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No difference between Angrej rule and present BJP government: Anna Hazare

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Jaipur: Social activist and the  leader of India Against Corruption (IAC) campaign, Anna Hazare, criticized Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) led Vasundhara Raje government in Rajasthan for its anti-farmer acts.

“The farmers of Nindar are protesting as their lands are being forcibly acquiredby the government. What is the difference between the British rulers and them (BJP)?” he questioned, and added, “During the British regime, it was the same, land used to be taken away from the farmers forcibly. Last time when we had protested, the government had agreed to not resorting to forceful land acquisition.” Hazare, had stopped at Nindar during his journey to Jaipur.

The 80-year-old social activist reached Govindgarh, Jaipur to get support, for his proposed Satyagrah, which he will begin from March 23. Through this movement he will be demanding an effective Lokpal in the center and Lokayuktas at every state.

Watch Anna Hazare's video:

 

Lokpal bill was passed in 2013 itself. But Anna and his team members had been claiming that the bill is a weak one, however, Narendra Modi government too did little to strengthen it.

In Govindgarh, the anti-corruption crusader was more vocal and said that people will teach BJP government a lesson both at the center and state. He expressed serious concern on the treatment being meted out to the farmers in India, specially in Rajasthan.

“People have the key and they need to understand its importance, for this key is capable enough of bring in or throwing out any government,” PTI quoted Hazare.

Earlier in Kota, the senior activist had attacked the center, stating that the Modi government is anti-farmers and cares only for industries.

Hazare will soon be visiting Lucknow, seeking support from the people of Uttar Pradesh for his agitation.

The crusader’s anti-corruption movement in 2011 was a massive hit and gave birth of many activist turned politicians in India, right from Arvind Kejriwal, Kumar Vishwas to VK Singh and Kiran Bedi. It will be interesting to watch how, his agitation at the time of Narendra Modi government takes shape.

Post DBT implementation at Nagri many beneficiaries spend two working days time to get rice from PDS shop

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Nagri/Ranchi: Aychi Nagduwar, is a 85-year-old widow with a 40-year-old son mentally challenged son. They are beneficiaries of the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT), residing at Singhpur village. However, for unknown reasons, no DBT money is being credited to her account.

Meanwhile, Somari Mundain’s son and daughter-in- law live in the city, while she takes care of her grandson residing with her at Kenke. But the couple is no longer in touch with Somari. Earlier, her grandson used to get the ration for her. But now, he is unable to work his way out in the bank, while she is too old to make multiple visits to the bank and wait in queues. So, far no DBT fund has been credited to her account and she is availing her widow pension to buy food grains.

Another old lady residing all by herself at Piska village, has been able to buy food grains only once, since the implementation of DBT. Her rough and worn out palms is making it difficult for the Point of Sale (PoS) machine to recognize her fingerprints. The only time she was able to avail the benefit was when her name was on the exemption list.

The reason for the inconvenience caused to the mentioned three along with many others is an experimentation introduced by the government of Jharkhand in October 2017. Under this experimentation the residents of Nagri block of Ranchi have their DBT and food subsidy schemes linked – the beneficiaries now have to collect money from the bank and buy rice from PDS centre at a rate of Rs 32 per kilo.

dbt-nagri-pds-ranchi
Somari Mundain and her grandchild

Towards the end of January 2018, student volunteers of Ration Bachao Manch, which has development economist like Jean Dreze, conducted a survey of 244 households in randomly selected 13 villages of Nagri. It revealed that the DBT system is causing huge inconvenience  to the poor. On average, respondents admitted to having received only 2 out of 4 DBT installments in the preceding 4 months.

And in cases where the families are being able to avail DBT benefits, 28 percent of the beneficiaries admitted to spend 15 hours (two work days time) to collect their PDS rice. The survey indicates that each respondent has to spend about 12 hours on the average just to visit and queue at the bank, Pragya Kendra and ration shop in a bid to avail the benefits on offer by the government.

According to the survey, banks often refuse to handover smaller amount of cash to these people. As a consequence they are often asked to collect the money in cash from Pragya Kendra to reduce over-crowding of bank premises.

The survey concludes that 97 per cent of the respondents interviews have opposed the DBT system. Significantly, in 2015, a letter from the Food Ministry (Delhi), had discouraged states from adopting the DBT model for the PDS. Despite this, Jharkhand went ahead. And now, not just it gets implemented but dealers also reprimand those beneficiaries who avail the DBT cash and failed to purchase from PDS shops.

Five political parties including Congress, JMM, JVM and CPI-ML and several non-government organization (NGO)s will hold a march upto Jharkhand Chief Minister Raghubar Das’ residence on Monday to register their protest against the DBT for food subsidies.

