Vanished in the Night, Returned from a Foreign Land: How Indian Migrants Were Wrongly Exiled

0

Kolkata: “We were beaten and thrown out like stray dogs, even after showing our Aadhaar and voter cards. They took our money, our phones—everything—and pushed us into another country as if we were criminals,” said Nazimuddin Mandal, a mason from Murshidabad, recalling the nightmarish ordeal he and six other Bengali-speaking workers faced at the hands of the Indian authorities.

eNewsroom has long warned of the dangers facing Bengali-speaking Muslim migrants wrongly branded as Bangladeshis in BJP-ruled states. That fear has now come true—with innocent workers detained, assaulted, and pushed across the border.

Nazimuddin is among seven migrant labourers from West Bengal who were allegedly illegally deported to Bangladesh earlier this month—despite being Indian citizens and possessing valid identity documents. The shocking incident has triggered local outrage, state-level political condemnation, and exposed deep flaws in the treatment of migrant workers in India, particularly those who speak Bengali and work in BJP-ruled states.

Detained in Maharashtra, Deported via Cooch Behar

Nazimuddin Mandal, from Taritipur village in Murshidabad’s Hariharpara block, had been working as a mason in Mumbai with three others—Mehboob Sheikh of Hossainpur (Bhagwangola), Minarul Sheikh of Kajishaha (Beldanga), and Mostafa Kamal from Kulut village (Monteshwar, East Burdwan). On June 10, all four were picked up by Mumbai Police under suspicion of being Bangladeshi nationals.

What followed was both bizarre and chilling. Instead of contacting the West Bengal Police to verify their identities, the Maharashtra Police handed the four to the Border Security Force (BSF) in Siliguri. Then, without proper verification or court procedure, the BSF reportedly transported them to Zero Point, near Mekhliganj in Cooch Behar, and pushed them across the Bangladesh border—along with two actual Bangladeshi nationals.

“They didn’t ask us anything. They beat us, accused us of lying, and took away our mobile phones and all the cash we had saved. We kept shouting that we are from Bengal and showed our documents, but no one listened,” Nazimuddin said in a video message recorded and circulated from inside Bangladesh, which ultimately helped alert his village back home.

Bengali Muslims migrant workers Bangladesh Bangla
Arranged

Local Alerts Lead to Rescue

Shamim Rahman, a resident of Hariharpara, said he saw the video and immediately contacted Zilla Parishad member Zillar Rahman and local MLA Niamat Sheikh. “That started the rescue process,” he said.

The matter quickly reached the office of West Bengal Migrant Workers’ Welfare Board chairman and TMC Rajya Sabha MP Samirul Islam, who then coordinated with the BSF, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), local police, and administration to bring the workers home. Aadhaar, voter ID, and other official documents were provided to prove their Indian citizenship.

Their families, meanwhile, were gripped by fear and uncertainty. Nazimuddin’s wife, Pinky Bibi, expressed her relief through tears: “I’m very happy to know that he is safe. I thank everyone who helped in bringing him back.”

“They Took Everything, Even My Wife’s Phone”

In a similar case, 21-year-old Fazer Mondal and his wife Taslima Mandal, both from Hariharpur village in Bagda, North 24 Parganas, faced a nearly identical ordeal. The young couple, also working in Maharashtra, were picked up by the police from Nayanagar around 2 AM on June 10.

Fazer’s father, Tahajul Mondal, said, “They called me and asked for documents. I sent everything—Aadhaar, voter ID, ration card, school certificate—on WhatsApp. They promised to release him. But then his phone went off, and we couldn’t reach him.”

On June 14, Tahajul received a WhatsApp call from someone claiming to be a BGB officer in Dinajpur, Bangladesh. During the call, Fazer confirmed what the family feared: that he and his wife had been pushed across the border, after Maharashtra Police confiscated their documents and phones.

“I don’t know how to get my son back,” Tahajul had told reporters, his voice breaking. “He is a citizen of India. His only fault is that he speaks Bengali.”

The family’s desperate appeals finally led to action. After diplomatic intervention and sustained pressure from local leaders and the West Bengal government, the BSF arranged a flag meeting with BGB, and the couple was brought back through the Koyladangi border at Bindol in North Dinajpur. They were handed over to Raiganj Police Station and have now been reunited with family.

Political Outrage: “A Grave Injustice Because They Spoke Bengali”

The incident has sparked widespread condemnation. TMC MP Samirul Islam termed the deportation an “unconstitutional, discriminatory act”, targeting Bengali-speaking Indian citizens.

He posted on X (formerly Twitter):

“Under the leadership and active intervention of our Hon’ble Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, we were finally able to repatriate seven Indian citizens who were illegally deported to Bangladesh. This grave injustice was committed simply because they spoke Bengali.”

Islam demanded accountability and raised three sharp questions:

  1. Why did Maharashtra Police hand over Indian citizens to the BSF without informing the West Bengal government?
  2. Why didn’t the BSF verify their documents with local or state authorities before deportation?
  3. Is there a larger coordinated effort by BJP-ruled states and security agencies to target Bengali-speaking migrant workers?

“These workers had all the documents—Aadhaar, voter ID, even birth certificates. Still, they were treated like illegal aliens and dumped at a foreign border,” Islam said. “We will not let this issue go. We will expose the dark forces behind this misdeed and ensure accountability.”

BSF Contacts BGB, Police Escort Workers Back

According to Murshidabad Police, following high-level intervention, the BSF contacted the BGB, and the four workers originally deported from Mumbai were returned to India and handed over to Behar District Police. A Murshidabad police team has since travelled to bring them home.

MLA Niamat Sheikh, who has been closely following the case, said, “Nazimuddin is a legal citizen of India. Despite valid identity documents, he and three others were labeled as Bangladeshis and thrown out. I have reported the matter to our party leadership.”

A Pattern of Profiling?

Human rights activists and migrant workers’ groups warn that this is not an isolated incident. The deportation of legal citizens without trial, verification, or even basic administrative inquiry raises serious concerns—not only about procedural lapses, but about ethnic and linguistic profiling.

“These are not just mistakes. These are acts of systemic violence against the poor, against those who leave home to earn a living and dare to speak in their mother tongue,” said a migrant rights activist who is helping document the cases.

As all seven workers make their way back to the safety of their villages in West Bengal, the trauma remains.

“We were not criminals,” Nazimuddin said again. “But they made us feel like we didn’t belong in our own country.”

