Ahmed Wali Faisal Rahmani: Legitimised by Constitution yet Caged by Choices: The Plight of Indian Muslim Leadership

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[dropcap]A[/dropcap]s co-founder, the visionary Hazrat Maulana Minnatullah Rahmani (RA) was the “General Secretary” of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB), which was established in 1973. Its first office was rooted in the sanctity of Khanqah Rahmani, Munger, Bihar. Under their profound leadership, the Board ushered in a transformative era, reshaping the daily lives and affairs of Indian Muslims.

The deep-rooted association between AIMPLB and the Rahmani family of Bihar has been a cornerstone of its legacy. However, in light of recent developments, the esteemed Sajjada-Nasheen of Khanqah Rahmani found it necessary to resign, marking a poignant moment in this historic relationship.

Why did the Sajjada-Nasheen of Khanqah Rahmani Munger, Hazrat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani resign from an influential post of Secretary of AIMPLB, which many would live their life for?

Any Muslim leader with the current impoverished status of the Indian Muslim community would certainly not entertain offensive statements by people of social stature questioning his commitment and dedication towards the upliftment of the community merely based on his OCI status when the law-of-the-land, the AIMPLB bylaws and the government allows him to hold and discharge duty even as an executive of any NPO.

Certain individuals with ill intentions are attempting to falsely depict AIMPLB as a government entity. This deliberate misrepresentation not only misguides the community but also robs them of the opportunities and guidance that genuine leadership could provide. Thoughtful Muslims must recognize and resist these attempts, as they are often driven by personal ambitions, seeking to exploit and erode the rich legacy of Indian Muslims in this land of love, harmony, and spirituality.

 <<<ﯾﺎ أﯾﮭﺎ اﻟذﯾن آﻣﻧوا إن ﺟﺎءﻛم ﻓﺎﺳق ﺑﻧﺑﺄ ﻓﺗﺑﯾﻧوا أن ﺗﺻﯾﺑوا ﻗوﻣﺎ ﺑﺟﮭﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﺗﺻﺑﺣوا ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻓﻌﻠﺗم ﻧﺎدﻣﯾن>>>

The Qur`anic verse, “O ye who believe! If a wicked person comes to you with any news, ascertain the truth, lest ye harm people unwittingly, and afterwards become full of repentance for what you have done(49:6)”, serves as a crucial reminder of the importance of verifying the facts and seeking truth.

The leadership of Hazrat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani sb as Ameer-e-Shariat of Imarat-e-Sharia, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, and parts of West Bengal has filled the critical void of relevant leadership within the Indian Muslim community. While many respected Maulanas have made commendable contributions, the urgent need for effective and transformative action to uplift the community raises serious questions about the leadership principles guiding various organizations working toward this.

As the Ameer of Imarat-e-Sharia, Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani has held a position of immense responsibility. Under his leadership, the organization has played a pivotal role in guiding Indian Muslims on religious, legal, and social matters while advocating for their constitutional rights.

Why shouldn’t capable individuals Lead Islamic Organizations in India? Is being an Overseas Citizen of India a legal barrier? What are the real problems of the Indian Muslim Community and who can be trusted for a solution?

Legal and Constitutional Framework

Section 7A of the Citizenship Act, 1955-which grants OCI status to someone who held an Indian passport in the past, grants freedom in activities at par with an Indian Citizen except as stated in Section 7B of the act, namely: any constitutional voting rights, election to Lok Sabha/Rajya Sabha/Legislative Assembly/Council, holding Constitutional posts such as President, Vice President, Judge of Supreme Court/High Court etc. and buying agricultural lands.

The Citizenship Act, of 1955, explicitly allows Overseas Citizen of India Holders to work and discharge duties in NPOs and other central government institutions such as IISERs, IITs, IISc, AIIMSs and Central Universities. OCI/PIO Holders with cards dated 03.03.2021 or before are treated at par with Indian nationals for Government Medical and Engineering seats(SC’s WP(Civil) 891/2021).

AIMPLB is registered under the Societies Registration Act 1860. The by-laws of AIMPLB, Clause 5 of the Board’s rules and regulations state about the formation of a board with members from different sects(5(a) -5(c)). These by-laws do not draw distinctions within the categories of the memberships.

Similarly, the Indian Trust Act of 1882 in Section 1, in the savings clause reads as follows:

“Savings – But nothing herein contained affects the rules of Muhammadean law as to waqf, or the mutual relations of the members of an undivided family as determined by any customary or personal law, or applies to public or private religious or charitable endowments, or to trusts to distribute prizes taken in war among the captors, and nothing in the second Chapter of this Act applies to trusts created before the said date.”

We also draw a reasonable analogy from a case law. In 2018, SCC Online ITAT 17108 of the Income tax appellate tribunal, most of the trustees ( 4 out of 5) were residents outside India while only one trustee was an Indian citizen and had a domicile in India). Even then (four Trustees were not even OCI citizens of India), the Appellate Tribunal held in favour of the validity of the Trust.

An Overseas Citizen of India can not be assumed to be a foreigner in the traditional sense because of the subsequent legislative intervention an Overseas Citizen of India is a different concept than a “foreigner” in The Foreigners Act, 1946. There is no law governing the “Not for Profit Organizations” that contains special provisions with regards to a Foreigner, NRI, OCI and PIO being inducted in the governing body of a society or a company registered under Section 8 of The Companies Act, 2013.

Finally, the FCRA(Foreign Contribution Regulation Act, 2010) does not prohibit any Foreign National of Indian Origin from being a part of the governing body of a society/trust seeking registration under it. Below is the relevant FAQ published by the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Question: “Foreigners can be appointed as Executive Committee members of an association seeking registration or prior permission?

Answer: Organizations having foreign nationals, other than of Indian origin, as members of their executive committees or governing bodies, are generally not permitted to receive foreign contributions.”

Clearly, the Constitutional Act under which AIMPLB was formed (Societies Registration Act 1860) and Indian Trust Act 1882, the bylaws of AIMPLB (Section 5), the Income Tax Tribunal, the Citizenship Act of 1955 and its amendment of 2004 and subsequent directives by the Indian government and the laws pertaining to FCRA, 2010 does not distinguish an Indian citizen and an Overseas Citizen of India to be an executive member of AIMPLB.

Since the legal and constitutional rules allow such an appointment, several well-known Trusts, IITs, IISERs, AIIMSs and IISc are availing this to uplift their contribution towards nation-building. Prof. Manjul Bhargava, an Overseas Citizen of India holder and a US citizen was a major contributor and a prominent member of the NEP committee. He helped the country draft a historic educational policy, NEP 2020. Siddharth Varadarajan, the co-founder of The Wire and an OCI has served journalism as an editor of Times of India and The Hindu. However, as a US citizen, his commitment to journalism and its cause is exceptional. There are numerous similar examples of OCI holding executive positions in Trusts and government bodies which I skip for the sake of brevity. We, Indian Muslims too, should avail this privilege and contribute towards societal and nation-building.

Representation of Indian Muslims

Sayyidina Hazrat Maulana Ameer-e-Shariat belongs to the esteemed and renowned Ahl-e-Bayt family through Hazrat Mungeri RA. Three generations of the family’s service have been witnessed and documented by Indian Muslims. From being a founder of the renowned Darul Uloom Nadwatul Ulama, Lucknow; and founder of AIMPLB, to the great initiative of Rahmani30 whose alumni have bridged the gap between the Ilm and contemporary society; the Mungeri family has been a means of benefit of this world and hereafter for the entire Indian Muslim community.

Hazrat Maulana has been the unwavering torchbearer of the revolutionary vision of his esteemed father, the late Hazrat Maulana Wali Rahmani Sb. (RA). This vision materialized into the transformative initiative of Rahmani30, an unparalleled platform requiring both professional excellence and profound dedication to sustain.

Rahmani30 has proudly placed Indian Muslims on the nation’s excellence map, qualifying 1055 JEE Mains 366 JEE Advanced, 3 ISI ( Indian Statistical Institute)  and similarly registering excellent results in NEET, CA/CS — a testament to its unparalleled success. More than just an academic initiative, it embodies a rare harmony of Deen and Duniya, empowering Indian Muslims to excel both spiritually and professionally, all without compromising on religious values or academic excellence. Rahmani30 stands as a shining beacon of hope and achievement in independent India, a legacy unmatched in its commitment to holistic empowerment.

After being in charge of the responsibilities of Imarat-e-Sharia and Khanqaah Rahmani and its associated schools, madrasas and institutions, Hazrat Maulana has further intensified the reforms that his father, Hazrat Maulana Wali Rahmani RA had initiated. He successfully ran an Islamic School in Pomona, California USA and has implemented a lot of his experience in the Rahmani School of Excellence, Munger, Bihar.

The legal perspectives of the proposed Waqf Bill that Hazrat Maulana presented while touring various cities were exceptional. The simplicity with which the amendments were explained, through case-by-case examples, connected a common Muslim to the ground reality of the proposed bill. The audience were explained the amendments in fluent Urdu, English and Hindi often through one-on-one interactions.

Hazrat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani Sb.’s contributions to empowering and uplifting the community are immense, spanning numerous impactful initiatives, many of which are beyond enumeration.

Community Sentiments and Trust

The position of Ameer-e-Shariat is not just administrative; it carries profound spiritual, legal, and symbolic significance. I asked Hazrat about his contributions to the Waqf protest, where he had successfully strategized a proactive response mechanism within the framework of the Constitution. Under his leadership, his team developed a comprehensive infrastructure and response system for the Ummah, managing an astounding 3.66 crore emails. His humble reply was, “I did it for Allah.”

Hazrat is a true embodiment of Fana-fiLLAH.

”ﻣﺧﻠﺻﯾن ﮨداﯾت ﮐﮯ ﭼراغ ﮨﯾں Baihaqi”-

 The Spirituality of a person is not for hands to write or eyes to read but rather, for the hearts to feel through presence.

Who can be a better bearer of trust and honour sentiments than him who seeks no recognition even for his irreplaceable contribution?

His Professional Background and Relevance

The Professional background that Hazrat Ameer-e-Shariat possesses is rare even among the educated elites of the Indian Muslim community. He is well-versed in Urdu(native), English(native), Arabic(near-native) and Hindi and has successfully delivered his role as the Director of Strategies at the University of California Systems which comprises 10 campuses including Berkeley, Los Angeles and Davis!

Every community wants its leaders to truly understand its problems. Today’s basic needs are Education, Technology and Healthcare with the sweetness of Emaan. Without an iota of disrespect to the Akaabireen-e-Ulama, is it not that Hazrat Ameer-e-Shariat, Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani DB has the deen and duniya that the Indian Muslim community seeks and within the legal frame that our constitution and government has defined?

Is it, not the time that Indian Muslims hand over their reign to someone who can truly work for their duniya and akkhirat in the contemporary perspective?

Maintaining the Integrity of Indian Islamic Institutions

Guided by the esteemed Hazrat Maulana Minnatullah Rahmani (RA), his grandfather, and mentored by his father, Hazrat Maulana Md. Wali Rahmani (RA), Hazrat Maulana represents a harmonious blend of profound spiritual insight and professional mastery. His upbringing has ingrained in him an unshakable commitment to accountability, transparency, and dedicated leadership.

With hands-on experience in the cosmopolitan ethos of California, he has demonstrated exceptional skill in addressing challenges with integrity, program management, and operational excellence.

Hazrat Maulana is tirelessly striving to elevate Indian Islamic institutions by instilling a culture of responsibility and unwavering accountability. What could be more reassuring for the community than a leader who seamlessly blends exceptional competence with an unyielding commitment to their progress and well-being?

Finally, I would like to humbly put that the Indian Muslim community should wisely choose its leader, it is imperative for the leader to have the qualities that are sought in the community’s future. The leader is bound to be an inspiration.

It is a time when the Indian Muslim community needs to separate leaders from liabilities; and understand and differentiate competitors who can lead them to the goal and who are ambushing to misguide them by making fake promises and narrating unplanned exaggerated dreams.

Can we trust a driving school whose trainers can’t drive?

Can we trust a doctor who hasn’t gone to medical school?

Can someone rectify the community when (s)he/herself is not rectified?

Should Indian Muslims let this chance of being served by a Religious, Educated, Spiritual and Responsible leader who, despite his status wants to serve the community as a servant, go by?