Nagri Survey, January-February 2018

Main Findings

Mean number of bank accounts per household 3.4
Proportion (%) of respondents who said that

 

No-one told them which account would be used for DBT credits

Going to bank is the only way to know whether DTB money has come

They used the DBT money last time they purchased rice from the PDS

 

 

95

70

77

Mean distance from home to the bank (km) 4.5
Mean distance from home to Pragya Kendra (km) 4.3
Mean number of monthly DBT instalments received in the last 4 months 2.1
Mean number of monthly rice rations purchased from PDS in the last 4 months 2.5
Mean number of person-hours spent on collecting PDS ration, last timea 12
Percentage distribution of respondents by number of person-hours spent collecting PDS ration (last time)a

 

Less than 5 hours

5 to 10 hours

10 to 15 hours

More than 15 hrs

 

 

 

18

35

19

28

Percentage distribution of respondents according to the collection point they used for DBT money, last time

 

Bank

Pragya Kendra

Other (e.g. ATM)

Not applicable (did not collect DBT money)

 

 

 

37

41 5

17

Proportion of respondents who prefer the old system to the DBT system 97

 

Lessons from Baba Bulle Shah’s kalaam, crow and dog at India-Pakistan borders

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A crow flew off from the flag atop a pole at the security post in Pakistan’s side of Punjab and, covering a few yards in the sky, came to sit on the Indian flag at Dera Baba Nanak —a village on Indian side of Punjab. Standing just near the Radcliffe line, I watched the crow with envy—Alas, I was not as lucky as the feathered denizen to crisscross the borders at will.

I was among the visitors who had gone at the India-Pakistan borders to see Pakistan, its farm-fields full with green wheat crops, farmers and the Gurudwara at Kartarpur in Punjab side of Pakistan. Guru Nanak had settled and mingled with the Almighty near the village Pakhoke, opposite to Kartarpur — a town which lies over the border in Pakistan. From Dera Baba Nanak, we could easily see across the border into Pakistan and Gurudwara across the river Ravi at Kartarpur.

Four farmers were driving tractor to spray some insecticide in their wheat filled farm on Pakistan side. The sprawling farm ended at the no man’s land, just 10 yards away from the pedestal we had stood on, at Dera Baba Nanak on the Indian side. On our side of the no man’s land was spread the farm field—filled with similar wheat crops—belonging to the Indian farmers. Incidentally, no farmer was there on the Indian side when I visited the borders on February 11, 2018.

One of the Pakistan farmers—clad in black salwar-kamij or Pathan suit—was strolling, carrying a gunny bag in his field, barely a few yards from us. A carrot colour dog negotiated through the gap of barbed wire on the Indian side and went running to the Pakistan farmer. I vividly saw the canine wagging his tail near the Pakistan’s farmer and trying to knock his mouth in the bag the farmer was holding. The farmer brought out some eatables from his bag and lobbed it at the dog which began merrily eating it.

Gajjan Singh, a Dera Baba Nanak villager, explained, “The dog, which usually loiters around the Gurudwara at Dera Baba Nanak, crosses the barbed wire whenever it sees that farmer. The farmer brings some pieces of meat/chicken which the carnivorous dog relishes”.

Another old man, standing near Gajjan and caressing his fingers through his moustache and beards casually said, “The dog does not relish poori, halwa and sweets served in the Gurudwara’s langar. He crosses the border as soon as he sees that farmer coming in at his field”.

Tell it my foolish emotion or my inability to see the things in a “pragmatic” manner that a journalist is supposed to see, I turned envious to the dog and even complained to the Almighty why did he not make me that dog and the crow who were enjoying their freedom of movement through the “farce” of the man made borders.

I felt like breaking all the laws that prohibited me from going to the farm and its owners across the border and talking to them in Punjabi or Urdu. After all, they looked like me. Their forefathers must have talked animatedly, played together, shared their grief and happiness for decades or centuries on what is now a no man’s land—barely 10 yards away from the place I was standing.

The progenies are supposed to inherit the legacy, heritage and property of their ancestors. Why have we—on both the sides of the divide—been denied of the legacy to live together for centuries till 70 years ago? I felt the crow and the dog have better understanding, defying the farcical geographical divide for all these 70 years. I found the dog and crow wiser than us on that day.

On my return journey to Lovely Professional University, Jalandhar—my present place of posting—I was engrossed in the thought of getting born as a crow or dog in my next birth. My colleague at LPU, Anupam Kumar was driving the car. I was thankful to Anupam for not disturbing me through my melancholic thought while driving. My wife, Manju was looking for some farm fresh vegetables on the way flanked by cauliflowers. She was getting upset at my silence.

For some moments, I thought the so called “greats”—Mahatma Gandhi, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Jawaharlal Nehru, Liyakat Ali Khan and also the mandarins of the present governments on both the sides of the divide—as “selfish” or “insensitive” souls.  Did they consult the people in Kartarpur and Dera Baba Nanak to separate them forever and leave their progenies to turn enemies?

