is to make the hill districts protected areas under Schedule VI and create a hill council which is based on the political representation of the elected representative.
Uttarakhand government should also follow and implement Land Ceiling Laws in the Tarai and Haridwar-Dehradun districts. Get after the ceiling land and use it for public purposes. Land sales in the name of hotels, resorts, and any other commercial activities should completely be stopped in the hill regions. Anyway, who is trying to create a Muslim crisis in Uttarakhand is diverting the attention from the bigger issue, which is Pahad versus Maidan. Uttarakhand will have to handle it. Protect the hill regions and make specific laws so that the serenity and purity of our rivers and mountains remain intact. Uttarakhand needs stricter environmental laws so that our natural heritage is protected.
The issue of protection of hills is important as it is the lifeline of India’s biggest river system hence important that we ensure stricter laws but at the same point in time, we must not allow the crisis to be diverted to deliberately creating religious polarization. Uttarakhand government and political leaders must agree to a caste census and a broader socio-economic survey of the state which can reflect on ownership of land, jobs etc in government, farming communities and a categorical figure of SC, ST, OBC and different minorities in the state. Nobody should be allowed to spread hatred through rumour-mongering and creating fear psychosis. To stop all such dangerous campaigns, a socioeconomic survey and caste census are the only answers. I hope people and the political leadership of Uttarakhand listen to this and act.
Kolkata: Park Court is a prime property located in the heart of Kolkata. The four-storey building, located at the Park Circus seven point crossing houses the office of Kolkata’s Deputy Commissioner of Police, South East Division. The way Kolkata Police functions from here, it seems to be a government property, but in reality, Park Court is a Waqf property under Waqf-Al-Aulad. Seven percent of its earnings goes to the Waqf Board.
“Twelve flats of Park Court (almost half part of the building) were taken on rent by Britishers in 1942. When we got independence, the police occupied the palace and started giving us Rs 65 as rent. They never increased the rent and we went to Calcutta High Court, seeking its intervention to vacate the property. In 2001, we won the case. The court of Justice Amitava Lala in its order said, ‘to immediately vacate the building comprising 12000 square feet area,’ informed Abrarul Haque, a Mutawalli, whose forefathers had waqf properties through their children.
More than half of the building is occupied by the police, while tenants reside in the remaining part. The property is worth several crores according to market value, and the nature of the occupants clearly shows that government officials are misusing it.
“But instead of vacating the building, the police have fully occupied them. And now, not only do they not pay us any rent, but any maintenance too. There is an attitude of officials and politicians too, to take undue advantage of the waqf properties. And they give us step-motherly treatment,” the Mutawalli mentioned.
Haque’s case is still fighting a case for the eviction of his Waqf-Al-Aulad property at Calcutta High Court. This is just one example of thousands such cases across India related to waqf properties.
However, the proposed Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024, which should help the likes of Haque, who are long time sufferers, has not brought any hope for them, instead, most are fearing that if it gets implemented in its current form, then the District Magistrates (DM) will have more power to further use the properties for their work, instead of these properties being used for the betterment of the Muslim community.
Park Court,, a Waqf-Al-Aulad property in Kolkata
The Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024 was tabled during the Monsoon session of the parliament. Soon it was opposed by opposition members of parliaments in both houses- Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha. The bill was then sent to the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC). The Government of India had made two teams of 10 members from Upper House and 21 from Lower in the committee.
Though the nationwide survey of waqf property has not been fully done, it is believed that after Indian Railway and Defense, the third largest property belongs to Waqf in India. There was churning within the Muslim community in India as to how to better use the waqf properties and help the community grow, the main purpose of the waqf, ironically, the proposed amendments in the 1995 Waqf Act are further weakening the community’s hold on it.
How is the bill unconstitutional in many ways?
The Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024 violates not only one but several Articles of the Indian Constitution including Article 14 (Equality Before the Law), Article 25 (Freedom of Religion), Article 26 (Freedom to Manage Religious Affairs) and Article 300A (Right to Property).