Is the community forced to continue with those leaders whose doors are shut with bodyguards or with someone happy to share his privileges with common Muslims of the country?

Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani is an appropriate choice for a leader for the Indian Muslim community. It is a pity that those who seek national politics to be based on work and leadership have stooped to raise an issue that serves no legality in the eyes of the law of the land.

Every Indian Muslim seeking a positive #change for the community should stand by contribution and not delusions.

 مسلم نے بھی تعمیر کِیا اپنا حرم اور

تہذیب کے آزر نے ترشوائے صنم اور

ان تازہ خداؤں میں بڑا سب سے وطن ہے

جو پیرہن اس کا ہے، وہ مذہب کا کفن ہے

(Rough translation of it) Muslim also built his Haram and
The burden of civilization has destroyed the sanam and
Among these new gods, the greatest is the homeland
The veil that belongs to him is the shroud of religion

Beyond the Mainstream: How VT Rajashekar Shaped Alternative Media in India

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[dropcap]I[/dropcap]t was sometime in October 1991 that sitting on the lawns of Lokayat, the place Dr Mulk Raj Anand used to stay in Delhi, reading morning papers that day, a letter to the Editor column of The Hindustan Times, attracted me. I read the letter in three columns writing about the media and the casteism in it. The sender of the letter was Vontibettu Thimmappa Rajshekar Shetty commonly known as VT Rajashekar, Editor of Dalit Voice magazine. Those were the days when the letters column of some of the dailies used to be extremely informative and many big names would write it. I noted down the address and wrote a letter to VT Rajashekar also popularly known among his friends and readers as VT or VTR. Surprisingly, his answer came in the form of a few copies of the magazine along with his note. This was the beginning of a relationship that I nurtured with VT Rajashekar till his demise.

Interestingly, Dalit Voice started its journey in 1981 and Dr Mulk Raj Anand, the author who wrote Untouchables in 1927, was the first one to support it. He encouraged VT and his name used to appear as patron of the magazine in the beginning. Unfortunately, the events in Punjab in the early 1980s, resulting in Operation Blue Star and subsequently the assassination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi were the turning point for both VT and MRA. Mulk Raj Anand spoke against terrorism unquestionably while VT somehow got hugely influenced by Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. VT Rajashekar condemned Operation Blue Star and considered Bhindranwale as a great leader and perhaps an ‘emancipator’ of Dalits.

Rajshekar informed me about his connection with Dr Mulk Raj Anand. “I was dismissed from the Indian Express and became big news all over India. Anand read it somewhere. He said, I read about you, I am coming to meet you.”

“Then he came, and I showed him all my books. He appreciated and suggested, you must start a paper. I’ll give the name ‘Dalit Voice’. He also proposed to give some initial (seed) money. He was also ready to contribute with some articles. So, Dalit Voice started,” mentioned the editor. Rajshekar says that their difference over Punjab was not ‘intellectual’ but Mulk Raj Anand’s blind admiration for Indira Gandhi.

VT Rajashekar was courageous and had a very wide understanding of the movements in different parts of the world. It is he who started the Dalit connection with the Black Movement in the United States and the issue of African Americans. All this happened at the time when Dalit Bahujan movements were confined to their political battlefield but Rajshekar broadened our horizon of thinking. Thinkers like Runako Rashidi would continue to write in Dalit voice supporting the close association with both movements.

Dalit Voice became a platform for all those who were looking for alternative media. He made us believe in ourselves. He was the reason, I can say it firmly, young voices like me, actually got attracted to alternative voices and decided to get away from all that is known as ‘mainstream’ media. There was no dearth of words and idioms in his vocabulary. The most fascinating part of Dalit Voice was the ‘Reader’s column’ which provided names and contact details of the letter writers. It made people contact each other. At the time, when there was no internet or email had not become part of common usage, the Dalit Voice letters column linked us with one another. Once your letter is published in the magazine, rest assured, that several people will contact you or phone you. It became like a family where people would respect each other and would share their thoughts. I never say any other magazine or journal linking its readers network that powerfully.

Interestingly, VT ensured that all those who wrote a ‘letter to the editor’, get a copy of Dalit Voice by post with a personal note about the ‘article’ or ‘letter’ published, giving page number. At the time, when the media rarely entertained the Ambedkarite voices or anti-caste forces, getting published in Dalit Voice gave us more confidence. It was not the ‘quality’ that mattered but we felt encouraged by the fact that we became a part of the family that VT was developing. His vision was extremely broad which included all oppressed nationalities including SC-ST-OBC-Minorities. I used to get emails and phone calls from readers in different parts of the country. So, apart from giving the readers a political understanding of the current crisis built up by the Brahmin Bania elite class, Rajashekar ensured that the readers were in touch with each other. This quality of him was rare. Any letter that he wrote me or call that he made to me was added with a few contracts, asking me to meet the person and vice versa. That way, he built up a powerful network of Ambedkarite Periyarist Bahujan intellectuals the world over. It was through the pages of Dalit Voice that I came to know about VT Hirekar, Bishop Azariah, Henry Thyagaraj, Dr Velu Annamalai, Runako Rashidi and many other powerful voices.

It was also a fact that many of their views were extremely difficult to digest but he remained categorical and unapologetic about them. He felt that Sikhs were wronged in Punjab and he wrote about it. He had a very wide Muslim readership apart from Ambedkarites the world over. Many people felt that he was the platform for the BSP and BAMSCEF supporters but the fact was Dalit Voice was truly a platform where you got to hear all kinds of voices involved in different political struggles. He was sharp and will bring a new angle to the issues. He was openly opposed to the violent methods of Naxalites and others and has been critical of them and warned the Dalits to be careful of them.

The problem with his ideological rigidity was the philosophy of ‘enemy’s enemy is a friend’. He wanted all the forces of justice to fight Brahmanism in India. Many Ambedkarites did not like the language he used and he had lots of trouble because of his political position. His passport was confiscated as soon as he landed at the airport from Libya and in 1986 he was arrested under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities Act. He got released later.
During a conversation, he informed me that the passport was confiscated after he returned from Libya where he had a meeting with Libyan leader Col Gaddafi. He had gone to participate in the World Black Conference there where he got an opportunity to speak. He told me, ‘I was given 3 minutes to speak, as everyone was given 3 minutes, I prepared my thoughts and spoke. It was televised, which I did not see. There was a standing ovation. Then I came back to my room, had my lunch and was taking a rest when somebody knocked on the door. I opened it and a man at the door who looked like an Indian said he was the Press Trust of India chief Tripoli. He said, “I saw your speech on TV, live TV speech. I said, thank you very much.  Then he said, “You have criticized India!” “Can you criticize India abroad?” I asked, “who said that we should not criticize India outside the country?”. He then added, ‘It is an intellectual discussion! We can criticise even God! We criticize God also! Any criticism is very important to go forward. I told him I was the chief reporter. Afterwards, his stay at the Indian Express became difficult and finally, he was dismissed from there. He fought his case and won the court.

The most impressive part of VT Rajashekar and Dalit Voice was that it was professionally edited and all through since the beginning, there was rarely any occasion where it missed publication. We all used to think that it must have a big office in Bengaluru with many staff but later found out that Dalit Voice was purely a one-man show. He had a typist cum all-in-one assistant but every other technical work like editing etc was done by him only. Imagine, one man bringing out a journal for nearly 30 years. It was not a hugely funded magazine but it became known the world over.

It was not that people did not criticise him for the language that he wrote or the ‘conspiracy theories’ that he would unravel in the magazine. He was blamed for living a ‘luxurious’ lifestyle and many more things. The fact was that one might not have agreed with his ‘theories’ but he was honest to his commitments and for the cause of the empowerment of Dalit Bahujans. It was the only magazine which brought writings from all parts of India as well as the African writings of resistance. Those were the times when magazines were there but most of the contents were limited to regions and mostly to Baba Saheb Ambedkar. It was Dalit voice where we not only got an introduction to the important work of Periyar as well as Shyam Sundar, a great leader from Hyderabad who founded Bhim Sena but we came to know about many other regional icons.

VTR knew the power of media and he wanted to start a media house which could function as a platform for the Bahujan forces in the country. He was close to Late Kanshiram and later tried the idea to start a journal in Delhi but as he said politicians would not take the issue seriously. According to him, only Lalu Yadav was serious in that matter however things could not materialise.

During VP Singh’s tenure in 1990, he shifted to Delhi but after the massive anti-Mandal protest, he returned to Bangalore. He was a member of the National Committee of Baba Saheb Ambedkar Centenary Celebration Committee formed by the government at that time. His close friend and member of Dalit voice, Dalit Ezhilmalai became a Minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government. VT came back to Delhi at that time but could not stay for long. Later, he informed me that he was not satisfied with his friends associated with the BJP and became corrupt.
Slowly, the new generation of Bahujan leaders were taking shape in the Universities and colleges. A number of the Dalit organizations flourished. Civil society and NGOs too grew up. Dalits and OBCs too have had many political parties. VT Rajashekar never used Dalit Voice in criticizing any Dalit Bahujan leader unless he was seen as working against the community’s interests. He tried to bring them together but in politics, you can’t do that. Political leaders want unquestioned loyalty. Political leaders can’t support independent media because they are habitual of propaganda and ‘chamchas’ roaming around them and publishing the stories of their visits, inaugurations and speeches hence any independent intellectual is not wanted by them. VT was loved by all but politicians realized that he would become a burden for them politically as the ideas that he was pursuing would only be detrimental to their politics where they need devotees and not political activists and intellectuals.

Secondly, most of them only wanted a propaganda paper for them and VT was too independent to bow to any political leadership. He was a man of spine and deep convictions hence did not compromise.

He reflected on it during a conversation with me at his house in Mangalore.

VBR: Do you think that the absence of truly strong intellectualism among our communities in our country has hurt the democratic movements? A people who don’t surrender in front of the power?

VTR: Intellectualism is not a readymade packet which is purchased from a shop. It has to be nourished like a plant, it has to grow. Now this intellectualism is to be nourished in the sociology department, literature department etc. I have given all my books to St. Xavier College here in Mangalore. After one year of donating all the books, I went there to see how they were being used. The librarian came in and said sir, “You have given the books. From that day we have properly arranged the books and put them in a lock. Until today we have not opened.”

VBR: So that means, we don’t want our students to read the dissenting notes or books…

VTR: Not that we don’t want. The students are not interested. Students are interested in passing exams. They want to pass the examinations. This is not the case in other parts of the world. I have gone to Sweden and many places around the world. Libraries are packed, bookstores are packed. But here, nobody is interested in books. Gone intellectuals !! You see. Money, money, money. Christian churches, in terms of scholars, have the biggest colleges in the country. They are not interested.

VBR:  As you have been writing against the Hindutva fanaticism or communalism which can only be countered by Dalit intellectual tradition but still, we are unable to do that.

VTR: Unable because you see, to hit a King Kong, you must have the strength. You have not grown at all. Have we got any person of stature or intellectuals? Babasaheb Ambedkar was number one an intellectual than a political leader. Shyam Sundar was an intellectual, an honest intellectual. You see Lalu Prasad Yadav is interesting. He is a fighter. He knows he is into some drama; he knows it but beyond them nothing today.

VTR was deeply disappointed by Lalu Yadav’s inability to support his media initiative. He did not have much faith in others. Slowly, Dalit Voice became a victim of its contradictions. His caste theory did not help much. In the new era or what can be safely called the Post Mandal era, the issue of identities that he raised ultimately became detrimental to him. There was a time when no none ever dared to question who he was but the time came when people started asking about his caste and slowly came to know that he belonged to Shetty i.e. powerful Bunt community in South Karnataka. The fight for power and connection with power elites divide people and then the identity issue is used to settle scores. Dalit Voice initially was termed as a magazine of BSP-Ambedkarite people and frankly speaking it is the Ambedkarite initially who supported it wholeheartedly. Slowly, it started changing the track and a time came when people started questioning whether it was Dalit voice or Muslim voice and that too he was accused of promoting extremist and radical Islamic writings. He refused to address the issue of the contradiction between Dalits and OBCs as well as between Muslims and Dalits. Frankly, there were powerbrokers everywhere and they used the caste card more for their interests.