We stopped at a dhaba near Gurdaspur to have some snacks and tea. My eyes fell on a newspaper which showed that “infiltrators” of Pakistan had crossed the LoC in Kashmir, killing a few Indian jawans and Indian jawans had retaliated, killing some Pakistani jawans. I also heard some “knowledgeable” people talking about how China was “helping” Pakistan to settle score with India and how India was morphing itself into a “tough” state from a “soft” one against Pakistan. I preferred to pose as a fool, keeping out from such conversation.

When I was back at LPU, my friend and learned colleague in Film Production department, Simran S Kaler shared with me Baba Bulle Shah’s kalaam: “You pray in the day, but sleep at night.

During the night, dogs are awake. They are better.

They cannot stop barking at night while during the day they  sleep at stones. They are better”.

Despite my melancholy and despondence, I am a diehard optimist. I believe that someday—may not be in my lifetime—the people on both the sides of divide will start loving and living together without sacrificing on their sovereignty and cultural and religious identity. I chant zindabad to the people of both the countries—India and Pakistan and wish for their salamati. Let us sing: Hum Hongein Kamyab ek Din

Dastangoi of an Indo-Canadian: Migrant’s tales in multiple Indian languages

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Kolkata: If you thought that dastangoi (dastan: tale; goi: narrating/telling) was all about fairies, demons, jinns, magic and Urdu then you are highly mistaken. For this Indian-origin author and theatre-artiste, is giving a beautiful spin to the existing format of the long forgotten art of telling tales. The dastans of Jawaid Danish revolve around the tales of immigrants, five characters to be precise. And instead of having two or three dastangos,  Jawaid gives solo performances and narrates the tales in impeccable Urdu, which  swiftly changes to Bengali, Gujarati or even the UP and Mumbaiya boli, which he terms as boli-tholi. Jawaid, is the first dastango of the west and currently is in India as part of his four month world tour of his dastangoi. Following are excerpts:

eN: Tell us something about yourself?

Jawaid: I was born and brought up in a Kolkata-based family. I did my schooling from St Anthony High School and then my Bachelors in English from Aligarh Muslim University (AMU).

eN: But you are a convent educated and you write in Urdu?

Jawaid: (Laughs) Urdu is my mother language. And like Rabindranath Tagore said, a person who doesn’t know his mother tongue knows nothing. On a lighter note, I guess it’s the AMU connect which made me write in Urdu. To be honest, I never thought that I would be writing books or doing theatre or indulging a bit in dastangoi.

I took my first plunge into writing with my first Urdu Travelogue – Awargi, it was way back in the eighties. This travelogue covered Europe and America. It did well. But I had more important things to do in life – take care of my family’s finances as my father had passed away. So, there I put the author and traveler in me on hold and immigrated to Canada kept doing one or more odd jobs to keep things moving and in between somehow Mazeed Awargi (Travelogue on Japan) and Ek Aur Awargi happened. Post that there has been no looking back for me. I have written almost 12 books in Urdu, most of which are about travel, immigrants and their problems. At present I am writing a novel which is about immigrants again, but it also touches upon Autism.

eN: What makes you write about immigrants?

Jawaid: Migration is close to my heart. And it’s obvious why? I myself have migrated from Kolkata to Canada, where I have met so many expats, who too have travelled all the way from their nation in search of a better livelihood. Being an immigrant let me tell you, it’s not an easy task to settle down in another country. Some might be lucky, but for many it is a combination of many trials and tribulations.

I know so many tales, some I have experienced myself, some I have witnessed my friends undergoing, and nothing could be better than sharing these tales with my readers. To answer your question, I write about migration as I am an immigrant.

eN: Unlike other Urdu writers, you write homosexuality, AIDS or Autism?

Jawaid: Well, I write books for a global market. I write stories that need to be told. I don’t write with a myopic ideology. Sadly, enough Urdu authors back in India, are not ready to experiment or write on burning issues. They are stick stuck in the time warp, where Urdu means poems and romance. Well, there is definitely more to the language. The fact that I am multi-lingual and have read literary works in other languages that give me the strength to experiment. Hence my plays or books addresses issues like rape, mercy killing, homosexuality, the third gender and more.

eN: From writing to dastangoi, how did this transition happen?

Jawaid: Before dastangoi, I was a playwright. I am the founder of Rangmanch Canada and have performed plays in Hindi, Gujarati and even Sanskrit not just in Canada but across the globe. Once I got an invitation, seeking a performance from our group. But they had some restrictions on the number of participants. They could arrange the travel and accommodation of only three participants. It was then that we decided to do a dastangoi. And boy! It was a hit. People have enjoyed my “Dastangoi of Hijrat or Tales of Travel.

eN: And now, a twist to dastangoi, why?