SPEAKING BENGALI, BEING MUSLIM: The Twin ‘Crimes’ That Invite Detention in BJP States

0

Kolkata: 26 Hooghly Workers Detained in Chhattisgarh for Speaking Bengali: In a disturbing development as recent as on May 29, more than two dozen Bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers from Hooghly district were detained in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, by Tikrapara Police merely on suspicion of being Bangladeshis. The only ‘evidence’ against them was that they were speaking Bengali.

Five of them — Sheikh Nawaz Sharif, Sheikh Aminul, Sheikh Irfan, Sheikh Sahib, and Mirza Azeem, aged 26–32 — were formally arrested, even though all had valid Indian identity documents. They were later released after verification, but the damage was already done.

“We’ve worked in Chhattisgarh for over 15 years,” said Sheikh Azhar Uddin from Arambagh. “But now, police just detain anyone speaking Bengali. Is it a crime to speak our mother tongue in India?”

Detained for Speaking Bengali: Cooch Behar Family’s Ordeal in Rajasthan

Earlier to Chhattisgarh incident, twelve members of a Bengali-speaking family from Cooch Behar’s Dinhata-2 block were detained by Rajasthan Police simply for speaking their native language. Obaidul Khandekar, a resident of Balabari village, said the Patan Police Station in Sikar district held his entire family for nine days on suspicion of being illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

“Speaking in Bangla has become a crime here,” Khandekar told eNewsroom. “Despite having Indian documents, we were branded as Bangladeshis. Even my wife and children were detained.” They were finally released on a Tuesday evening after sustained appeals and verification.

The family had been working at a local brick kiln in Rajasthan for years.

Nadia Worker Remains in Custody, Family Anxious

In a separate incident, 28-year-old Shafiqul Sheikh, a migrant construction worker from Kamari village in Nadia, was picked up by Rajasthan’s Lalkothari Police and transferred to a detention camp. He had been working in the state for some time.

While several other Bengali-speaking workers were released, Sheikh remains in custody. “I haven’t been able to contact my son. I don’t know where he is or how he’s doing,” said his father, his voice shaking with fear.

bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers bengali bengal identity card aadhar
Aadhar of a migrant who was jailed for a week in Gujarat (mentioned in the first part of the story)

12 Murshidabad Migrants Detained in Assam, Released After Intervention

In Assam, at least 12 Bengali-speaking workers from West Bengal’s Murshidabad district were arrested while working as daily wage labourers in Golaghat district’s Numaligarh area. The Assam Police reportedly detained them on suspicion of being illegal immigrants.

Initially, 16 workers were picked up. Four were released after Aadhaar and voter ID verification. The remaining 12—including Situ Sheikh, Abdus Sattar, Nishan Sheikh, Sahabaz Hashmi, and Khairul Sheikh—were taken into custody. The police allegedly confiscated their identity documents and mobile phones.

Jangipur SP Amit Kumar Sau confirmed their release following the submission of IDs by West Bengal authorities. However, several families say they still have not reestablished contact with their loved ones.

Andhra Pradesh: Workers Confined by Employer After Pahalgam Terror Attack

After the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, panic spread among migrant workers in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh. Several labourers from Murshidabad’s Domkal subdivision who wanted to return home alleged they were harassed and confined by their employers.

“When we asked to go home, they began threatening us,” said Zulfiqar, a rescued worker. Local administration intervened after workers informed Domkal police, leading to the rescue of seven labourers.

Detained Under a Tree: Five Murshidabad Workers Held in Uttar Pradesh

Five Bengali-speaking migrant workers resting under a tree in Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, were detained simply for conversing in Bengali. Nur Islam and Saidul Islam of Azmatpur (Islampur), and Golam Rasul, Raihan Sheikh, and Sohel Rana of Bhagwangola were taken to Govindnagar Police Station.

Despite their Indian citizenship and IDs, police reportedly ignored their pleas. They were released only after urgent coordination between Murshidabad and Mathura police.

bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers bengali bengal mother gujarat
Mother of a migrant worker talks to her son, who was arrested by Gujarat police post Pahalgam terror attack | Arranged

‘Forced to Chant Jai Shri Ram’: Brutal Assault in Ballia, UP

In Ballia district’s Rasra area, several Muslim workers from Baryan (Murshidabad) selling plastic goods were violently assaulted by a local mob on April 27.

“They asked for Aadhaar cards, then tore them up without reading,” a worker recounted. The group was then beaten, partially stripped, and forced to chant “Jai Shri Ram.”

“I raised my hands and chanted out of fear,” one of the victims said. “We were so terrified we couldn’t even lodge a police complaint.”

Yusuf, another worker, said, “I’ve been working here for years. But after the Pahalgam attack and the violence in Murshidabad, we’re suddenly being targeted. Just saying you’re from Murshidabad is enough to be harassed now.”

Labour Union Sounds Alarm: ‘No Administrative Support’

Asif Faruk, state general secretary of the Migrant Sramik Oikya Manch, expressed deep concern about the increasing harassment of Bengali workers in BJP-ruled states.

“Workers are being tortured, and there is no proper support from local administrations. Instead of protecting them, authorities are treating them as threats,” he told eNewsroom.

Faruk said his organisation receives distress calls daily. “The state government must act. We need systems in place to protect our workers across state borders.”

‘Deliberate Communal Targeting’: Civil Society Raises Alarm in Kolkata

A press conference held on Shakespeare Sarani, Kolkata, saw strong condemnation from civil society leaders and activists. The Citizen Forum for Social Justice alleged that targeting Bengali-speaking Muslim workers is part of a larger communal conspiracy.

Waqf Bachao Andolan leader Umar Awais, Sikh leader Saran Singh, and Dr Mostafizur Rahman joined others in denouncing the attacks.

“What’s happening in BJP-ruled states is a direct assault on our Constitution,” said Irfan Sher. Maulana Ashraf Ali Qasemi called for a firm stance by the Bengal government. “These workers have every document. Branding them Bangladeshis is criminal.”

bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers bengali bengal
migrant workers at AICSS office | Arranged

AICSS Calls for Nationwide Solidarity With Migrant Workers

The All India Centre of Shramik Swaraj (AICSS), which advocates for migrant labourers, strongly condemned the rising trend of branding Bengali-speaking Muslims as Bangladeshis.

R Kaleemullah, national president of AICSS, told eNewsroom, “These are the people who build India’s economy. Assaulting and detaining them undermines our democracy.”