The magazine was running under a difficult circumstance. A few committed people like one Dr Siddhu in Delhi, tried to bring Dalit Voice in Hindi too but it was not successful. He thought that the Hindi heartland would accept him but it did not happen. He had a sizable fan following in Punjab but not that much in Uttar Pradesh except those who were comfortable in the English language. Moreover, in the Hindi heartland, the Manu-stream media was compelled to give space to Dalit Bahujan Voices but Ambedkarites like advocate Bhagwan Das, VT Rajashekar or LR Balley would not find space in the media. The new age Ambedkarites were soft and working in link with this mainstream media. A new narrative was building up. Many of the young generations people in north India can only speak about Om Prakash Valmiki and other Hindu poets and writers who they got to read in the daily newspapers but sadly very few people are aware of the work of Advocate Bhagwan Das, LR Balley or VT Rajshekar.  It reflects that we modern Ambedkarites are learning Ambedkarism from Brahmanical media or those who are getting published in the Brahmanical media. Rajshekar and his brand of honest intellectuals did not compromise on that front and never tried to get into the media they criticized so vehemently.

Despite all their shortcomings, he had a huge fan following. I found that when along with Ambedkarite activist Rajani Tilak, we organized an event to celebrate Twenty-Five Years Celebrations of Dalit Voice in Delhi. VTR was keen that there should be a programme in Delhi but no one was coming forward to support it as it needed resources. One day, I informed him that I could think of organizing a one-day programme in Delhi because despite all my reservations, I respected VTR a lot and there was a personal relationship hence I felt it was our duty to do it. VTR wanted a space in the New Delhi area where those coming from outside Delhi would find it easier to reach by 10 am. I was worried whether we would be able to get so many people in Delhi. It was difficult to get the places so I ultimately zeroed in on the Gandhi Peace Foundation located near ITO. Many of the ‘followers’ of VTR resented when this information was announced at Dalit Voice about the Delhi programme, My response to them was that we had hired the place and there is nothing wrong in organizing an event. However, it was very difficult to control VT and many times he could also be a source of deep discomfort.

On the day, when the Delhi Voice Conference was organized, we all reached on time. As we reached the main hall of the Gandhi Peace Foundation, VT became aggressive. He realized the photograph of Gandhi in the front and back and that would have made things problematic for him so he said we need to cover the photograph of Gandhi so that he is not seen with the photograph of Gandhi any more. It was an embarrassing situation for me but thanks to Gandhi Peace Foundation friends they did not create obstacles and provided cloth sheets to cover all the photographs of Gandhi. After that, VTR asked me to anchor the event while he sat on the dais along with Rajani Tilak. Local people from Delhi and NCR had started coming in. By 1130, the hall was over-packed. There was a large number of people coming from Punjab. He noticed who were the people coming from. He had invited several people from Embassies and was keen on speaking with them.

Anyway, the programme showed his popularity among the Ambedkarite Dalit Bahujan political activists. It went on till late in the evening and he was responding to each question raised by the readers. The point I want to make is that he was a professional journalist and knew his target audience. His sharp and witty language was a toast for many. North Indians were not habitual of that kind of language except for some time in the BSP meetings but after the party came to power they became more cautious and all that ‘Tilak Taraju Talwar’ aggression vaporized as the party understood power politics. After BSP’s ascendency to power in Uttar Pradesh a positive thing happened the activists were asked to do away with abusing languages which many of them had become habitual of. Chief Minister Mayawati herself became extra cautious when speaking to the people and that is why even today, most people realise that despite all her drawbacks, she has been the most reasonable leader who speaks with great caution. The GPF meeting made me realise the limitations of VTR and his inability to handle criticism or dissenting viewpoints. Also, he was becoming more and more a ‘preacher’ rather than a journalist. All the articles in Dalit Voice would pass through his edit and most of the time people would realise the original article is substantially changed to make it suit the language of Dalit Voice. Most of the time, he wanted the North Indian leaders to listen to him but they never bothered and his dream to start a media center could never materialize.

The fact is that the rise of BSP politics and different other Dalit Bahujan parties, usage of identity and religious symbols, growth of NGOs, growth of digital platforms and media, growth of new young dynamic Ambedkarites who could speak with power of their convictions and still ready to converse with those who disagree were the things, which in my opinion, resulted in declining readership.  While none can deny the important role VT played in strengthening the Dalit Bahujan movement by providing his platforms to diverse intellectuals, activists and leaders the world over, it is also a fact that the deeply centralized style of functioning left him alone at the end. Dalit Voice means VT and there was one who could take the responsibility to run the paper because he never nurtured any newcomer in the organization and a newcomer will only join if there is financial security. He was running it out of conviction and he would not have gone to people begging for money so the one-man show ran for nearly 35 years and it became difficult because of age too, to make its impact.

When I met him at his Mangalore house and inquired about Dalit Voice then he informed me that no printer was ready to print the magazine. The fact is that after Modi’s assuming power, all publishers and printers became extra cautious as they had to run business so none of them dared to print Dalit Voice. VT informed me that RSS people had threatened all the publishers so none could come to rescue him. He thought people elsewhere would support him but it is good that he shut the publication otherwise he would have faced numerous charges filed against him. In today’s politics every party, leader and intellectual cares for his connections and doesn’t want to hurt his/her business interest.

There are very few like VT Rajshekar who could speak powerfully and loudly to the Brahmanical elite of India. He was feared for that and that is the reason why no editor in what he termed as Brahmin Bania media would dare to publish his article and some advised him to take the ‘letters to editor’ route to propagate his ideas which he actually used.

The sad part is that no north Indian leader including Lalu Yadav or any one BAMSCEF or BSP even acknowledged anything about VT Rajashekar but the two tributes from Karnataka and Tamil Nadu Chief Ministers reflected how much he was respected. Siddaramaiah said he was a voice for the human rights of the marginalized but MK Stalin paid the truly Periyarist tribute saying, ‘The passing away of Renowned journalist, writer and thinker VT Rajashekar marks the loss of a bold and uncompromising voice against caste oppression. Through Dalit Voice, he shaped intellectual discourse and amplified marginalized voices. His dedication to social justice and the fight against caste discrimination inspired generations. Heartfelt condolences to his family and loved ones.’

Two years back veteran Ambedkarite LR Balley passed away in Jalandhar. In an interview, I asked him who after Balley and he said that he is forming a trust to run it but he said an individual can not be replaced so there may be a person better than him or worse but not like him. VT Rajashekar too has left us with that dilemma as to who after VT Rajashekar. I read somewhere that his son got established with the help of some friend, a digital archive online but people like us who were associated with him never got any information. Frankly speaking, in the absence of families knowing anything about the individual working, the work is mostly demolished. They don’t know who the people are associated with but opt for ‘famous’ people who might never have been on the same platform.

Why does Dalit Voice have to suffer? It is not the loss of VT Rajashekar who lived his life gracefully but millions of young Dalit Bahujans who could have got connected and learned a few new things intellectually. The reason is that Dalit Bahujan intellectual discourses are great but it has not reached an institutional level and that is the reason why papers like Janta, Samta, Mooknayak, Bhim Patrika and now Dalit Voice enter into archives once their editors or publishers pass away. All his life VT Rajashekar spoke about this and everyone knew that a powerful media would have helped the Dalit Bahujan leadership, unfortunately, most of them feel they can get away with helping a few ‘pious’ Brahmins in the Bania media. The power of propaganda was known to Periyar and that is why Tamilnadu’s Dravidian movement remains a powerful organ in north India’s Bahujan leadership depended on Brahmanical media and till did it not have its own media institution, it might come to power but that would not empower Dalit Bahujan Communities but only the Brahmanical elite as VT Rajashekar would always say. In this new age of naked media dancing to the tone of Sethji Bhat ji classes as Jyoti Ba Phule said the powerful voice of VT Rajashekar will always be missed and remembered. He was a man of deep-rooted conviction who lived life on his terms and conditions and never compromised on that. A big salute to this towering intellectual and dedicated man to the cause of Oppressed and persecuted minorities the world over who taught us to speak with courage and confidence.

Sambhal Sparks Alarm on Constitution Day: Is Judicial Integrity Under Siege?

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he incident that happened in Sambhal town of Uttar Pradesh is alarming and the government must ensure that there is no rumour-mongering and attempt to create further escalation of tension. A habitual Public Interest Litigation (PIL) expert filing petitions after petitions in various courts to create controversies needs to be called out. How can the local courts give such permission to survey a mosque (here Jama Masjid) or a temple which exists? It means any petitioner can go anywhere and file a case in the court that there was a temple underneath a mosque or any other place of worship and the local courts seem to be more than happy to entertain such a plea.

All this became more possible because of a big blunder in the judgement of the Supreme Court regarding Ayodhya land dispute. That time, they themselves agreed that their judgement was more a matter of reconciliation and not really on right or wrong. It was a matter of faith of the majority community and lingering for years hence the court gave a verdict where it actually condemned the demolition of the Babri Mosque.

The problem with that judgement was that not a single judge thought of writing that this judgement was to create an environment of mutual respect and relationship. We know courts do not speak merely the language of the law but also arbitrators of peace in conflict resolutions. There was already a Places of Worship Act’ which was duly passed by the Parliament. Either this government brings a new law overriding that or respects that. Don’t allow people to use theatrics to create a law and order crisis in the state.

The Sambhal incident is a warning. It is that law and order is not merely the responsibility of the local police. It remains under constant pressure because it has to follow orders from the top. So the political executive must not allow such things to happen again. We know political leadership these days enjoys such things as it helps their crisis. It is crisis management to keep people in crisis, therefore the Supreme Court must act, take a suo moto cognizance of this and frame unambiguous guidelines for the lower courts related to entertaining such frivolous petitions.

We are passing through a disturbing phase when the ruling party does not seem to bother an inch about such a situation. It has learnt the art of managing the elections and it is in electoral mode all the time which results in a crisis in governance.

We hope the Supreme Court acts in the greater interest and frames guidelines so that lower courts do not entertain such pleas and know what is their limit and what they should do.

On Constitution Day, we must realise that living with Constitutional morality is the only way out. The nation needs to take seriously the warning that Baba Saheb Ambedkar gave in the constituent Assembly. Let’s remember that India can not become a Vishwaguru if we allow street fights to happen every day on every street and corner of our cities and villages. This must stop in the greater interest of people.

धर्म, जाति और पैसे की सियासत में उत्कृष्ट विधायक की हार: क्या झारखंड को मिलेगा विनोद सिंह जैसा दूसरा जनप्रतिनिधि?

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गिरिडीह, मार्च 2024: बगोदर विधायक विनोद सिंह और झारखंड के खान भूतत्व विभाग मंत्री बादल पत्रलेख के बीच विधानसभा में संवाद:

विनोद सिंह: 2021 में अभ्रक और ढिबरा के उत्पादन के लिए झारखंड सरकार के नियम बनने के बाद (मानक संचालन प्रक्रिया) एसओपी नहीं बनने से सिर्फ नियम बनकर रह गया, और 15 महीने के बाद भी कोई लाभ नहीं मिल रहा। मंत्री जी बताएं, कब तक एसओपी बन जाएगा?

बादल पत्रलेख: विभाग इस मामले को लेकर संवेदनशील है। कई सारे विभागों से रिपोर्ट आने का इंतजार है, उसके बाद एसओपी बनाई जाएगी।

विनोद सिंह: बिलकुल, सरकार संवेदनशील है, पर कितना समय लगेगा, ये बता दें।

विधानसभा अध्यक्ष रविन्द्र नाथ महतो: जी, मंत्री जी बताएं कब तक बनेगा एसओपी?