Violations of Article 14: The creation of separate Waqf Boards for different sects, the inclusion of non-Muslims in the Waqf Boards, and the requirement that only practising Muslims for at least five years can create a waqf, impose discriminatory requirements on the Muslim community, creating unequal standards that other religion communities in India do not face.
Violations of Article 25: The bill proposes arbitrary restrictions on who can create a waqf, mandates that all waqf must be created through written deeds and limits the ability of new converts to establish waqf, infringing on the religious freedom to practice and propagate Islam as guaranteed by the Article 25.
Violations of Article 26: The bill’s provisions allowing the government to change the purpose of a waqf, eliminating the ‘waqf by user’ clause and weakening the Waqf Tribunal directly interfere with the community’s constitutional right to manage its own religious institutions.
ViolationsofArticle 300A: The amendments, particularly those that permit the government to seize waqf properties, threaten the constitutional protection of property rights, undermining the ownership and management of religious endowments.
Just like that, it violates the Legal Framework including Supreme Court Rulings such as Shirur Mutt Case (1954), Union of India versus R Gandhi (2010) and L Chandra Kumar versus Union of India (1997).
And Legal Principles and Customs. The proposed bill disregards long-established legal principles and customs like Article 13(3)(a) of the Indian Constitution. And Principle of Non-Discrimination.
It also violates Islamic Law and Muslim Customs. The bill proposes several restrictions that conflict with Islamic law and established customs within the Muslim community, such as Oral Waqf and Mutawalliship, Masha of Waqif, Sectarian Divisions and Discrimination against new converts.
The bill will also impact on the non-Muslim religious communities. While the amendments primarily target Muslim Waqf properties, they set a dangerous precedent that could impact all religious communities in India.
Outrage in community over proposed bill
Recently, the CEO of Rahmani 30, Wali Fahad Rahmani, who is reaching out to stakeholders and making them aware community people of the unconstitutionality of the bill held a Round Table meeting in Kolkata. “We have met Joint Parliamentary Committee members, opposition leaders as well as the allies of the ruling National Democratic Alliance and informed them about the evil intent in the bill. We have even met Lallan Singh (JDU), who was in favour of the bill in the parliament. And also Chirag Paswen of LJP promised to oppose the bill.One major visible problem is the proposed new board members, out of eleven members, 7 can be from government and non-Muslims too. So how will it remain a religious community affair?” mentioned Fahad Rahmani to the gathered community people.
A memorandum in this regard, in the name of Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani, Ameer Shariat (Head) of Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand has been given to Bengal’s Urban Development Minister Firhad Hakim on the occasion.
“In Bengal, we are making a core committee to reject the bill and highlight this issue before concerning authorities in the state,” Rafay Siddique, who organized the Round Table meeting informed eNewsroom.
Meanwhile, senior advocate Mahmood Pracha also held a press conference in Delhi and asked people to outright reject the bill.
Concerned citizens have also started a campaign to email their objections to the bill. Recently the JPC has also sought public suggestions.
“Misinformation has been propagated against waqf properties like any government property declared waqf. While the case is reversed. It is the waqf property which has been acquired by the governments and administrations. The bill should give special executive power to boards so that they can evict buildings like Park Court, where the court gave its verdict,” Asif Ali, a chartered accountant and concerned citizen, who has written to many higher authorities rejecting the bill told eNewsroom.