“Is this what India stands for—where speaking Bengali can get you beaten or jailed?” he asked.

APDR’s Ranjit Sur: ‘Illegal Pushbacks, Detentions Without Process’

Ranjit Sur, secretary of Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR), condemned the trend of labelling Bengali Muslims as Bangladeshis without due process.

“States like Gujarat and Assam are detaining Bengali Muslims without proper verification. In some cases, they’re even pushed back across the border illegally,” he said.

Sur urged the Bengal government to remain alert and intervene in every such case. “Even if someone is a foreign national, they can’t be pushed back arbitrarily. That’s illegal and unconstitutional.”

bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers bengali bengal mamata Banerjee murshidabad
Mamata Banerjee during her Murshidabad visit | Arranged

Yusuf Pathan and Adhir Ranjan wrote Home Minister and Odisha, Gujarat CMs: ‘Stop Harassing Our Workers’

Trinamool MP from Berhampore, Yusuf Pathan, has written to the Union Home Minister about the atrocities committed against migrant workers.

Senior Congress leader and former MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury wrote to the Chief Ministers of Odisha and Gujarat after multiple cases of harassment emerged.

His letter said, “Poor, innocent labourers from Bengal are being detained, called foreigners, and even threatened with deportation. This violates their constitutional right to life and livelihood.”

Samirul Islam: ‘Organised Profiling Across India’

Rajya Sabha MP and social activist Samirul Islam has raised the matter both in Parliament and with Bengal Police.

“This is an organised campaign against poor Muslim workers from Bengal. Every second day we get reports — from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Assam, Uttar Pradesh — of people being picked up, tortured, or branded Bangladeshi,” Samirul told eNewsroom.

He recently wrote to Murshidabad and Nadia police chiefs seeking urgent coordination to track and rescue missing workers. “Many of them are citizens with full documents, but that doesn’t stop the abuse.”

Mamata Slams BJP: ‘Targeting Bengali Muslims in the Name of Bangladesh’

In a recent public address, CM Mamata Banerjee strongly condemned the harassment of Bengali-speaking migrant workers, calling it a “BJP conspiracy to communalise and criminalise Bengalis outside Bengal.”
“Why are only Bengali Muslims being questioned and tortured? Is speaking Bengali a crime in India now? We will not tolerate this discrimination,” she said, accusing BJP-ruled states of using citizenship as a tool to spread hatred.

“Who Is the Home Minister—Dipankar Bhattacharya?”: Kanhaiya Kumar Rips into Amit Shah’s Bengal Infiltration Rhetoric

0

Kolkata: A day after Home Minister Amit Shah accused Mamata Banerjee and the TMC of facilitating infiltration into Bengal with the help of Bangladeshis and Rohingyas, Congress leader Kanhaiya Kumar hit back with a sharp jibe. “Who is the Home Minister of the country? Dipankar Bhattacharya?” he asked sarcastically.

Kumar, a youth leader, was speaking at the “Save Constitution, Save Country” convention in Kolkata on Monday. “It is time to save the Constitution. And to do that, if you can act—act. If you can speak—speak up. If you can write—write. If you can’t do anything, at least put a copy of the Constitution on your wall,” he said.

“We are living in a time when those who once did sycophancy in the courts of kings, acted as informers, and never sacrificed for the nation—such people are now misusing the power of democracy to kill democracy,” Kumar continued in his more than half-an-hour-long speech.

Taking a dig at Amit Shah, he added, “The father of Jay Shah—who was here yesterday—made a statement. Politics has sunk so low that if you want to map it, just listen to Jay Shah’s father. He said the government is working to stop infiltration in Bengal. Then who is responsible for stopping it? Who is the Home Minister—Dipankar Bhattacharya?” (At this, Bhattacharya, the CPI(ML) general secretary and another speaker at the event, smiled.)

“Who controls the international borders—the state government or the Union government? Who is responsible for national security?” Kumar asked, sharply criticizing the BJP for deflecting blame.

In his speech, Kumar also mentioned the controversial Waqf Act 2025 brought in by the BJP government. “The media that works for BJP claimed there was corruption in Waqf. So the BJP brought a new bill claiming it would benefit Muslims. But where has corruption been eliminated? Today, governments are run with the support of the corrupt. The more corrupt someone is, the higher the rank they get in politics. In whichever department you go, pay a commission and your work gets done.”

save constitution save india kolkata convention democracy Kanhaiya Kumar
Leaders at the convention | Facebook/ManzerJameel

The convention began late, as the Moula Ali Yuva Kendra turned out to be too small for the gathering. Organizers claimed they had tried to book a bigger hall, but the administration under the Mamata Banerjee government did not permit it.

Earlier, Dipankar Bhattacharya addressed the audience in Bangla for 22 minutes. “Before the Pahalgam terrorist strike, the BJP claimed Narendra Modi was a strong leader with international stature. But apart from Israel—which has to sell its weapons to India—not a single country supported India after the India-Pakistan conflict. Even Nepal didn’t,” he said. “That is the failure of Narendra Modi’s foreign policy.”

Siddharth Varadarajan, founding editor of The Wire, whose site was partially blocked during the India-Pakistan conflict, was the convention’s first speaker. He warned that free speech, a constitutional guarantee, is under https://www.sarahannlorethphotography.com/conceptual-photography/ serious threat under the Modi regime.

“Of course, Modi and Amit Shah may say Prasenjit Bose [the host] gave a fiery speech and held a convention. But I recall what Idi Amin once said: ‘Yes, I guarantee freedom of speech—but not what happens afterward,’” Varadarajan said.

“From college students to academics and journalists, many have been arrested for expressing their views. Recently, Ali Khan Mahmudabad wrote to save the Constitution—and what he wrote is now being echoed by all well-meaning people. There was nothing wrong in him saying that, just as Colonel Qureishi was brought forward for Operation Sindoor, the government should also bring forward Muslims who face mob lynching and daily atrocities in India. Yet he was arrested. Journalist Siddique Kappan was jailed for two and a half years just for going to report on the Hathras gang rape and murder of a Dalit girl.”

CPI(M) state secretary Mohammed Salim appealed to the people to rise above caste, creed, and religion to save the Constitution.

ISF MLA Naushad Siddiqui emphasized how the BJP’s Waqf Act 2025 is an attack on constitutional principles. CPI(M) leader Saira Shah Halim also spoke, criticizing Modi’s open support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in what she called genocide against Palestine—an action she said goes against India’s historic foreign policy.