बादल पत्रलेख: रिपोर्ट आते ही, जल्द।

विनोद सिंह: एक समय बताएं।

विधानसभा अध्यक्ष: एक समय बता दीजिए, मंत्री जी।

बादल पत्रलेख: जी, तीन महीने में।

ऐसे कई संवाद हैं झारखंड विधानसभा के, जहां विनोद सिंह, बिना किसी नतीजे पर पहुंचे कभी नहीं माने।

झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा के नेतृत्व में इंडिया गठबंधन की सरकार ने 81 विधानसभा सीटों में से 56 पर जीत हासिल कर ली। भारतीय जनता पार्टी के तमाम नफरती कोशिशों के बावजूद, उसे राज्य की सत्ता में काबिज होने से रोक दिया, हालांकि गठबंधन के 4 मंत्री भी हार गए।

लेकिन जिस एक हार पर झारखंड के बाहर भी चर्चा हो रही है, वह है बगोदर के सीपीआई(एमएल) विधायक विनोद सिंह। अपने शालीन व्यक्तित्व, कानून और संविधान की अच्छी समझ, लोगों के बीच 24 घंटे उपलब्ध होने, और कभी जाति, धर्म या पैसे की ताकत की राजनीति न करने वाले विनोद सिंह ने सड़क से सदन तक हर तरह के मसलों को उठाकर अपनी एक विशिष्ट पहचान पिछले 15-20 सालों में बनाई थी।

जब कोविड का दौर था, उस समय जिस विधायक ने प्रवासी मजदूरों के लिए सबसे ज्यादा काम किया, कोविड से मारे गए लोगों का स्वयं खड़े रहकर अंतिम संस्कार करवाया, और पीड़ित परिवारों के साथ मजबूती से खड़े दिखे, वह विनोद सिंह ही थे।

कोविड के प्रभाव से बाहर आने के बाद, उन्होंने अपने क्षेत्र में सबसे ज्यादा स्कूल, इंटर कॉलेज और डिग्री कॉलेज को सरकार से पास करवाया। इतने सारे काम किसी और क्षेत्र में नहीं हुए।

पिछले विधानसभा कार्यकाल में उन्हें उत्कृष्ट विधायक का खिताब भी मिला था।

उत्कृष्ट विधायक विनोद सिंह झारखंड चुनाव परिणाम बगोदर जनप्रतिनिधि
फुर्सत के पलों में विनोद सिंह (फ़ाइल पिक्चर) | साभार: फ़ेसबूक/विनोदसिंह

पर झारखंड, खासकर बिहार से सटे कोडरमा लोकसभा क्षेत्र, जिसमें बगोदर भी आता है, वहाँ ‘अब’ इतना काफी नहीं है। अगर उम्मीदवार की जाति के अनुसार अच्छा-खासा वोट नहीं है, पार्टी धर्म की राजनीति नहीं करती और चुनाव में पैसे नहीं बांटती, तो उस उम्मीदवार का जीतना संभव नहीं।

हाँ, एक दौर था, जब उम्मीदवार की जाति या धर्म नहीं, बल्कि उसका काम देखा जाता था। अगर उसका व्यक्तित्व शानदार होता, तो यह काफी माना जाता। पर अब बनारस हिंदू विश्वविद्यालय से स्नातकोत्तर डिग्री प्राप्त व्यक्ति ने सार्वजनिक तौर पर धार्मिक गतिविधियों में हिस्सा लिया या नहीं, यह ज्यादा महत्व रखने लगा है।

यह तो उम्मीद ही नहीं की जा सकती कि कोई विनोद सिंह के किए कामों के समानांतर कुछ कर पाएगा। पर इससे भी बड़ी बात यह है कि पूरे राज्य के लोगों के हक-अधिकार की बात उठाने वाले पूर्व सीपीआई (एमएल) विधायक की तरह राज्य को कोई दूसरा नेता मिल पाएगा।

विनोद सिंह को 2019 के मुकाबले मात्र 3,317 वोट कम मिले

पर उनके प्रतिद्वंद्वी के वोट 43,845 बढ़ गए। ऐसा किसी सिटिंग विधायक के लिए तभी हो सकता है, जब उसके खिलाफ बहुत ज्यादा एंटी-इनकम्बेंसी (सत्ता विरोधी लहर) हो या लोगों में गुस्सा हो।

लेकिन जहां एक उत्कृष्ट विधायक हो, और सामने वह उम्मीदवार हो, जो खुद एंटी-इनकम्बेंसी के कारण 2019 में हार चुका हो, और 2024 में 40,000 से ज्यादा वोट लाकर जीत जाए, तो इसे जाति, धर्म और पैसे की सफलता नहीं कहेंगे तो और क्या?

झारखंड के जीत के चाणक्य: सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू की रणनीतिक कौशल की कहानी

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रांची: इंडिया ब्लॉक को 56 सीटें मिलना और झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा को झारखंड में सबसे ज्यादा 34 सीटें मिलना न केवल हेमंत और कल्पना सोरेन के कठोर चुनाव प्रचार का परिणाम है, बल्कि गिरिडीह के झामुमो विधायक सुदिव्य कुमार द्वारा तैयार की गई रणनीति का भी है। शनिवार को चुनाव परिणाम घोषित हुए, सुदिव्य सोनू ने कल्पना सोरेन के साथ दूसरी बार अपनी सीट सुरक्षित कर ली, जिन्होंने पड़ोसी गांडेय निर्वाचन क्षेत्र से जीत हासिल की।

सुदिव्य सोनू की रणनीति ने इंडिया ब्लॉक और विशेष रूप से पीएम नरेंद्र मोदी, अमित शाह और बाबूलाल मरांडी की तिकड़ी के खिलाफ जेएमएम की जीत हासिल की।

कौन हैं सुदिव्य कुमार सोनू?

गिरिडीह के 54 वर्षीय विधायक झामुमो के समर्पित कार्यकर्ता हैं। ऐसे युग में जब राजनेता बहुत आसानी से पार्टियां बदलते हैं, सोनू तीन दशकों के अधिक समय से झामुमो के प्रति वफादार रहे हैं। 2004 में जब शिबू सोरेन को केंद्रीय कोयला मंत्री के पद से इस्तीफा देना पड़ा था और पीरटांड और चिरुडीह मामलों में कानूनी लड़ाई का सामना किया, तो सोनू दृढ़ता से उनके साथ खड़े रहे, और उन्हें कानूनी लड़ाई लड़ने में मदद की।

हेमन्त सोरेन के करीबी

शिबू सोरेन के साथ अपने रिश्ते के बारे में बोलते हुए, सोनू ने एक बार टिप्पणी की थी, “बाबा (शिबू सोरेन) ने मेरे पिता से मुझे अपने साथ रहने देने का अनुरोध किया था। उन्होंने कहा था कि वह मुझे अपने बेटे की तरह पालेंगे।” जैसे-जैसे शिबू सोरेन सक्रिय राजनीति से पीछे हटने लगे, सोनू की करीबी हेमंत सोरेन से बढ़ती गई और वह उनके भरोसेमंद रणनीतिकारों में से एक बन गए।

सोनू ने 2019 में झामुमो के लिए एक मजबूत सोशल मीडिया टीम स्थापित करने में भी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई, एक ऐसा कदम जिसने हेमंत सोरेन के सत्ता में आने में अहम योगदान दिया। खुद पर ध्यान आकर्षित करने वाली अन्य सोशल मीडिया टीमों के विपरीत, यह टीम श्रेय का दावा किए बिना झामुमो के संदेश को बढ़ाते हुए, विवेकपूर्वक काम करती है।

कल्पना सोरेन के राजनीतिक उत्थान में एक प्रमुख व्यक्ति

जब यह स्पष्ट हो गया कि हेमंत सोरेन को मुख्यमंत्री पद से इस्तीफा देना पड़ सकता है और कल्पना सोरेन एक महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक भूमिका निभाएंगी, तो यह सोनू ही थे जिन्होंने उनके लिए गैर-आरक्षित गढ़, गांडेय निर्वाचन क्षेत्र की सिफारिश की थी। उनकी रणनीति रंग लाई और कल्पना सोरेन ने सफलतापूर्वक उपचुनाव लड़ा और जीत हासिल की। पांच महीने के भीतर, उन्होंने आम चुनाव में सीट दोबारा हासिल कर ली।

इंडिया ब्लॉक की स्टार प्रचारक कल्पना सोरेन का शामिल होना 2024 में झारखंड की राजनीति में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक घटनाक्रम है। कल्पना के करिश्माई व्यक्तित्व का एनडीए के पास कोई मुकाबला नहीं है।

इंडिया ब्लॉक के टिकट वितरण में भी ख़ास भूमिका

सुदिव्य सोनू ने झामुमो और कांग्रेस के बीच इंडिया ब्लॉक के टिकट वितरण में भी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई। उन्होंने यह सुनिश्चित किया कि झामुमो में अन्य दलों के नेता आए। उनके प्रयासों से झामुमो की स्थिति काफी मजबूत हुई, पार्टी को भाजपा से दर्जन भर नेता आए जिनमे मौजूदा और पूर्व विधायक भी शामिल थे।

हालाँकि धनवार सीट पर उम्मीदवार खड़ा करने के झामुमो के फैसले से इंडिया ब्लॉक के भीतर मतभेद पैदा हो गया, लेकिन सोनू ने इस कदम का बचाव करते हुए बताया, “न केवल निज़ामुद्दीन अंसारी चुनाव लड़ने के लिए अड़े हुए थे, बल्कि यह हमारे राजनीतिक समीकरण के लिए भी आवश्यक था। झामुमो नेतृत्व का भी मानना था कि अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय अधिक प्रतिनिधित्व के पात्र हैं।”

इस रणनीतिक कौशल ने झामुमो को 34 सीटों की ऐतिहासिक संख्या हासिल करने में मदद की – जो अब तक सबसे अधिक है।

Chanakya of Jharkhand Politics: The Untold Story of Sudivya Kumar Sonu’s Strategic Brilliance

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Ranchi: The historic mandate of INDIA bloc getting 56 seats and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha’s best tally of 34 in Jharkhand is not only the result of a rigorous campaign by Hemant and Kalpana Soren but also the outcome of the strategy devised by Giridih’s JMM legislator, Sudivya Kumar Sonu. As the election results were declared on Saturday, Sudivya Sonu secured his seat for the second time, alongside Kalpana Soren, who won from the neighboring Gandey constituency.

Sudivya Sonu’s strategy worked for the INDIA block and especially JMM’s win against PM Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and Babulal Marandi’s trio.

Who is Sudivya Kumar Sonu?

The 54-year-old MLA from Giridih is a dedicated worker of the JMM. In an era when politicians frequently change parties, Sonu has remained loyal to the JMM for over three decades. Back in 2004, when Shibu Soren resigned as Union Coal Minister and faced legal battles in the Pirtand and Chirudih cases, Sonu stood steadfastly by his side, helping him navigate through the turmoil.

A Close Ally of Hemant Soren

Speaking about his relationship with Shibu Soren, Sonu once remarked, “Baba (Shibu Soren) had requested my father to let me stay with him. He had said he would nurture me like his son and make me a leader.” As Shibu Soren began to step back from active politics, Sonu grew closer to Hemant Soren, becoming one of his trusted strategists.

Sonu also played a crucial role in establishing a robust social media team for the JMM in 2019, a move that significantly contributed to Hemant Soren’s rise to power. Unlike other social media teams that seek attention, this team operates discreetly, amplifying JMM’s message without claiming credit.

A Key Figure in Kalpana Soren’s Political Rise

When it became evident that Hemant Soren might have to resign as Chief Minister and Kalpana Soren would take on a significant political role, it was Sonu who recommended the Gandey constituency, a non-reserved stronghold, for her. His strategy paid off as Kalpana Soren successfully contested and won the bypoll. Within five months, she reclaimed the seat in the general election.

The addition of Kalpana Soren, the INDIA bloc’s star campaigner remains the most significant political development in Jharkhand politics in 2024. The NDA has no match for Kalpana’s charismatic personality.

Influencing INDIA Bloc’s Ticket Distribution

Sudivya Sonu also played a pivotal role in the INDIA bloc’s ticket distribution discussions between the JMM and Congress. He ensured that the JMM secured strategic constituencies while also welcoming leaders from other parties. His efforts significantly bolstered the JMM’s position, with the party gaining several defectors from the BJP, including a dozen sitting and former MLAs.

Although JMM’s decision to field a candidate in the Dhanwar seat caused friction within the INDIA bloc, Sonu defended the move, explaining, “Not only was Nizamuddin Ansari adamant about contesting, but it was also necessary for our political equation. The JMM leadership also believed that minority candidates deserved more representation.”

This strategic acumen helped the JMM achieve a historic tally of 34 seats—the highest in its history—while leaving a notable dent in the BJP’s fortunes in Jharkhand.