[dropcap]S[/dropcap]anjeev Khudshah was born on 12 February 1973 in Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh. He is counted among the top Dalit writers in the country. His works have been published in almost all the leading newspapers and magazines of the country. His Safai Kamgar Samudaya from Radhakrishna Prakashan and Adhunik Bharat Mein Pichda Varg from Shilpayan, Dalit Chetna Aur Kuch Zaroori Sawaal from Shilpayan are among his popular works. Sanjeev Khudshah is the editor-in-chief of the YouTube channel DMAindia online. Currently, Sanjeev is doing PhD in the Journalism Department. He has also studied law and the important point is that he hails from the most deprived sections among the historically neglected and oppressed sections therefore this conversation becomes even more important. Sanjeev who joined the Ambedkar movement years ago and talked about awakening the entire Dalit society through his writing, is feeling hurt today because he welcomed the Supreme Court’s verdict on the classification of Scheduled Castes. Vidya Bhushan Rawat had a detailed conversation with Sanjeev Khudshah on his struggles and the social crisis created by this classification question and why he supported the Supreme Court verdict.
VBR:You have been an integral part of the Ambedkarite movement and have always been active in Baba Saheb’s mission. You have talked about Dalit unity on your platforms and others’ platforms too. Still, today you are being attacked because you have supported the Supreme Court’s verdict on reservation for the most marginalized among Dalits. First of all, tell us what kind of attack is being made on you and who is behind it.
Sanjeev: Actually, I am not supporting the extreme Dalits. I am helping those who are deprived and remain backward among Dalits, who can also be called Mahadalit or extremely Dalits. They are very backward and the government resources and welfare measures have not yet reached them. At this time, it is my responsibility to stick to my views as a thinker and intellectual and I did that. I am saying on various platforms that both the forward Dalit and backward Dalit castes should sit together and talk. Why is there backwardness? This should be seriously discussed. No one can deny the fact that a large number of Dalit castes are victims of backwardness. I am being called foolish. It is being said that I am an agent of RSS or BJP. My understanding is also being questioned and this is being done by those people who have been very close to me., with whom I have participated in movements. This has also saddened me because they are not ready to understand and listen to me.
VBR: After being active for so many years, do you think that our leaders and intellectuals have not been able to move beyond the framework or framework of their castes?
Sanjeev: The 21st August call for Bharat Bandh proved that the Dalit movement is a movement of some castes. These castes are only concerned about their interests. They are not even ready to think or listen to the rest of the Dalit castes. If you want to see an example of this, you can see it in the Ambedkar Jayanti program. It is normally mentioned that it is a public programme of Ambedkar Jayanti celebration, but from its president to all the officials are from the same caste. These people divide the money received from the government. They do not give a share to anyone else and today these people are talking big that the Dalits have been divided. They are the ones who are dividing it. The same is the condition of the Buddha Vihars across the country, which are not just Buddha Vihars but are the den of caste panchayats.
VBR: You have declared the Buddha Vihars as the den of caste panchayats. Is this not too much? Today, not only the Dalit community but also the backward class people are coming to Buddhism across the country and the monks and bhikkhus hail from different communities. After all, why did you feel that they have become the den of caste panchayats?
Sanjeev: Budh Vihar should have been a part of Dr Ambedkar’s dream project. Dr Ambedkar had many dreams but only two of his dreams are called his dream projects. First, eradication of caste and second, representation for all. People who came to Budh Vihar stopped eradicating caste and Budh Vihar is locked for outsiders. By looking at Budh Vihar, you can easily tell which Budh Vihar belongs to which caste.
VBR: Did you feel that the questions raised by you were justified when you were being criticized?
Sanjeev: I am trying to understand these criticisms and when I think about them, I understand that the questions I have raised or the stand I have taken are correct.
VBR: What is your opinion on the order given by the Supreme Court on the question of classification?
Sanjeev: Two issues were raised in the Supreme Court, first the issue of creamy layer and the issue of classification. I do not agree with the issue of the creamy layer because the problems of Dalits are related to caste discrimination and untouchability. Reservation is not a poverty alleviation program; it is a representation which should continue as long as inequality exists.