Azad Samaj Party’s state president Imtiaz Mollah said that more than the speakers, it is the people of India who will save the Constitution.

A resolution passed at the convention rejected religion-based nationalism and demanded the immediate convening of a Parliament session. It expressed solidarity with the armed forces for Operation Sindoor against cross-border terrorism but condemned the RSS-BJP’s divisive politics. The resolution also stated that the Modi government is keeping both Parliament and the Indian public in the dark on crucial national security matters. It called for the rollback of unconstitutional laws and demanded the restoration of democracy—not just at the national level but also in West Bengal, where democratic erosion has steadily continued under Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s rule.

There were six conveners of the event– Prasenjit Bose, Ali Imran Ramz, Atanu Chakraborty, Biswajit Maiti, Umar Awais and Kallol Mazumdar.

TERRORIZED FOR TONGUE & FAITH: Bengali Migrant Workers Brutalized in BJP-Ruled States

Kolkata — On April 15, a group of 20 migrant workers from Murshidabad arrived in Sambalpur, Odisha, hoping for steady work in construction. What they met was terror. Days later, they were surrounded by local men demanding to see their Aadhaar cards. Once the men confirmed they were Bengali Muslims, the violence began.
The workers were forced to walk in a line through the village while being whipped with sticks and belts, some hit with chains and sharp weapons. “They beat us like animals. We begged them to stop,” said one worker who later returned home with deep wounds on his back.

Fearing further violence, many of the injured fled back to Murshidabad. Chad Mohammed, one of the survivors, filed a police complaint in Beldanga after returning: “There was no point reporting it there. We were terrified. Only after reaching home could I gather the courage to go to the police.”

‘They Asked If I Was Bengali—Then Dragged Me Away’: Gujarat Police Detain Indian Citizens

On April 26, Gujarat Police launched a sweeping raid in Ahmedabad and Surat, detaining over 1,000 individuals on suspicion of being ‘illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.’ Of those, 884 were later confirmed to be Indian citizens.
Among them were at least 20 migrant workers from Bengal—including Sultan Mallick and Sheikh Ataur Rahman (Labhpur, Birbhum), Kamaruzzaman Mallick (East Burdwan), Saibul Sheikh (Nadia), and Saidul Sheikh (Murshidabad). Many had been working in Surat for over a decade.

“I was sitting in the shop like any other day,” said Saidul Sheikh. “The police came and asked, ‘Are you Bengali?’ When I said yes, they didn’t listen to anything else. They grabbed me and threw me into the van.”

Saidul showed them his Aadhaar, PAN, and voter ID—all ignored. He was jailed for a week before being released, only after intervention by a senior officer. “It didn’t matter to them that I had all the documents. To them, being a Bengali Muslim was enough.”

A large number of migrant workers from West Bengal are employed across various Indian states. However, reports indicate that their rights are being systematically violated in many regions. These workers often face discrimination, abuse, and even physical harassment — especially for speaking their native language, Bangla.

bangla speaking migrant workers bengali muslims bengal Gujarat

May Month Irony: As World Celebrates Labour, Workers Flee in Fear in India

May — a month that begins with observing International Workers’ Day to honour the contributions and rights of workers — is often marked by rallies and awareness programs in many countries. However, the ground reality for many migrant workers tells a very different story. We bring you stories of the plight of Bengali-speaking migrant workers from across the country.

The situation has worsened following the violence in Murshidabad linked to the Waqf movement. Since then, numerous incidents of intimidation and assault on Bengali workers have been reported. There are alarming accounts of workers being robbed of their earnings, having their identity cards forcibly taken, and being denied basic legal support. Many allege that local police authorities are either unresponsive or ineffective. Samiul Islam, a migrant worker, voiced his frustration: “Only when workers are empowered will true development take place in this country. Not before that.”

It has further deteriorated after the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. Bengali Muslims, in particular, are reportedly facing a surge of hatred and suspicion in several states. Instances of hate speech and targeted hostility have been frequently reported from Gujarat, Maharashtra, Uttarakhand, Haryana, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh.

These disturbing developments raise critical questions about the safety, dignity, and rights of migrant labourers — the very backbone of India’s economy.

Hawker Assaulted in Dhenkanal, Falsely Accused of Being Bangladeshi

In Odisha’s Dhenkanal, an elderly hawker from Murshidabad—selling plastic household goods door-to-door—was slapped and humiliated by locals who accused him of being a Bangladeshi.

A video of the incident circulated on social media, showing the hawker surrounded and mocked for his accent and Muslim identity. His relatives say he’s traumatised and refuses to go back to work. “He’s been working in Odisha for years. This is the first time he’s been targeted like this,” said a family member.

“You Beat Hindus and Come Here?”

The ordeal didn’t end with Chad’s group. Mohammad Bashir Sheikh (28) and Golap Sheikh (21), both masons from Suti Mahishail-2 Gram Panchayat, shared similar stories. “Locals barged into our rented room, checked our Aadhaar, and started beating us after seeing we were Muslims,” Bashir said. “I was hit on my back and legs. No one dared to help.”

Golap, assaulted just after arriving by train, described being accused of “killing Hindus,” abused in public, and dragged through the streets by men wielding sharp weapons. “I returned home fearing I would be killed,” he said.

Jabbar Sheikh, another migrant, said he tried working secretly for a week before facing threats. “They kept saying, ‘You beat Hindus in Kashmir and come here to take our jobs?’ They patrolled with knives, searching for Muslims from Murshidabad,” he said. “The police did nothing. We just wanted to earn our bread.”

One unnamed worker who returned before Eid-ul-Azha said, “In my 20 years of masonry work, I’ve never seen anything like this. No job, no income—I don’t know how I’ll feed my family.”

bangla speaking migrant workers bengali muslims bengal

A Hawker Assaulted in Dhenkanal

The violence isn’t limited to Sambalpur. In Dhenkanal, an elderly hawker from Murshidabad was allegedly assaulted by local residents while selling daily goods door to door. A video, now viral on social media, shows the man being surrounded and slapped, with attackers reportedly mocking his Murshidabad roots. Though eNewsroom could not independently verify the video, a relative confirmed the assault, saying, “He was targeted solely because of his religious identity.”

Workers’ Rights in Peril

These incidents come at a time when India marks International Workers’ Day in May, a symbolic tribute to the dignity and rights of labourers. Yet, the reality on the ground for migrant workers—especially Bengali-speaking Muslims—is far removed from such ideals.