अडानी के ग्लोबल विस्तार पर सवाल: श्रीलंका, बांग्लादेश और इज़राइल में विरोध की लहर

जारी:

अडानी को लेकर श्रीलंका में राजनीतिक बवाल

श्रीलंका की नवनिर्वाचित वामपंथी सरकार ने राष्ट्रपति अनुरा कुमारा दिसानायके के नेतृत्व में भारत के दक्षिण में स्थित इस द्वीप राष्ट्र में पिछली सरकार द्वारा अडानी समूह को दी गई 44 करोड़ डॉलर की पवन ऊर्जा परियोजना पर पुनर्विचार करने का फैसला किया है। श्रीलंका के सर्वोच्च न्यायालय को बताया गया है कि हाल ही में हुई कैबिनेट बैठक में सौदे की पारदर्शिता पर संदेह व्यक्त किए जाने के बाद सौदे की समीक्षा शुरू की गई है।

श्रीलंका में अडानी समूह की यात्रा कोलंबो बंदरगाह के एक महत्वपूर्ण हिस्से को विकसित करने के साथ शुरू हुई थी, जो अपनी भौगोलिक स्थिति के कारण अंतर्राष्ट्रीय शिपिंग के लिए एक महत्वपूर्ण केंद्र है। एक आशाजनक उद्यम के रूप में शुरू हुआ यह काम जल्द ही भारतीय समूह के लिए एक अशांत प्रकरण बन गया। राजनीतिक विवाद और सार्वजनिक विरोध के बाद अंततः योजना में महत्वपूर्ण बदलाव हुआ।

2019 में, श्रीलंका सरकार ने अपनी प्रमुख आर्थिक संपत्ति कोलंबो बंदरगाह का विस्तार करना  चाहा। भारत लंबे समय से श्रीलंका में चीन की बढ़ती मौजूदगी के मद्देनजर वहां अपना प्रभाव बढ़ाने की कोशिश कर रहा था। चीन ने पहले ही 99 साल की लीज अवधि के साथ श्रीलंका में विशाल हंबनटोटा बंदरगाह स्थापित कर लिया था।

अडानी पोर्ट्स एंड स्पेशल इकोनॉमिक ज़ोन (एपीएसईज़ेड) ने कोलंबो पोर्ट पर ईस्ट कंटेनर टर्मिनल (ईसीटी) के विकास को एक आकर्षक परियोजना के रूप में देखा, क्योंकि इसकी गहरे पानी की बर्थ और बड़े कंटेनर जहाजों को समायोजित करने की क्षमता है, जो इसे भारत के लिए एक रणनीतिक निवेश बनाती है। 2020 में, कई दौर की चर्चाओं और वार्ताओं के बाद, तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपति गोटाबाया राजपक्षे के नेतृत्व वाली श्रीलंकाई सरकार ने ईसीटी के विकास में भारत (अडानी समूह के माध्यम से) और जापान को शामिल करने के लिए एक समझौता किया । इस सौदे को इस तरह से संरचित किया गया था कि श्रीलंका बंदरगाह प्राधिकरण (एसएलपीए) को 51% स्वामित्व दिया गया, जबकि भारत (अडानी के माध्यम से) और जापान के पास 49% हिस्सेदारी होगी।

जैसे-जैसे सौदा आगे बढ़ा, ट्रेड यूनियनों, बंदरगाह कर्मचारियों और विपक्षी राजनीतिक दलों की ओर से इसका कड़ा विरोध हुआ — उन्होंने ‘ऐसी महत्वपूर्ण राष्ट्रीय संपत्ति’ को विदेशी फर्म को सौंपने के बारे में चिंता व्यक्त की। उनका तर्क था कि ईसीटी के महत्व को देखते हुए, इसका स्वामित्व पूरी तरह से श्रीलंकाई लोगों के पास होना चाहिए। बंदरगाह कर्मचारियों द्वारा हड़ताल किए जाने और पूरे देश में सार्वजनिक प्रदर्शन किए जाने से सरकार पर दबाव पड़ा।

बढ़ती अशांति और राजनीतिक दबाव के कारण श्रीलंका सरकार ने फरवरी 2021 में ईसीटी परियोजना को रद्द करने का फैसला किया, जिससे अडानी को बड़ा झटका लगा। इस फैसले ने श्रीलंका और भारत के बीच संबंधों को भी तनावपूर्ण बना दिया, क्योंकि इस सौदे के निरस्त होने को हिंद महासागर में भारत की भू-राजनीतिक महत्वाकांक्षाओं के लिए एक झटका के रूप में देखा गया।

कूटनीतिक संकट को कम करने के लिए, श्रीलंका सरकार ने प्रस्ताव दिया कि अडानी कोलंबो पोर्ट पर वेस्ट कंटेनर टर्मिनल (डब्ल्यूसीटी) विकसित करें। डब्ल्यूसीटी को विकसित करने का सौदा ईसीटी से अलग तरीके से संरचित था। यह 35 साल का निर्माण, संचालन और हस्तांतरण (बीओटी) समझौता था, जिसमें परियोजना को क्रियान्वित करने वाली इकाई में अडानी की हिस्सेदारी अधिक (85%) होगी, जबकि शेष 15% हिस्सा श्रीलंका बंदरगाह प्राधिकरण के पास होगा। डब्ल्यूसीटी, हालांकि महत्वपूर्ण था, लेकिन उसकी स्थिति ईसीटी जितनी रणनीतिक नहीं थी। अडानी ने वैकल्पिक सौदे को स्वीकार कर लिया।

तब तक, अडानी ने एक बड़ी पवन ऊर्जा परियोजना के ज़रिए द्वीप राष्ट्र की ऊर्जा प्रणाली में अपनी पैठ बनानी शुरू कर दी थी। यह श्रीलंका के 2022 के वित्तीय संकट के दौरान भारत द्वारा 4 अरब डॉलर का ऋण दिए जाने के बाद हुआ।

नवंबर 2021 में, एक श्रीलंकाई अधिकारी ने संसदीय समिति के समक्ष गवाही दी कि भारतीय प्रधानमंत्री मोदी ने मन्नार में पवन ऊर्जा परियोजना को अडानी को सौंपने के लिए श्रीलंका के राष्ट्रपति पर दबाव डाला था। कुछ दिनों बाद, इस अधिकारी ने, जो श्रीलंका के सीलोन इलेक्ट्रिसिटी बोर्ड (सीईबी) के अध्यक्ष था, ने इस्तीफा दे दिया। यह गवाही मोदी द्वारा ग्लासगो में जलवायु शिखर सम्मेलन के दौरान श्रीलंका के पूर्व राष्ट्रपति गोटबाया राजपक्षे से मुलाकात के ठीक बाद आई। हंगामे के बाद, सीईबी अधिकारी ने अपना बयान वापस ले लिया, इसके बावजूद उनकी सार्वजनिक गवाही की वीडियो रिकॉर्डिंग सोशल मीडिया पर तेजी से फैल गई।

यह पहली बार नहीं था, जब श्रीलंका में अडानी की भूमिका की जांच की गई। मार्च 2022 में, मन्नार और पूनरी में अक्षय ऊर्जा परियोजनाओं को विकसित करने के लिए सीईबी और अडानी ग्रीन एनर्जी के बीच एक समझौते पर हस्ताक्षर किए जाने के बाद, श्रीलंका की मुख्य विपक्षी पार्टी, समागी जन बालावेगया (एसजेबी) ने दावा किया कि अडानी ने ‘पिछले दरवाजे’ से प्रवेश किया। उन्होंने राष्ट्रपति गोटबाया राजपक्षे पर भारतीय प्रधानमंत्री मोदी के करीबी सहयोगी अडानी को प्रतिस्पर्धियों पर तरजीह देकर उनका पक्ष लेने का आरोप लगाया। एसजेबी ने 10 मेगावाट से अधिक क्षमता वाली परियोजनाओं के लिए प्रतिस्पर्धी बोली प्रक्रिया को खत्म करने के लिए बिजली कानून में संशोधन करने के फैसले की भी आलोचना की और आरोप लगाया कि यह अडानी को फायदा पहुंचाने के लिए किया गया था।

जून 2024 में विवाद और गहरा गया, जब श्रीलंका के सार्वजनिक उपयोगिता आयोग ने अडानी को 484 मेगावाट पवन ऊर्जा संयंत्र स्थापित करने की मंजूरी देने से इंकार कर दिया। अगस्त में, यह परियोजना कानूनी विवादों में उलझ गई, जब सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने निवेश बोर्ड और केंद्रीय पर्यावरण प्राधिकरण सहित सरकारी संस्थाओं को पवन ऊर्जा परियोजना पर अपनी आपत्तियां प्रस्तुत करने का आदेश दिया।

जैसा कि उल्लेख किया गया है, श्रीलंका के नए राष्ट्रपति दिसानायके, जो श्रीलंका पर भारतीय प्रभाव के लंबे समय से आलोचक रहे हैं, ने टेलीविजन पर एक टॉक शो के दौरान अडानी पवन ऊर्जा परियोजना को रद्द करने का  संकल्प लिया। देश के उत्तरी हिस्से में मन्नार और पूनरी में परियोजनाएं स्थापित करने के विवादास्पद समझौते का जिक्र करते हुए उन्होंने कहा, ‘हां, हम निश्चित रूप से इसे रद्द करेंगे, क्योंकि यह हमारी ऊर्जा संप्रभुता को खतरा पहुंचाता है।’ समझौता ज्ञापन (एमओयू) के माध्यम से 2024 की शुरुआत में औपचारिक रूप से किए गए इस समझौते को सुप्रीम कोर्ट में चुनौती दी गई है।

1 अक्टूबर, 2024 को श्रीलंका के राष्ट्रपति चुनाव में अपनी जीत के बाद, दिसानायके ने सुप्रीम कोर्ट को सूचित किया है कि उनका प्रशासन अडानी की पवन परियोजनाओं को पिछली सरकार द्वारा दी गई मंजूरी पर पुनर्विचार करेगा।

बंगलादेश के साथ ‘भेदभावपूर्ण’ विद्युत अनुबंध

जून 2015 में, मोदी ने बंगलादेश का दौरा किया और उसकी बिजली की ज़रूरतों को पूरा करने में भारत के समर्थन का वादा किया। दो महीने बाद, अडानी समूह ने बांग्लादेश पावर डेवलपमेंट बोर्ड (बीपीडीबी) के साथ एक समझौता ज्ञापन (एमओयू) पर हस्ताक्षर किए। इसके परिणामस्वरूप, पूर्वी भारत में झारखंड के गोड्डा में 1600 मेगावाट का कोयला-आधारित बिजली संयंत्र स्थापित किया गया, जो बांग्लादेश को बिजली निर्यात करने के लिए समर्पित था।

दुनिया में गोड्डा जैसी कोई बिजली परियोजना कहीं नहीं है। भारत में कोयले के सबसे ज़्यादा भंडार झारखंड में हैं। फिर भी अडानी का गोड्डा बिजली संयंत्र उस राज्य से कोयले की प्रचुर आपूर्ति का उपयोग नहीं करता है, जहां यह स्थित है। परियोजना द्वारा उपयोग किया जाने वाला कोयला उत्तरी ऑस्ट्रेलिया के एबॉट पॉइंट बंदरगाह से जहाजों के जरिए लगभग 9000 किलोमीटर  दूर ओडिशा के धामरा बंदरगाह तक लाया जाता है। क्वींसलैंड में कोयला खदान और भारत के पूर्वी तट पर बंदरगाह, दोनों पर ही अडानी समूह का नियंत्रण हैं।

धामरा पहुंचने के बाद, कोयले को पट्टे पर ली गई रेलवे लाइनों के जरिए 600 किलोमीटर दूर गोड्डा ले जाया जाता है। (इस रेलवे लाइन के उन्नयन के कारण विस्थापन का सामना कर रहे आदिवासी लोगों ने इसका विरोध किया था।) गोड्डा पावर प्लांट में बिजली पैदा होने के बाद, इसे 100 किलोमीटर से अधिक दूर बांग्लादेश के भेरामारा तक पहुंचाया जाता है, जहां से इसे फिर से वितरित किया जाता है।