But I look at classification from a positive perspective. I belong to a very backward Dalit caste like Domar and I see that other sanitation workers including Valmiki are still working in adverse conditions. But they are not getting jobs according to their population. The backward among scheduled castes will benefit from the classification of reservation. The powerful castes among Dalits are alleging that this will divide the Dalits. The same thing has been said by the upper caste (upper caste) against Baba Saheb Ambedkar also when the Communal Award came.
Watch the conversation
VBR: Today the Dalit movement or Ambedkarite movement seems completely divided on this issue. Those who are criticizing the order of the Supreme Court are alleging that their castes are being accused of usurping their rights which is wrong but it is also not wise to completely ignore the question of the identities of our other brothers and sisters. Have you ever felt that the people of these marginalized communities among the scheduled castes are not able to become a part of Ambedkarite politics and philosophy because of no efforts being made to reach out to them by the leading communities in the movement?
Sanjeev: It is indeed wrong to say that your rights are being violated or someone is snatching your rights. But the backwardness of these castes cannot be denied. Just like earlier, the untouchables were backward, after the introduction of reservation they have progressed. Similarly, if the backward untouchables get separate reservations, they will also progress.
Surprisingly, the upper Dalits are not even ready to listen to the voices of the weaker and deprived, let alone agreeing to it. They cannot be Ambedkarite as they are against the Constitution. Because the Constitution says that the last person should get its benefit. They are creating obstacles in this. Indeed, the demands of the backward Dalits and their problems are not able to become a part of Ambedkarite politics and philosophy because their issues are ignored by the leading Dalits. Marginalised among Dalits remains neglected. They become victims of discrimination. Bahujan Samaj Party never raised the problems of people working in sewers.
VBR: You are a writer about whom it is said that he gives a new direction to society and stands for justice even amid a crowd, even if he is alone. Is literature unable to break the caste structure now? It is said that intellectuals give direction to their movements and politics, but today they are perhaps following the parties and movements rather than leading them.
Sanjeev: I feel that at this time my responsibility is that I stand for the welfare of the deprived, even if I am left alone. Many people among the deprived Dalits are also getting misled by the words of the upper Dalits and they feel that they should stay with them. They are also becoming victims of emotional blackmail. Upper Dalits are also partners in our movement. We are also troubled and worried by their attitude. Even today it is hard to believe that they will protest against the backward Dalits in this manner.
VBR: Years ago, you wrote a book Safai Kamgar Samuday or simply ‘sanitation workers communities. Has anyone written anything about the condition of these communities before you? If not, why?
Sanjeev: The problem is that these people in the Dalit movement neither tried to read nor try to know the problems of the sanitation workers community. Writing on them is a far cry. That is why even today they are unaware of those problems and do not want to know. Agitating against backward Dalits is a big example of this.
They did not write about the sanitation workers’ community because there has been a difference between these two classes for a long time. The Supreme Court has only highlighted these differences. This difference is visible in the programs organized by various Buddha Viharas and different celebrations on Ambedkar Jayanti.
VBR: Allegations are being made that the Swachhkar Samaj did not come with Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Many people are saying that they are Hindus and vote for the BJP, so they should be taken out of the reservation for Scheduled Castes and put in EWS. How will you answer such questions?
Sanjeev: Only those who have not read Dr Ambedkar can say that this society did not come with Ambedkar. Please learn about Ramratan Janorkar as well as Advocate Bhagwan Das. There are many such names. All these people walked hand in hand with Baba Saheb from the beginning. People should read Advocate Bhagwan Das’s book Baba Saheb Aur Bhangi Jaatiyan.
If you discriminate against your brother, or insult your brother, then that brother will be forced to go to those who do not discriminate against them and who love and care. RSS people have reached out to them and tried to understand their problems. Even if their motive was something else, what did the upper Dalits do for these deprived brothers? Apart from protesting against them. The protest on the 21st has only widened this gap.
It is very wrong to talk about voting for RSS and BJP. You can guess who votes for whom by looking at the caste of RSS and BJP MPs who have come from Scheduled Caste reserved seats. All of them belong to upper caste Dalits and not to deprived Dalits.