In recent weeks, rising incidents of communal violence and xenophobic profiling have pushed hundreds of workers to flee job sites and return to Bengal. Many allege they were robbed of earnings, stripped of documents, and denied any legal recourse.

Samiul Islam, a migrant worker, summed up the growing despair: “Unless workers are protected and empowered, development is just a myth in this country.”

Tensions Rise Post-Pahalgam and Murshidabad Violence

The situation has notably worsened since the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, and communal tensions in Jangipur, Murshidabad. These events appear to have intensified Islamophobic sentiment in multiple states. Bengali Muslim workers are increasingly being targeted with slurs, threats, and violence—simply for their religious and regional identity.

From Gujarat to Odisha, Maharashtra to Madhya Pradesh, Assam to Uttar Pradesh, Haryana to Delhi the pattern is alarmingly familiar—migrant workers facing hate speech, communal violence, and police apathy.

Political Voices React

Beldanga MLA Mohammad Hasanuzzaman of the Trinamool Congress has condemned the Odisha incidents, stating, “This is a deeply saddening and condemnable episode. I will raise the matter with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to ensure justice.”

A senior TMC leader, requesting anonymity, accused the BJP of politicising identity. “There was coordination under Naveen Patnaik’s rule. But ever since the BJP took over in Odisha, anti-Bengali sentiment has been on the rise,” he said. “This is not just about workers. It’s about a communal agenda being played out at the expense of human lives.”

Activists Demand Urgent Action

bangla speaking migrant workers bengali muslims bengal activist
Activist Matiur Rahman

Human rights activist Matiur Rahman echoed the concern: “Workers from Murshidabad are going to these states for survival, not politics. Whether masons or hawkers, they are being harassed simply for being Muslims. This trend has worsened under BJP rule.”

Rahman recalled a similar wave of hostility last August, when reports of communal violence in Bangladesh led to threats against Muslim workers in Odisha. At the time, Mamata Banerjee had personally called Odisha’s Chief Minister to intervene.

“But things have only gotten worse,” he said. “The fear is now so intense that hundreds of workers are leaving Odisha.”

Gujarat Police Crackdown: Profiling in the Name of Law

The alarm bells grew louder on April 26, when Gujarat Police arrested 1,024 individuals in Ahmedabad and Surat, claiming they were illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. Shockingly, 884 of them turned out to be Indian citizens, mostly from Muslim and interstate migrant communities.

Those detained hailed from states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Rajasthan—and Bengal districts including Murshidabad, Birbhum, Nadia, and East Burdwan.

Among the detained were about 20 Bengali migrant workers. Though many were released after verification, the episode underscored a disturbing trend: the criminalization and profiling of the poor and marginalised in the name of immigration enforcement.

Civil rights groups slammed the operation as “heavy-handed” and “communal,” pointing to a growing pattern of institutional bias.

Tagore’s India vs Today’s Reality: How a Kolkata Bus Ride Exposed the Nation’s Cracks

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]oday morning, I boarded a bus from Topsia, a part of East Kolkata, to visit a client’s school in Howrah. It was one of those slow, lumbering buses that faithfully snake through the city’s arteries, stopping at nearly every crossing. The bus was not yet full; the conductor was calling out for passengers and letting people board, as they often do on weekday mornings.

As someone born and raised in Kolkata, I’m no stranger to these scenes. I am a 38-year-old Hindustani-speaking Muslim. My schooling was in a Christian missionary school in Tangra; I completed my legal education, including an LLM, from a state university. I practised in the district courts before moving into legal and educational consultancy. My parents are from Kushinagar in eastern Uttar Pradesh, and my wife comes from an Urdu-speaking family with roots in Munger, Bihar. Ours is a life deeply stitched into the fabric of Kolkata. And that is why what happened next on the bus disturbed me profoundly.

An Urdu-speaking man, perhaps late for work, was visibly agitated. He began berating the conductor, shouting that he was wasting time and that “people like you make the system filthy.” His tone was coarse, his words laced with contempt for those in service roles. The conductor, like most in his position, remained quiet, focused on gathering passengers.

Suddenly, another passenger—a Bengali-speaking man—retorted sharply: “People from outside Bengal have made this place filthy,” he said. “They come here, crowd our neighbourhoods, pay peanuts in rent, and bring down the quality of everything.” He ended his outburst with a slur—bocachoda—an unprintable word that has, regrettably, become far too common in public speech.

I had heard enough.

I turned around and firmly addressed the Urdu-speaking man first: “If you are in such a hurry, take a taxi. Don’t pollute this space with your arrogance. This conductor is doing his job, just as you are trying to do yours.”

Even before I could finish, another man—also Urdu-speaking—joined me. He rebuked the agitator in our shared language, saying, “Don’t embarrass us. Speak with some decency. This is not how we behave in public.”

The man went quiet, though his eyes burned with indignation.

Then I turned to the Bengali gentleman: “Dada, I understand your frustration. But we mustn’t fall into the trap of blaming entire communities for what are, in truth, systemic failures. People from Bihar, UP, Odisha, or elsewhere—many of them have made this city what it is. We must all coexist, or we shall all fall apart.”

A strange silence followed—the kind that suggests people are thinking, not seething.

What troubled me the most was not the isolated anger, but how easily our frustrations split into regional, linguistic, and class-based hate. It reminded me of Rabindranath Tagore’s warning in his 1917 lectures on Nationalism, where he said:

“India has never had a real sense of nationalism. Even though she has been living under foreign https://sis.iuea.ac.ug/ rule for centuries, she could never approach her problem in a spirit of organised political independence… The idea of India is not territorial. It is not even political. It is essentially spiritual.”

Tagore’s words are not an indictment—they are a mirror. They remind us that the soul of this land has always thrived on samanvay—a confluence of identities, languages, and traditions. To allow regionalism to rear its head in our public spaces is to betray that very idea of India.

As someone rooted in multiple cultures—Hindustani by heritage, Urdu-speaking by marital ties, schooled in Christian institutions, and deeply embedded in Kolkata’s ethos—I know that we are far more layered than the reductive labels we so casually throw around.

On that bus, I did not speak as a lawyer, or a Muslim, or a UP-wallah, or a Kolkatan. I spoke as a citizen who believes that the dignity of labour matters, that regional chauvinism is no better than communal hatred, and that we must call out prejudice—no matter the language it is spoken in.