2017 में, बांग्लादेश की तत्कालीन प्रधानमंत्री शेख हसीना की नई दिल्ली यात्रा के दौरान, दोनों सरकारों ने परियोजना को लागू करने के लिए एक समझौते पर हस्ताक्षर किए। बांग्लादेश में इस बात का विरोध होने के बावजूद कि समझौते की शर्तें अडानी के पक्ष में बहुत ज़्यादा झुकी हुई थीं, यह परियोजना, अपनी तार्किक विसंगतियों के साथ, आगे बढ़ी। इसके बाद बिजली की कीमतों को लेकर चिंता पैदा हुई।

इस अनुबंध को अत्यधिक महंगा और बांग्लादेश के हितों के विरुद्ध बताया गया है। रिपोर्ट्स से पता चलता है कि बांग्लादेश को अडानी प्लांट से बिजली के लिए देश की औसत बिजली लागत से पांच गुना अधिक भुगतान करना पड़ेगा। भले ही प्लांट बिजली का उत्पादन न करे, फिर भी बांग्लादेश को 25 वर्षों की अवधि में इसकी वार्षिक क्षमता और रखरखाव शुल्क के रूप में कुल 45 करोड़ डॉलर का भुगतान करना होगा।

2023 में, ‘अडानी वॉच’ के एक लेख ने बांग्लादेश और अडानी समूह के बीच अनुबंध की वैधता पर सवाल उठाया था, क्योंकि अडानी ने उन लागतों को शामिल किया था, जो अस्तित्व में ही नहीं थीं। नवंबर 2017 में हस्ताक्षरित पावर परचेज एग्रीमेंट (पीपीए) में वैट (मूल्य वर्धित कर) और अन्य करों को अलग से सूचीबद्ध किया गया है। बहरहाल, भारत ने पीपीए को अंतिम रूप दिए जाने से साढ़े चार महीने पहले ही जुलाई 2017 में व्यापक वस्तु एवं सेवा कर (जीएसटी) व्यवस्था लागू कर दी थी, जिसने केंद्रीय उत्पाद शुल्क, सेवा कर, अतिरिक्त सीमा शुल्क, अधिभार, राज्य-स्तरीय वैट, ऑक्ट्रोई (एक परिवहन-संबंधी कर), और अंतर्राज्यीय माल की आवाजाही के लिए शुल्क सहित अधिकांश अप्रत्यक्ष करों की जगह ले ली थी। फिर सवाल यह उठा कि इन पुराने कर प्रावधानों को पीपीए में क्यों शामिल किया गया था?

इसके अतिरिक्त, बांग्लादेश के साथ बिजली अनुबंध पर हस्ताक्षर होने के 15 महीने बाद फरवरी 2019 में गोड्डा परियोजना को विशेष आर्थिक क्षेत्र (एसईजेड) के रूप में नामित किया गया था। भारत में एसईजेड को महत्वपूर्ण करों में छूट का लाभ मिलता है। एपीजेएल को लगभग सभी आयातित वस्तुओं पर करों से छूट प्राप्त है और उसे दीर्घकालिक आयकर छूट का लाभ मिलता है।

कथित तौर पर इस समझौते पर राजनीतिक प्रभाव में  और बिना किसी मानक संशोधन के, जो आमतौर पर ऐसे अनुबंधों का हिस्सा होता है, हस्ताक्षर किए गए। इसका श्रेय अडानी और मोदी के बीच घनिष्ठ संबंधों को दिया जाता है। पर्यावरण संबंधी चिंताओं और नवीकरणीय ऊर्जा के लिए वैश्विक दबाव के कारण 2021 में कई कोयला आधारित बिजली परियोजनाओं को रद्द करने के बांग्लादेश के फैसले के बावजूद, गोड्डा परियोजना को अछूता रखा गया।

जुलाई और अगस्त 2024 में बंगलादेश की राजधानी ढाका और देश के दूसरे हिस्सों में सरकार के खिलाफ़ हिंसक प्रदर्शन हुए । 5 अगस्त 2024 को बांग्लादेश की प्रधानमंत्री शेख हसीना ने भागकर भारत में शरण ली। दो दिन बाद नोबेल पुरस्कार विजेता और लंबे समय से हसीना के आलोचक रहे मुहम्मद यूनुस को अंतरिम सरकार का मुखिया नियुक्त किया गया।

इसके बाद, बंगलादेश ने औपचारिक रूप से अडानी के साथ समझौते में संशोधन का अनुरोध किया है। बर्लिन स्थित नागरिक समाज संगठन ट्रांसपेरेंसी इंटरनेशनल बंगलादेश ने बीपीडीबी और अडानी के बीच अनुबंध को ‘असमान, अपारदर्शी और भेदभावपूर्ण’ करार दिया है। इस सौदे ने बंगलादेश में भारत विरोधी, हसीना विरोधी भावनाओं को बढ़ाने में योगदान दिया है।

हसीना के भारत आने के एक हफ़्ते बाद, 12 अगस्त को, भारत सरकार ने सीमा पार बिजली निर्यात दिशा-निर्देशों में संशोधन किया, जिससे विवादास्पद गोड्डा के कोयला आधारित बिजली संयंत्र को फ़ायदा पहुंचा है। इस संशोधन को ढाका में सत्ता परिवर्तन के बाद अडानी को होने वाले नुकसान को रोकने के उपाय के रूप में देखा गया है।

कुछ सप्ताह बाद, 27 अगस्त को, अडानी समूह ने औपचारिक रूप से यूनुस के नेतृत्व वाले प्रशासन से संपर्क किया और गोड्डा से बीपीडीबी को आपूर्ति की गई बिजली के लिए बकाया 80 करोड़ डॉलर की मांग की। नए प्रशासन ने देश की आर्थिक कठिनाईयों के लिए पिछली सरकार द्वारा किए गए महंगे बुनियादी ढांचा सौदों को जिम्मेदार ठहराया है। यूनुस के मुख्य ऊर्जा सलाहकार, मुहम्मद फ़ौज़ुल कबीर खान ने स्वीकार किया है कि वे भारी वित्तीय बकाये का सामना कर रहे हैं। उन्होंने कहा : “जब से हमने पदभार संभाला है, हम इस समस्या से निपट रहे हैं।”

उन्होंने दावा किया कि बांग्लादेश की विद्युत क्षेत्र की कुल देनदारियां 3.7 अरब डॉलर की हैं, जिसमें से 49.2 करोड़ डॉलर अकेले अडानी को देना है, जो दावा की गई राशि का लगभग आधा है। यह विवाद अभी भी जारी है।

इजराइल में अडानी: नेतन्याहू के लिए हरसंभव प्रयास

अडानी समूह उस समय इजरायल में विवाद के केंद्र में आ गया, जब उसने देश के दूसरे सबसे बड़े हाइफा बंदरगाह के प्रबंधन का नियंत्रण हासिल कर लिया। यह कदम अडानी की पश्चिम एशिया में उसकी उपस्थिति को मजबूत करने और एशिया और यूरोप को जोड़ने की व्यापक रणनीति का हिस्सा था। इस सौदे की आलोचना की गई, क्योंकि यह सौदा ऐसे समय हुआ था, जब इस क्षेत्र में हिंसा बढ़ रही थी।

भारत सरकार के आलोचकों का तर्क है कि अडानी का यह सौदा पीएम मोदी के नेतृत्व में भारत की विदेश नीति में बदलाव से जुड़ा हुआ है, जो फिलिस्तीनियों के लिए अपने पारंपरिक समर्थन से दूर होते हुए इजरायल और मध्य-पूर्व के अन्य रूढ़िवादी शासनों के करीब पहुंच गई है। मोदी भारत के ऐसे पहले प्रधानमंत्री हैं, जिन्होंने जुलाई 2017 में आधिकारिक रूप से तेल अवीव का दौरा किया था।

इजराइल में अडानी की भागीदारी में टैवर असॉल्ट राइफलें और हर्मीस ड्रोन (यूएवी के मानव रहित हवाई वाहन) जैसे सैन्य हथियारों को जोड़ने में सहयोग जैसे सौदे भी शामिल है, जिनका उपयोग युद्ध में किया जा रहा है। इस सहयोग के कारण भारत सरकार की आलोचना हुई है कि वह इजराइल की विवादास्पद जातीय-राष्ट्रवादी नीतियों का मौन समर्थन कर रहा है।

भारत-इज़रायल संबंध एक व्यापक पैटर्न का हिस्सा है, जो अब्राहम समझौते के ढांचे के तहत संयुक्त अरब अमीरात, सऊदी अरब और मिस्र जैसे पश्चिम एशियाई देशों में रणनीतिक सहयोग की मांग करते हैं। इन संबंधों के मजबूत आर्थिक आयाम हैं, विशेष रूप से कच्चे तेल का आयात के संदर्भ में। हाल ही में, सबसे प्रमुख चिंता यह उभरकर सामने आई है कि क्या भारत की विदेश नीति अडानी जैसे निजी व्यवसायी के हितों के साथ अत्यधिक एकमेक हो रही है।

2018 में, अदानी एंटरप्राइजेज और इज़राइल की सबसे बड़ी हथियार निर्माता कंपनी एल्बिट सिस्टम्स ने मिलकर अदानी एल्बिट एडवांस्ड सिस्टम्स इंडिया लिमिटेड नामक एक संयुक्त उद्यम शुरू किया है। यह सहयोग हर्मीस 900 यूएवी के उत्पादन पर केंद्रित है, जो इज़राइल रक्षा बलों (आईडीएफ) द्वारा अक्सर युद्ध में इस्तेमाल किया जाने वाला एक लड़ाकू ड्रोन है। हर्मीस 900, अपनी लंबी उड़ान शक्ति और उन्नत निगरानी क्षमताओं के साथ, 2023 और 2024 में गाजा में बमबारी सहित कई सैन्य अभियानों में तैनात किया गया था।

इजराइल को विस्फोटकों के आपूर्तिकर्ता के रूप में भारत की भूमिका तब उजागर हुई, जब मई 2024 में दक्षिण भारत के चेन्नई से इजराइल जाने वाले एक जहाज को स्पेन के तट पर रोक दिया गया। बताया जाता है कि गाजा के नुसेरात शरणार्थी शिविर में संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघ के आश्रय स्थल पर आईडीएफ की बमबारी के बाद मिले मिसाइल के टुकड़े पर ‘मेड इन इंडिया’ और ‘प्रीमियर एक्सप्लोसिव्स लिमिटेड’ नामक कंपनी का नाम लिखा हुआ था। (अडानी का इस कंपनी से कोई संबंध नहीं है।)

अडानी ने भारतीय राज्य मध्य प्रदेश के ग्वालियर में पीएलआर सिस्टम स्थापित करने के लिए इज़राइल वेपन इंडस्ट्रीज (आईडब्ल्यूआई) के साथ साझेदारी की है । (पीएलआर का मतलब है ‘सटीक, घातक और विश्वसनीय’।) यह संयुक्त उद्यम, जिसमें अडानी की 51% हिस्सेदारी है, विभिन्न आग्नेयास्त्रों का निर्माण करता है, जिसमें टैवर और एक्स95 असॉल्ट राइफलें, नेगेव लाइट मशीन गन और गैलिल स्नाइपर राइफलें शामिल हैं। मूल रूप से सरकारी स्वामित्व वाली, आईडब्ल्यूआई का 2005 में निजीकरण कर दिया गया था और इसने अडानी के साथ सहयोग जैसे माध्यम से अपनी उपस्थिति का विस्तार किया है।

वर्ष 2022 में अडानी की रक्षा क्षेत्र में महत्वाकांक्षाएं तब और बढ़ गईं, जब आईडब्ल्यूआई के सहयोग से अरबेल (एआरबीईएल) नामक एक एआई-संचालित छोटे हथियार प्रणाली निर्माता की स्थापना की गई और इसे गुजरात में डेफएक्सपो में लॉन्च किया गया। अडानी और मोदी (जो दोनों पश्चिमी भारतीय राज्य गुजरात से हैं), दोनों गुजरात राज्य को हथियार निर्माण के केंद्र के रूप में विकसित करने के इच्छुक हैं।

सितंबर 2024 में, अदानी समूह ने महाराष्ट्र में चिप निर्माण संयंत्र स्थापित करने के लिए टॉवर सेमीकंडक्टर नामक एक इज़राइली कंपनी के साथ एक संयुक्त उद्यम बनाया। अडानी समूह इस परियोजना में 83,947 करोड़ रुपए (10 अरब अमेरिकी डॉलर) निवेश करने की योजना बना रहा है, जो अपने पहले चरण में प्रति माह 40,000 वेफ़र (सेमीकंडक्टर सामग्री का एक पतला टुकड़ा, जिसका उपयोग एकीकृत सर्किट बनाने में किया जाता है) का निर्माण करेगा और उसके बाद अपनी विनिर्माण क्षमता को दोगुना करेगा। इन चिप्स का इस्तेमाल ड्रोन, कार और स्मार्ट-फ़ोन में किया जाएगा।

ग्रीस में अडानी: एक और बंदरगाह बनाने की तैयारी?