VBR: After being associated with the Ambedkarite movement for such a long time, do you think that intellectuals lost a big opportunity through which the entire Dalit society could have been united?
Sanjeev: You are right. Upper Dalit intellectuals lost a big opportunity. After this verdict of the Supreme Court, they should have talked to the representatives of backward Dalit castes and intellectuals. They should have been taken into confidence but they lost this opportunity. In social media, deprived Dalit castes are being abused so much, they are being insulted so much that even upper castes do not insult them so much. Look at the way abuses are being hurled at Ramesh Bhangi on his Facebook post, is this not an atrocity?
VBR: Do you think that in this era of social media, many people took it as an ‘opportunity in disaster’ and increased animosity between communities because instead of bringing two different communities together, the entire debate was about ending reservation, whereas reservation has been under attack since 1990, but most of them were silent since that time and some were even calling privatization a good thing?
Sanjeev: The upper caste society has taken advantage of this and has contributed a lot in increasing the animosity between the two communities. In this work, the upper caste Dalits have added fuel to the fire.
VBR: Your own life has also come out of difficult circumstances. Tell us about your family background.
Sanjeev: Because we and our family were living with caste identity. That is why we had to face discrimination since childhood. Life moved forward from poverty and helplessness. Education played a very important role in emerging. Especially after getting inspiration from Dr Ambedkar, I learnt to differentiate between exploiters and saviours and after this, I devoted my life to introducing people to Baba Saheb.
VBR: How and when did you come in contact with Ambedkarism?
Sanjeev: My maternal uncle Pramod Khurshil Ji used to work with Kanshiram Saheb. When he formed BAMCEF, it was my maternal uncle who brought me a book which had the biography of Dr Ambedkar. I must have been 10-12 years old at that time. He was a staunch Ambedkarite. My father also told me that because of Dr Ambedkar, we are enjoying some comforts today. But after reading the biography, there was a change in me and I also got the inspiration to get educated like Baba Saheb. With the help of education, I kept moving ahead.
VBR: In the present circumstances, when the distance between different communities has increased, how will we bridge it? Who will take the initiative and why?
Sanjeev: There is only one way to bridge the gap. “Baat” I believe that “if we talk, things will work out”. Conversations should continue between each other. Only then will the distance end and this gap can be bridged. It is the responsibility of the upper caste Dalits to understand the problems of the backward Dalits and try to solve them. In this, they will have to forget their selfishness.
VBR: During this period, did you ever feel that you were in the wrong place when the question of caste interests arose, instead of standing with the most marginalized people, people started blaming them.
Sanjeev: I agree that when such an opportunity came that the marginalized backward Dalits should have been supported, then the so-called Ambedkarite upper caste Dalits started cursing them instead of helping them. Because their caste interests were clashing. Ambedkarism and the Constitution do not teach this. The Constitution says that the last person should get resources, facilities and justice.
VBR: Is classifying reservations dividing castes?
Sanjeev: I disagree with this. Dr Ambedkar had classified castes earlier too. Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Backward Classes. Did he divide them? This is wrong. Classification shows how much work needs to be done and on whom. If a society considers itself capable, then it should support this classification and not get scared. If the classification was wrong, would you also hold Dr Ambedkar wrong?
VBR: What will you say to the comrades of the Ambedkarite movement, especially intellectuals and litterateurs?
Sanjeev: I would expect from fellow intellectuals and writers of the Ambedkar movement that they should not abandon each other in such difficult times. They should not insult each other. They should understand the problems of deprived Dalits and stand by them. There may be differences of opinion but there should be no animosity in the minds. Just now the news has come that people of the Bhim Army have beaten up some members of the Valmiki caste over this order of the Supreme Court. In such times, Ambedkarites and intellectuals will have to come forward to reduce animosity.