India’s buses, like its streets and its courts, are microcosms of the nation itself. And every time we choose empathy over antagonism, sense over sentiment, and solidarity over spite, we inch closer to the country Tagore once imagined—not one bound by territory or tongue, but one bound by the shared spirit of justice and dignity.

The Weekend Threat to Democracy: Saturday, Sunday ‘Very Dangerous Days’ for Civil Rights Activists– Apoorvanand

Kolkata: “Saturday and Sunday have become very dangerous days for civil rights activists in India,” stated Professor Apoorvanand, a well-known advocate of civil rights, at an event in Kolkata.

He emphasized that the role of the police is to protect the civil rights of every citizen of India, whether they are prisoners, tribals, or Maoists.

“We don’t need to agree with what Maoists do, but they too have civil rights. The meaning of the rule of law is that everyone is equal and their rights should be protected. When we say this, we are told that we are demoralizing the police,” said Apoorvanand through a video message.

A Delhi University professor, Apoorvanand’s academic freedom was curtailed in April when he was barred from speaking in the United States by the Indian government. Speaking at the event titled- Margins to Mainstream: Empowering Bengal Through Civil Rights & Legal Justice., he said,

“If the civil rights of any section of society are violated, we should stand against it—even if it does not directly affect us.”

The conference was organized by the Bengal chapter of APCR (Association for Protection of Civil Rights).

civil rights in India democracy justice activists police judiciary
One of the conveners Sheikh Khurshid Alam delivers speech at the event

He cited two examples: police actions under the guise of Naxal eradication in Bastar and the arrest of Ashoka University professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad.

Referring to the latter case, Apoorvanand began:

“There was nothing wrong with Ali Khan’s social media post. Considering what is happening with Muslims in ‘Hindu Nation’ India (as the professor pointed out, neither the RSS nor BJP hides its Hindu Rashtra intentions), people were surprised to see Colonel Sophia Qureshi along with Foreign Secretary Misri and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh. BJP and RSS do not want to see Muslims in public life in positions of equality. So, while many were surprised, some were even happy. But the Haryana Women’s Commission Chairperson, Ms. Bhatia, did not like the post. And just because it was written by a Muslim and disliked by a Hindu, it was enough to lodge a case—despite the fact that no law was violated.”

He continued,

“In our country, even a rape victim struggles to get her complaint converted into an FIR so quickly. Yet, in this case, an FIR was registered with unusual speed, and Ali Khan was arrested at 6 a.m.”

“It’s a case of ‘process as punishment’, a practice used by the government. Though the court granted relief, it is a form of freedom that comes with a leash—his passport and laptop have been seized,” added Apoorvanand.

Nadeem Khan, All India Convener of APCR, highlighted the organization’s efforts to protect civil rights and the challenges it faces in Bengal.

Well-known city-based social activist Chotan Das, and advocates Muslima Begum Molla and Tarique Quasimuddin also addressed the gathering.
Social activists Manzar Jameel, Azhar Salim, Sheikh Khurshid Alam, and Rafay Siddiqui served as the conveners of the event.

American Democracy Is Retreating—The Streets Must Rise Again, Says US Scholar in Kolkata Talk

0

Kolkata: In a stirring lecture that linked Cold War-era organizing to present-day struggles against authoritarianism, Professor Elisabeth Armstrong of Smith College delivered a powerful message: to counter the growing crises of inequality and fear-driven politics, solidarity and grassroots resistance are more essential than ever.

Speaking at Jadavpur University, Armstrong opened with a potent critique of contemporary America under Donald Trump, drawing a direct line from the radical political struggles of the 1970s to the polarized climate of today.

At the heart of her talk was a compelling historical analysis of the Communist Party USA’s grassroots organizing from 1974 to 1982. Rallying under the slogan “People Before Profits,” these movements challenged systemic racism, unchecked corporate power, and the imperialist ambitions of the U.S. military-industrial complex. Armstrong highlighted how Cold War-era repression and virulent anti-communism served to isolate and demonize leftist movements—paralleling modern tactics of political suppression and spectacle-driven governance.

Crucially, Armstrong spotlighted the role of Roy Cohn, the infamous political fixer and mentor to Trump, whose legacy of fear, aggression, and denial has become a blueprint for today’s authoritarian playbook. She argued that this ethos—rooted in a culture of division and deregulation—has left working-class Americans grappling with rising costs, wage stagnation, and an eroding public sphere. “Basic necessities like eggs have surged in price by up to 400% since 2019,” she noted, “a symptom of a deeper crisis of economic precarity.”

american democracy donald trump trumpism us cold war elisabeth armstrong jadavpur university Kolkata
Lessons from Revolutionary Organizing in the Cold War US to Trump 2.0 talk at Jadavpur University

Yet Armstrong’s lecture was far from a tale of despair. She urged a reawakening of collective political consciousness, asking, “What is it to change the political climate?” Drawing inspiration from the anti-Vietnam War protests and today’s pro-Palestine solidarity movements, she celebrated the resurgence of street-level activism—from labor union revivals to grassroots racial justice campaigns. “The streets,” she said, “are once again our democratic forums.”

The lecture, titled “Lessons from Revolutionary Organizing in the Cold War US to Trump 2.0,” was hosted by Perspectives: A Researchers’ Network in collaboration with the Centre for Marxian Studies at Jadavpur University. It drew a vibrant audience of students, academics, and activists eager to connect past struggles to present-day resistance.

Armstrong closed with a call to action: building solidarity across fragmented movements is challenging, but it is the only path forward. In an age of fear and fragmentation, she reminded the audience, unity remains the most radical and necessary act.

The Right to Be Heard: Protests, Power, and the People

0

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n Part 1, we talked about strikes—just one form of protest. But that brings us to a broader question: What really is a protest?

A protest is one of the oldest and most powerful ways people express themselves publicly. When people feel unheard, sidelined, or wronged—when every door seems shut—they take to the streets with placards, slogans, and a flicker of hope. Protest isn’t just about saying no to something; it’s also about saying yes to something better.

Protest vs. Strike

A strike usually involves stopping work to demand justice—often by workers, professionals, or students. A protest, on the other hand, is broader. It can be a march, a dharna, a candlelight vigil, a signature campaign, or even a digital campaign on social media. The goal remains the same: to be heard.

Bengal and the Culture of Protest

Bengal has always had a deep culture of political engagement. From colonial times to the present day, Kolkata has echoed with slogans for justice. Moula Ali, College Street, Jadavpur, Park Circus, the Metro Channel, and of course, the Brigade Parade Ground—these names are more than just locations. For decades, they’ve served as stages of resistance.