अगस्त 2023 में मोदी की ग्रीस यात्रा, जो चालीस वर्षों में किसी भारतीय नेता की पहली यात्रा है, पहले तो एक नियमित राजनयिक यात्रा की तरह लग रही थी। बहरहाल, औपचारिक बैठकों और सार्वजनिक बयानों के पीछे, ग्रीक मीडिया की रिपोर्टों ने एक और उद्देश्य का खुलासा किया है: अडानी के लिए ग्रीक बंदरगाहों के माध्यम से यूरोप में अपने साम्राज्य का विस्तार करने का मार्ग प्रशस्त किया जा रहा है।

ग्रीक प्रधानमंत्री किरियाकोस मित्सोताकिस के साथ मोदी की चर्चा के दौरान, बातचीत का केंद्र अडानी द्वारा कवला, वोलोस और एलेक्जेंड्रोपोली जैसे बंदरगाहों में हिस्सेदारी हासिल करने की संभावना पर था। इन स्थानों को न केवल व्यापार को बढ़ावा देने की उनकी क्षमता के लिहाज से, बल्कि भारत के निर्यात को यूरोप में अंदर तक ले जाने में मदद कर सकने वाले महत्वपूर्ण प्रवेश द्वार के रूप में भी देखा जा रहा है। ग्रीस के साथ भारत का व्यापार वर्तमान में लगभग 2 अरब डॉलर का है। दोनों नेताओं ने इस देश को भारतीय व्यवसायों को यूरोपीय बाजारों से जोड़ने वाले पारगमन केंद्र में बदलने के अवसर के रूप में देखा है।

दोनों शासनाध्यक्षों के बीच बातचीत में पीरियस बंदरगाह भी शामिल था, जो भूमध्य सागर की एक प्रमुख चौकी है। बहरहाल, चीन के कॉस्को शिपिंग के बंदरगाह के अधिकांश हिस्से को नियंत्रित करने के साथ, बंदरगाह में कोई भी भारतीय भागीदारी जटिल हो सकती है। अडानी के लिए, ये बातचीत वैश्विक शिपिंग उद्योग में अपने प्रभाव का विस्तार करने की अपनी व्यापक रणनीति के अनुरूप हैं, जो भारत में इसके प्रभुत्व को पूरक बनाती हैं जहाँ यह देश भर में कम से कम एक दर्जन बंदरगाहों का संचालन करता है। 2024 में, ग्रीक प्रधान मंत्री किरियाकोस मित्सोटाकिस प्रवास और गतिशीलता पर एक समझौते को अंतिम रूप देने के लिए भारत आए।

(जारी: कल समापन किस्त)

अडानी वॉच’ से साभार

मोदी की व्यापार-प्रथम नीति: कैसे अडानी भारत के लिए वैश्विक संकट बनते जा रहे हैं

From Worship to Exploitation: Ganga’s Journey Reflects India’s Environmental Hypocrisy

It is an honour for me to speak at the Jawahar Bhawan, dedicated to the iconic man. I did not see him, but whatever I read about him through his writings has made an everlasting impression on me. I want to quote Jawahar Lal Nehru from his ‘Will’.

He says,

‘My desire to have a handful of my ashes thrown into the Ganga at Allahabad has no religious significance, so far as I am concerned. I have no religious sentiment in the matter. I have been attached to the Ganga and Jamuna [Jumna] Rivers in Allahabad ever since my childhood and, as I have grown older, this attachment has also grown. I have watched their varying moods as the seasons changed, and have often thought of the history myth and tradition and song and story that have become attached to them through the long ages and become part of their flowing waters. The Ganga, especially, is the river of India, beloved by her people, round which are intertwined her racial memories, her hopes and fears, her songs of triumph, her victories and her defeats. She has been a symbol of India’s age‐long culture and civilization, ever-changing, ever-flowing, and yet ever the same Ganga. She reminds me of the snow‐covered peaks and the deep valleys of the Himalayas, which I have loved so much, and of the rich and vast plains below, where my life and work have been cast.

A Personal Cultural Bond with the Ganga River

I was born in a place which is the confluence of two small rivers, tributaries of the Ganges, and from where river Kho begins its journey which is a tributary of the Ram Ganga river. And first time, I saw Ganga at Muni-ki-Reti and Lakshman Jhula near Rishikesh when I was just seven years old. The first sight of Ganga mesmerized me. Then I realized, how it is part and parcel of life of people in Uttarakhand.

I was perplexed to see that the movement to protect the Ganga did not get any public sympathy in Uttarakhand. I did not understand why a state where Ganga is deeply rooted in our psyche remains untouched by the atrocities being committed in the name of ‘development’. Was there a disconnect between people and ‘intellectuals’ or ‘experts’ as usually happens everywhere the result is this journey which I tried to cover every part, every confluence that Ganga had with its tributaries and distributries.

The Ganga in the Himalayas and the Making of a Crisis

Formally, I started the journey in September 2021 by trekking from Gangotri to Bhojwasa on the way to Gaumukh and covered almost all the major rivers of Uttarakhand including Yamuna, Tons, Gauriganga, Kali-Sharda etc. Before that, I travelled to all the Prayags and valleys of beautiful Dhauli Ganga, Mandakini, Nandakini, Pinder, Alaknanda and Bhagirathi. That made this journey unique. It took nearly four years to cover this hence this is not merely a journey touching some point and returning but attempting to understand the crisis on Ganga and its tributaries.

From Gangotri to the Bay of Bengal, I saw a massive civilizational crisis emerging and if that is not addressed, we will be in deep trouble. Ganga is the biggest river in India and its plain is the most fertile land where the farmers have flourished and millions of people depending on water have gained life. The biodiversity of the river Ganga remains unparalleled.

Hydropower Projects, Chipko Movement and River Rights

In Uttarakhand, Ganga and its tributaries face threats from various hydropower projects because they snatch the beauty of the river, control its water and impact the rich biodiversity of the river. A trip to Niti Valley and Lata and Raini villages, the epicentres of the Chipko movement, gave me the idea of what is wrong with those who romanticize a movement without understanding the nature of the movement. Chipko was the cry of the native communities for their access to forest produce which they used to enjoy before Indo-China war in 1962 when people had access to the Tibetan market and vice versa. There was a huge market for domestic products, forest produce among others. A large number of villagers got dislocated and all the passes to Tibet were closed. The other side of the story is that the government continued with the British policy of auctioning the forests. So every year Symonds company would obtain the forest produce, chop the trees mercilessly and take them out of the state. Gaura Devi and her Saathis protested against this in Raini and threw the contractors out. This was welcomed by all in Uttarakhand and the movement got highlighted. HN Bahuguna, the chief minister, called some of the ‘activists’, mostly the Brahmanical elite, to Lucknow for a conversation. The auctioning of ‘private’ was stopped when a new boss was created which was ‘Uttar Pradesh Van Nigam’ which made the lives of the people more miserable. While many people got names and fame internationally, the native people were fighting and had to resort to the ‘Chheeno Jhapto’ movement to gain access to the forest. HN Bahuguna therefore was the biggest villain of this who looked down upon this movement and tried to sabotage it. The problem with the intellectuals and their devotees in the media is that they ignored that this movement was led by the Adivasis-janjati people. The history of the Chipko movement is that of those people, the Bhutiyas and others but their issues and role were conspicuously obliterated from the popular discourse and the movement was romanticized as the ‘protection of trees’ and ‘environment’. World over, it is the indigenous communities who are dependent on forests and it is they who nurture it. No community would ever nurture mountains and rivers without using them. It needs to be understood that the relationship between native communities and nature is their inter-dependencies and this issue was grossly ignored and underestimated by the environmental elite.

Ganga and its various tributaries shine in Uttarakhand. The confluences of different rivers are unparalleled and stunning but sadly they will disappear once different barrages and dams that are proposed start functioning. There was a beautiful Sangam of Bhilangana with Bhagirathi at Tehri which is not visible now. There is a beautiful Sangam of river Gori with Kali at Joljibi in Pithoragarh. If Pancheshwar dams come through, then some of these beautiful places and confluences will disappear. The Sangam of Rupin and Supin river at Netwar in Uttarakhand which starts the journey of Tons is supremely beautiful but a dam near the confluence is bound to finish them off. Nobody denies the importance of energy but we also need to think that the Himalayas and its rivers are not merely our ‘Resource’ but our heritage, our identity particularly for the people living in these regions. So, my simple point to the power elite is to stop destroying our identity. The destruction of the Himalayas will bring an unprecedented crisis to Gangetic plains in India so we must not do anything that escalates the crisis we are already facing.

Gangetic Plains of Uttar Pradesh Facing Water and Soil Crisis

The Gangetic Plains of Uttar Pradesh will suffer in future with desertification. Ganga loses its shine once it enters Balawali, Bijnor district. Travel to this region and onward during the summer, and you will realise how the Ganga water has drastically reduced and agricultural land and green pastures have been converted into a desert. Water at Garhmukteshwar remains merely for the rituals and the pollution increases every inch it passes. By the time it reaches Kannauj and has its first confluence with Ramganga, you can walk through the river Ramganga. Reaching the confluence has been difficult because of the changing embankment of the river. A local farmer told me at the confluence that it is not the ‘kheti (farming) but reti (sand mining) which is rampant and a ‘source’ of earning for even the farmers. This reflects the sad state of the crisis. A few kilometres onwards, we are at historic Bithoor which is now more known as a ‘religious’ place to ensure the magnetism of religion. Suddenly, you feel wonderful to see ‘water’ in the river. A couple of boats are visible and again we see the beauty of the river Ganga but our fear is found true. About seven kilometres from Bithoor is the Ganga Barrage on the Kanpur Unnao border. While there is enough water to quench your religious thirst at Bithoor, at Kanpur the river looks dry with huge sand beds. You won’t be able to recognize the river from the original embankments. Moreover, Kanpur which is called the Manchester of the East, is actually, contributing the biggest ‘sewage’ water to the Ganga and looks like the Sewage tributary of the Ganga. The river stinks on the ghats. It is very disturbing to see that ‘Ghats’ have been constructed with the ‘Namami Gange’ project but no efforts were visible to improve the plight of the holy river. All it reflects is that we want to worship the river from a nicely built place but don’t bother about the crisis that the river is facing.

The patch between Allahabad and Varanasi via Vindhyachal is beautiful and the water is less contaminated perhaps because Yamuna is bigger in Allahabad and carries more water from Chambal in it which is an unpolluted river but at Varanasi, we see devastating pollution in the river. We are told that two ‘rivers’ flow into Ganga in Varanasi: Assi Ganga and Varuna.  A visit to the ‘confluence’ of them only shows the hypocrisy of those who call them ‘rivers. They have been turned into absolute sewage ‘rivers’, and further pollute Ganga.

Varanasi: Ritual Grandeur Amid Ganga’s Ecological Collapse

At Varanasi, the Mahaarti has been commercialized. It became a ‘light and sound show’ and not that spiritual power which it used to be once upon a time. Big-money people use trawlers and cruises to watch it while the other common people have to pay a huge sum to watch it from the back. It was a sad scenario.

Between Varanasi to the Gomti, Ganga and Sangam is again a pathetic site. There is no water in Gomti and it is a very polluted river. There are lots of birds on the island zones in the Sangam. Ganga’s entry into Bihar is via Buxar and just a few kilometres before the city is Chausa, a historic town where Sher Shah Suri’s forces had defeated Humanyun. The so-called memorial is nothing but being made a ‘selfie park’. All memorials and historical places are carefully being converted into amusement parks everywhere and mythological characters are being created as historical figures and events. Again, the Karmnasha-Ganga confluence shows the terrible state of agriculture in the region. It was the deadly heat of June and Karmnasha was looking like a dry stream flowing into Ganga. The agricultural land showed signs of ‘cracks’ even when we would see numerous birds chirping near the confluence. Sewage continues to flow into the river in Buxar too.