At my age, I’ve seen countless bandhs, dharnas, michhils, fiery sloganeering—you name it. One chant—almost a war cry—has always stayed with me: “Lorai, lorai, lorai chai, Lorai kore baachte chai”, a cry that emphasizes the fight for survival.

Protests here are often creative, filled with poetry, songs, street plays, graffiti, and, yes, high-pitched and often fiery speeches full of emotion. They are about rights, identity, and dignity.

Protest on the National Level

Protests played a vital role in India’s independence—be it Satyagraha, the Non-Cooperation Movement, the Salt March, or the Quit India Movement, all were powerful acts of resistance. Most of us weren’t there, but even imagining those moments stirs something deeply patriotic in us. These weren’t mere outbursts—they were organized, principled, and full of purpose.

And even after Independence, protests have continued to shape history:

  1. The JP Movement in the 1970s brought lakhs to the streets, demanding clean politics.
  2. The Narmada Bachao Andolan raised awareness about displacement and environmental justice.
  3. The anti-corruption movement in 2011 led to the creation of the Lokpal and shook the political establishment.
  4. The CAA-NRC protests saw people reading the Constitution in parks and on streets, waving the national flag.
  5. The Farmers’ Protest ultimately led to the repeal of three controversial laws, though at a tragic human cost.

These were not mere complaints. Nor were they anti-national, even though those in power often rush to label dissent that way.

Why Do People Protest?

Why do people leave behind their families, sacrifice days and months of comfort, live in harsh conditions without hygiene, fall sick, and sometimes even risk their lives?

Because silence rarely helps. Waiting endlessly for justice often leads nowhere. So they come out—to create awareness, to demand accountability, to show solidarity, to pressure the powers that be, and above all, to stop injustice.

Most protests aren’t about causing inconvenience. But when systems stop listening, sometimes disruption becomes the only way to be noticed.

Protest Is a Constitutional Right

As mentioned in Part 1, the Constitution gives every citizen the right to peaceful protest. These aren’t favours or permissions—they are rights, core to being Indian.

Still, peaceful protests are often labelled “disturbances” or “security threats,” even when they follow all rules. But the test of democracy is not in how we treat the silent, but in how we treat the loud—yet peaceful.

As long as a protest is non-violent and disciplined, it deserves respect—not demonisation.

Recent Protests in Bengal

Bengal continues to witness strong, mostly peaceful protests that reflect real anger and real hope. The SSC recruitment protest has seen job aspirants and teachers camping on the streets for over two years—through rain, winter, and police pressure. The Park Circus sit-in during the anti-CAA movement saw mothers, students, and ordinary citizens come together in a peaceful, round-the-clock vigil.

Even today, walk through Esplanade or Dharmatala and you’ll find people in peaceful protest—teachers, job-seekers, activists. They’re not just “blocking roads”; they’re demanding their democratic rights. Living under makeshift tents, with barely any hygiene facilities, surviving on modest meals and endless cups of tea served in bhad (earthen cups), shouting themselves hoarse—these people also have families and jobs to return to.

These are not publicity stunts. These are real people, with real fears, holding on to real hope.

When the Streets Fall Silent: What Strikes Say About a Nation’s Soul

0

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen I was growing up in Kolkata during the Left Front days, hearing the words “Kaalke bandh aache” (“Tomorrow, there’s a bandh”) was a regular part of life. And those three words would change everything around us. It was like a switch: schools would shut, buses would vanish, shops would pull down shutters, and the usually busy roads would fall silent. Only slogans or a distant police siren would break that silence.

The political party calling the bandh would be out on the streets enforcing it. Those opposing it would also be visible, sometimes leading to arguments or even clashes. But for us children, it usually meant an unexpected holiday — a chance to play on empty roads.

That was the environment many of us in Bengal grew up with: the culture of hartal, or strike.

What really is a strike?

A strike isn’t about causing a disturbance, nor is it simply about skipping work. A strike is a collective decision — a way for people to stop routine work and raise their voices when something feels deeply wrong or unfair. It is recognised under the Industrial Disputes Act when related to labour or industrial issues, but in the broader social context, it’s a form of public expression. It is a peaceful way of saying: we can’t carry on like this anymore.

Bengal’s History with Strikes

Bengal has seen many kinds of strikes over the decades — led by factory workers, teachers, junior doctors, and political groups. Some were successful, others were symbolic. But behind most of them was the need to be heard.

In recent years:

  • In 2019, junior doctors across Kolkata went on strike after one of their colleagues was brutally attacked. The strike later spread nationwide, raising the issue of safety for medical professionals.
  • In 2023–24, over 42 days of strike were observed by junior doctors across Bengal following the rape and murder of a female trainee doctor in a government hospital.
  • Teachers and job aspirants have been protesting for over two years at Dharmatala against irregularities in SSC recruitment. Hunger strikes, sit-ins, and peaceful protests continue.

These were not disruptions for disruption’s sake. They were expressions of pain, unity, and a demand for justice.

A Look Back at Key Strikes in India

India has seen many important strikes that helped shape our democracy:

  • 1974 Railway Strike – Led by George Fernandes, over 17 lakh railway workers demanded better pay and conditions. It became one of the world’s largest industrial strikes, lasting 20 days.
  • 1982 Bombay Textile Strike – Led by Datta Samant, over 2.5 lakh workers protested for the right to form independent unions.
  • 2001 All-India Bank Strike – About 9 lakh banking sector employees opposed privatization and reforms.
  • 2011 Anna Hazare’s Hunger Strike – His fast in Delhi pushed Parliament to act on the Lokpal Bill.
  • 2020–21 Farmers’ Protest – A peaceful, year-long protest that led to the repeal of the three farm laws.

Each of these moments was about ordinary people standing up for justice and equality.

While Bengal and India have a rich history of strikes, they are not unique to this region. Globally, strikes have been pivotal in securing workers’ rights and social change.

Effect of Strikes on Businesses

Strikes inevitably disrupt productivity, planning, and the broader economy. When there’s a bandh or hartal, shops shut down, transport halts, business losses mount, and financial records reflect the dent. There have even been instances where companies had to shut operations permanently due to prolonged or repeated strikes.

But ignoring injustice comes at a cost too — often a deeper one. When trust breaks down and voices remain unheard, the economy might continue to function, but life becomes mechanical. People lose joy in their work, their eagerness to do better fades, and loyalty and dedication begin to erode.