Bihar’s Rivers and the Devastation Caused by Sand Mining

But the biggest challenge, I saw on our rivers was in a historic place called Chirand in Saran district where Ghaghara, Son River flows into Ganga. The confluence zone has shifted a few kilometres again. From Revelganj to Chirand, on the National Highway, huge smoke of dust welcomes you apart from the huge lane of big trucks used for carrying Sand. On the bank of river Ghaghara, which locals call Saryu, you can see hundreds of cargo streamers used for carrying sand from the river. Any person who is not habitual of staying in these zones would just collapse as breathing becomes impossible. The Red Sand from River Son is the most popular. It is also a fact that the Sand mafia has political protection. It is time for sensitization of people as well as stricter environmental norms imposed otherwise this region too waits for a catastrophe. Similar conditions can be seen around the Hariharpur Sonpur area where Ganga and Narayani Gandaki conflate. Sonepur was famous for the cattle fair but that is a thing of the past now. It is merely a fair which is more as a time pass for the locals and others who visit the famous shrine in Hariharpur.

The river Ganga in Patna looks polluted. Patna itself is a polluted city. From there till Munger, we can see Ganga splitting at various places and huge sandy river beds everywhere. The summer in these regions is extremely difficult with massive dust in the air. Most of the agricultural land is turning barren. The water level in the river is reducing resulting in an extension of its breadth and creation of the sandy patches or islands in between. You can see huge bridges across Ganga but the river looks tiny, the only time it looks like a river is during the monsoon season. Mokama, Begusarai and Khagaria present an abysmal picture but the biggest shock was at Kosi Ganga Sangam which is difficult to reach due to the river bed turning sandy. To reach the area is difficult. On a normal winter or summer, the water at the confluence is extremely low and the river looks dirty too. Again, the breadth of the river increases. However, from Manihari in Katihar to Sahibganj, a tip on the Cargo Ship is worth remembering though it is difficult to cruise because of the water level it will work till the bridge connecting Sahibganj and Manihari is completed.

Rajmahal: History, Neglect and the Changing Course of Ganga

However, the most fascinating part of the river Ganges in Bihar is South Bihar. Munger which itself is a historical place but the old fort area is encroached and you will find no effort to preserve the historical architecture and buildings. The river from Munger to Bhagalpur and Kahalganon is phenomenal. It is a treat to watch. It looks less polluted and is called ‘Uttar Vahini’ at Sultanganj where the historical Ajgaibinath temple is located. Bhagalpur is an extremely important location where enough evidence exists of our Buddhist, Adivasi and Jain past. There are historical places. The most beautiful regions are Kahalgaon and Vikramshila. It was reported that from Sultanganj to Kahalgaon, the Bihar government has declared the entire area as a ‘Dolphin Sanctuary’. The fisherfolk are protesting against it as they lose their right to fishing. Ganga Mukti Abhiyan started from this place fighting against the Zamindari on water and finally, Lalu Prasad Yadav as chief minister of Bihar ended that cruel system imposed during the British period that looted the fisher communities of the region but the lives of the fish workers were not safe. Zamindari has gone but Rangdari has started. People still fear.

Sahibganj is the only Ganga district in Jharkhand. Ganga is massive between Manihari to Sahibganj. There is an international port and a domestic but perhaps under-utilised. The water level is still not that much which can ensure an easy passage. Secondly, Ganga split more in Jharkhand. Various streams split and joined again. The most important place of the Ganga journey in Jharkhand is Raj Mahal, a very historical place, the former capital of undivided Bengal under the Mughal King Akbar era. Raja Man Singh was made the Viceroy of Bengal and it is he who established Rajmahal as the capital of the state. It still has a few landmarks like Jami Mosque, Baradari and many other places which still need deep care as they remind us of our rich historical legacies.

Between Raj Mahal and Farakka, the Gumani River rising from the Raj Mahal hills ultimately merges with Ganga and then moves towards Farakka. The link road between Rajmahal and Farakka is in extremely bad shape during the last 10 kilometers perhaps because it is the area of coal mining and thermal power plant. Again, the air is filled with dust and smoke most of the time in a nearly 10-kilometre area. One can just imagine the lives of people during the summers here.

The one point on which the fisherfolks from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Jharkhand unite is the issue of Farakka Barrage. They want this barrage to be decommissioned as it has damaged the fish diversity in the river above Farakka. Hilsa is not available to fisherfolks in UP, Bihar and Jharkhand. After Farakka, fisherfolks claim that they get it but due to the closure of gates at the Barrage, Hilsa and other fish can’t move back. Many farmers too reflected that due to the barrage a large part of land in Jharkhand and Bengal face flooding in monsoon. The impact of Monsoon floods is tremendous in Bihar and Bengal and governments have so far not been able to reach any particular conclusion or solution so that human lives or agricultural land is not lost. Every year, soil erosion has already engulfed thousands of acres of land and made people landless. It is time to seriously think about these issues and protect our communities, farmers, fish workers and others living near the river.

Ganga in Bengal, Bhagirathi’s Rise and Climate Vulnerability

The journey of the Ganges in Bengal is extremely important to understand the issue of climate change. The split in the rivers became the norm. Right from Nimtita town, the Ganges becomes too wide and split into two parts. The river flows towards Bangladesh and is known as Padma there while the second part of the river again splits at Giria and is known as Bhagirathi which then travels to different districts from Murshidabad, Plassey, Nabadwip where again Jalangi meet it and the new river is known as Hooghly. The interesting part is that there are towns on both sides of Hooghly. There is history. Nabadweep is the birthplace of Chaitanya Mahaprabhu. After passing through many places the Hooghly ultimately flows into the Bay of Bengal in the Sundarban region. The place where it merges into the sea is known as Ganga Sagar but Sagar Dweep itself has numerous issues of climate crisis. Many villages have disappeared and many might disappear in future as the water level of the sea is rising regularly.

Saving the Ganga Means Saving Communities, Climate and Heritage

Finally, I would say, that preserving Ganga is extremely important for the health of India as it emerges from the Himalayas and finally flows into the Bay of Bengal near the Sundarbans. Both the Himalayas and Sundarban are world heritage. The impact of climate change is visible in both of these places. The question is whether the so-called climate change is a natural process or human made disaster. The number of commercial activities in the Himalayas as well as in Sundarban are bound to impact all of us.

We need to think beyond the boxes but certainly not to convert the entire issue of Ganga and climate change to merely confined to ‘experts. It is time we engage and involve the local communities, fishermen, farmers and other native communities dependent on the river and its surroundings as without their active participation in any debate or decision-making processes, we won’t be able to do anything meaningful. Save the Ganga slogan means protecting and preserving the Himalayas and Sundarbans apart from all the big and small rivers and riverine that make Ganga.

The talk was delivered at Jawahar Bhawan, New Delhi, on November 18th, 2024, organized by the Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies.

झारखंड चुनाव: विनोद सिंह के विकास कार्य बनाम भाजपा के अडानी एजेंडे की टक्कर

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बगोदर/गिरिडीह: “अब हम पोस्टमार्टम के लिए शव को गिरिडीह सदर अस्पताल नहीं भेजते। यह सुविधा अब बगोदर में ही उपलब्ध है। बगोदर का सरकारी अस्पताल बेहद प्रभावी ढंग से काम कर रहा है। उस स्तर का अस्पताल आप ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में शायद ही कहीं पाएंगे,” सरिया थाना के एक सब-इंस्पेक्टर ने बताया।

गिरिडीह मुख्यालय से 60 किलोमीटर दूर, बगोदर पूरे झारखंड का एकमात्र ब्लॉक है जहाँ ट्रामा सेंटर और पोस्टमार्टम भवन है।

यदि शिक्षा और स्वास्थ्य सुविधाएँ विकास का एक महत्वपूर्ण पैमाना है, तो बगोदर विधानसभा में न सिर्फ लोगों को इलाज मिल पा रहा है, बल्कि उच्च शिक्षा भी हासिल कर रहे हैं लड़के और लड़कियाँ। अन्य इलाकों की तरह यहाँ के छात्रों को पढ़ाई पूरी करने के लिए बाहर नहीं जाना पड़ता।

अपने प्रचार के अंतिम भाषण में बगोदर विधायक विनोद सिंह ने इसका ज़िक्र भी किया। 20 नवंबर को झारखंड में दूसरे और आखिरी चरण का मतदान होना है।

“कोविड के दो साल के दौर के बाद, पिछले तीन सालों में 9 हाई स्कूल, 9 इंटर कॉलेज, 3 डिग्री कॉलेज और 5 करोड़ की लागत से पुस्तकालय मिला। न्यायिक अनुमंडल का प्रस्ताव, कोविड के समय ऑक्सिजन प्लांट की स्थापना, बगोदर में ट्रामा सेंटर और पोस्टमार्टम हाउस और सैकड़ों पुल-पुलिया और सड़कों का निर्माण हुआ,” सीपीआई (एमएल) विधायक ने कहा।

विनोद सिंह ने यह नारा भी दिया, पढ़ेगा बगोदर, बढ़ेगा बगोदर, लड़ेगा बगोदर।

विनोद सिंह को 2021 में झारखंड विधानसभा के द्वारा उत्कृष्ट विधायक के ख़िताब से भी नवाजा गया।

“24 घंटे में जब ज़रूरत पड़ती है, तब हम लोग के काम आते हैं विनोद। राशन का मामला हो, पेंशन हो या गलत केस-मुकदमा, सब घड़ी काम करवाते हैं। इस कारण ही महेंद्र सिंह के समय से हम लोग माले को वोट दे रहे हैं,” 65 साल की बुधनी देवी ने बताया, जो 15 किलोमीटर दूर से माले की सभा में आई थीं।

झारखंड की सबसे महत्वपूर्ण विधानसभाओं में से एक बगोदर में 49 साल के विनोद सिंह का मुकाबला 73 साल के भाजपा के उम्मीदवार नगेंद्र महतो से है।

दीपांकर भट्टाचार्य को सुने

भाजपा पर आरोप: “झारखंड जीत कर अडानी को सौंपेगी”

राष्ट्रीय महासचिव दीपांकर भट्टाचार्य ने दावा किया कि भाजपा झारखंड को (गौतम) अडानी के लिए जीतना चाहती है। “भाजपा, झारखंड में अबुआ राज नहीं, अडानी राज लाना चाहती है। झारखंड में कई सारी पब्लिक सेक्टर कंपनियाँ हैं, जो सुरक्षित रोजगार का रास्ता देती हैं, पर उन्हें खत्म किया जा रहा है। यह अडानी राज हम भाजपा राज के रूप में थोपने नहीं देंगे।”

दीपांकर ने अडानी मॉडल की भी चर्चा की। “झारखंड में अडानी मॉडल लाया गया है। एनटीपीसी का पावर प्लांट और गोड्डा का अडानी का पावर प्लांट देखिए। अडानी के पावर प्लांट में झारखंड के किसान की ज़मीन गई, झारखंड का पानी गया, और झारखंड के हिस्से में धुआँ आया। महंगी बिजली बांग्लादेश को बेची गई।”

“इस वक्त झारखंड और महाराष्ट्र दोनों जगहों पर चुनाव हो रहे हैं। मुंबई में बहुत बड़ा इलाका अडानी को दे दिया गया है, और अब यही तैयारी झारखंड में भी है,” दीपांकर ने दावा किया।

सभाओं में लोकतंत्र का उत्सव

झारखंड में आज विधानसभा चुनाव का प्रचार रुक गया। अब तक के प्रचार में आरोप-प्रत्यारोप और नफरत भरे भाषणों के बीच सभा में मौजूद लोगों को अपने नेताओं के प्रति बेहद उत्सुक देखा गया। पर माले की सभाओं में महिला-पुरुष एक साथ संथाली और खोरठा गानों में नाचते-गाते और झूमते नजर आए। महिलाओं की अच्छी-खासी संख्या भी रही। जीत-हार की परवाह किए बिना कार्यकर्ता लोकतंत्र के इस पर्व को उत्सव के रूप में मना रहे हैं।