Although not all strikes succeed in their objectives, they represent society’s way of trying to correct the imbalances in the nation’s balance sheet — not just economically, but morally and emotionally too.

Strikes Are a Part of Democracy

Many people assume a strike is a nuisance or an attack on the system. But actually, a strike is a tool within democracy. It is one of the ways through which ordinary people express disagreement, frustration, or demand accountability.

As Mahatma Gandhi said: “Strikes are an inherent right of the working people to secure justice.”

Yes, strikes disturb normal life. But sometimes, normal life hides deep injustices. And a strike is a way of bringing those hidden issues to light. When normal life gets disrupted during a protest, it’s not always the protesters who must be blamed — the administration has a responsibility too. So even if we don’t fully agree with a strike, we should at least try to understand it, because it’s rarely the first option, and more often the last one left. It is often the final cry of those who have been ignored for far too long.

Strikes and the Constitution

Protests are a democratic right protected by the Constitution of India. The Right to Freedom of Speech and Expression, the Right to Assemble Peacefully, and the Right to Life empower citizens to raise their voices through non-violent means like strikes, dharnas, or marches — as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21.

‘नफरत बेचती है गोदी मीडिया’: चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद ने भाजपा की बांटो-राज करो नीति को दी सीधी चुनौती

कोलकाता: “एक साल में आप देखेंगे कि हम भारत में नफरत भरे भाषणों और नफरत से जुड़े अपराधों का जवाब देने लगे हैं। अभी भी हम दलित (अनुसूचित जातियों) भाइयों को मुसलमानों के खिलाफ दंगों में शामिल होने से रोकने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं। रिपोर्टें बताती हैं कि ऐसे दंगे किसी खास राजनीतिक पार्टी के फायदे के लिए कराए जाते हैं। हमारे कई दलित भाई, जानबूझकर या अनजाने में, इन घटनाओं में शामिल हो जाते हैं, और हम उन्हें इससे अलग करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं,” ऐसा कहा सांसद और आज़ाद समाज पार्टी के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद ने।

नगीना से सांसद आज़ाद भीम आर्मी के संस्थापक भी हैं, जो एक सामाजिक संगठन है। इस युवा सांसद ने बताया कि वे अपने संगठन का विस्तार करना चाहते हैं और वैचारिक रूप से प्रतिबद्ध लोगों को उसमें जोड़ना चाहते हैं।

उन्होंने कहा, “सबसे पहले हमें समझना होगा कि आम लोगों के बीच समाजिक स्तर पर इतनी नफरत नहीं है। यह नफरत ‘गोदी मीडिया’ ने फैलाई है, ताकि एक खास राजनीतिक पार्टी को फायदा हो। हम जानते हैं कि एक पार्टी हिंदू-मुस्लिम में बांटकर राजनीति करती है।”

उन्होंने आगे कहा, “पहल्गाम हमले के बाद, जब देश आतंकियों से लड़ने की तैयारी कर रहा था, तब कौन था जो देश के लोगों के बीच नफरत फैला रहा था? इसलिए हमें ‘गोदी मीडिया’ और आईटी सेल का मुकाबला करना होगा, और हम इस पर पहले से ही काम कर रहे हैं। ‘ऑपरेशन सिंदूर’ के दौरान कुछ मीडिया चैनल इस्लामाबाद और कराची तक चले गए थे—मैं उन्हें वापस टीवी स्टूडियो ले आया,” आज़ाद ने मुस्कराते हुए कहा।

यह बात उन्होंने शनिवार शाम एसआर फाउंडेशन द्वारा आयोजित एक बैठक में ईन्यूज़रूम के सवाल के जवाब में कही, जब उनसे पार्टी और संगठन की रणनीति को लेकर पूछा गया कि वे नफरत फैलाने वाले भाषणों और अपराधों का बौद्धिक रूप से कैसे जवाब देंगे।

आज़ाद समाज पार्टी चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद गोदी मीडिया कोलकाता भीम आर्मी Bhim Army Chandrashekhar Azad
सांसद चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद कोलकाता में इंटेलेक्चुअल मीट को संबोधित करते हुए | ईन्यूज़रूम

इससे पहले दिन में, आज़ाद ने कोलकाता में आज़ाद समाज पार्टी द्वारा आयोजित ‘भाईचारा’ सम्मेलन में भी हिस्सा लिया।

उन्होंने भारतीय जनता पार्टी की ‘तिरंगा यात्रा’ पर भी सवाल उठाया। “मैंने संसद में पूछा है कि तिरंगा यात्रा का मकसद क्या है, और ‘ऑपरेशन सिंदूर’ का जश्न क्यों मनाया जा रहा है,” उन्होंने कहा।

आज़ाद ने साफ़ किया कि आज़ाद समाज पार्टी अगले साल होने वाले पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनाव में हिस्सा लेगी।

मुस्लिम समाज को भी उन्होंने एक सलाह दी, जो उनके अनुसार राजनीतिक पार्टियों से बराबरी नहीं पा सका। “मैंने हज़रत उमर, हज़रत अली और इस्लाम के बारे में बहुत सी किताबें पढ़ी हैं, और पाया कि आज के मुसलमान भी उनकी सीखों को सही से नहीं मानते। इस्लाम बराबरी की बात करता है, लेकिन हम आज़ के दौर में अपने से नीचे तबके को कुचल कर आगे बढ़ना चाहते हैं।”

आखिर में उन्होंने अपने संघर्ष और सफर के बारे में कहा, “इन कठिन हालातों ने हमें बहुत कुछ सिखाया है। इन्हीं हालातों ने मुझे चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद बनाया है। अगर मैं जिंदा रहा, तो दस साल बाद लोग पहले अपने भगवान को याद करेंगे और फिर मेरी सलामती की दुआ करेंगे। ये तो बस शुरुआत है। अभी तो मैं सिर्फ एक सांसद हूं। असली काम तो अब शुरू होगा।”

अधिवक्ता आज़ाद एक किसान परिवार से आते हैं और उनका कोई राजनीतिक परिवारिक बैकग्राउंड नहीं है। “मेरे दादा किसान थे और मेरे पिता शिक्षक,” उन्होंने कहा।

“मुझे राजनीति में आने का इरादा नहीं था। लेकिन मेरे सामाजिक कार्यों के दौरान जो अत्याचार झेलना पड़ा, उसके बाद मुझे चुनाव लड़ना पड़ा,” उन्होंने जोड़ा।