Jawaid: (Laughs) There can be no play, novel or dastan for me minus travel. I love travelling, I am an immigrant, so my tales will have to be about travel or migration. Believe me my audience loves these tales more than those of jinns and fairies.

From Selling Vegetables to Building a Hospital: The Padma Shri-Winning Journey of Subasini Mistry

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Kolkata: The Humanity Hospital in Haspukur village stands taller than any government hospital in India. Its foundation was laid not by a politician, leader, or business tycoon but by a visionary woman who vowed never to let a poor person from her village die without treatment.

Meet 75-year-old Padma Shri Subasini Mistry, born into a poor farmer’s family. Married off at the tender age of 12, she was widowed just 12 years later. Her husband, Sadhan Chandra Mistry, died of gastroenteritis at the age of only 34. “It was way back in 1971 that we lost him to a very common ailment. Back then, we had no money to take him to the doctor. This incident moved me and made me promise myself to make healthcare facilities available to the poor,” said Subasini.

With four children to fend for, life was not a cakewalk. She first placed her eldest son in an orphanage and kept the remaining three with her. She then moved to Dhapa and began working as a domestic help in the Park Circus area. To supplement her income and save money for the hospital she aspired to build, she also started selling vegetables under the Park Circus bridge.

She began saving money, using a portion to fund the education of her son, Ajoy, who is now a doctor. The rest she used to buy a plot of land in Haspukur, where she built Humanity Hospital, which was inaugurated on March 9, 1996.

“I have heard that the government is honoring me. It feels nice. If you have a clean heart and a vision to do something worthwhile, God will definitely stand by you,” said the 75-year-old to eNewsroom.

Subasini was one of two recipients of the prestigious Padma Shri award from Bengal in 2018.

“We have 35 beds in our hospital and treat all disorders except for open-heart surgery and neurosurgery. On average, we treat about 150 people in the outpatient department daily. Though we charge OPD patients ₹50, we often waive the fee for those who are truly poor,” said her son, Ajoy, who is also the administrative head of the hospital.

They have also set up another unit at Gosaba in the Sundarbans to provide medical facilities to villagers in remote areas of Bengal.

No action on Rajbala: Who is failing people of Jharkhand, BJP or Raghubar Das?

Ranchi: The pressure that is being built in Jharkhand to make the state government take action against its Chief Secretary, RajbalaVerma, under normal circumstances would have been enough for her to either step down or to be unceremoniously removed. This has been happening in so far all the democratic set up. But in the case of Rajbala Verma, despite the opposition rallying for her removal along with one of Bhartiya Janata Party  (BJP)’s minister Saryu Roy, demanding action in connection with Fodder Scam. Even the instruction given by the Prime Minister Office (PMO) in another corruption case, has not been followed by Raghubar Das’s government yet.

The major charges Rajbala Verma faces – not responding to 23 notices sent by Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) in relation with fraudulent withdrawal from Chaibasa treasury. Here the controversial 1983 batch IAS officer was serving as the District Magistrate (DM) of Chaibasa during 1990-91 when fraudulent withdrawals had been made from its treasury. In three similar cases, former Chief Minister of Bihar, Lalu Prasad Yadav had to serve jail and is still behind the bars in fresh case.

The second allegation being that she along with another IAS officer Sukhdev Singh gave a clean chit to Puja SinghalPurwar, also an IAS officer. Allegedly, Purwar had sold out coal blocks to a private company. In this matter, even PMO has sent a letter on January 25, this year, instructing the Jharkhand government to take appropriate action against Rajbala and Sukhdev. The PMO had also sent a copy of the letter to the whistleblower Dilip Mishra who had written to both PMO and the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC).

A fortnight has elapsed since the PMO sent across the letter and Raghubar Das is yet to take any action. A Public Interest Litigation (PIL) has also been filed in Ranchi High Court on the same issue by one Pankaj Yadav.

The chief secretary has also been accused of pressurizing a company to invest in her son’s business set up. The businessman had himself tweeted about. While the opposition leaders have been organizing press meets almost every alternate day, a senior leader of BJP and minister Roy has been speaking in public, asking the chief minister to act. Raghubar Das, being a leader of a party which came into power with the promise of tackling corruption by highlighting scams committed by Lalu Prasad or even Madhu Koda, former Chief Minister of Jharkhand, is yet to act. The present BJP government is also first full majority government since the state has been erected from Bihar.

Significantly, the 1983 batch IAS officer will retire on February 28 and it seems like Raghubar Das is waiting this time to pass. So, instead of action, people of Jharkhand may see the controversial chief secretary in a new constitutional post!

On camera murderer Shambhulal makes a hate video inside the jail

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Jodhpur/Jaipur: Shambhulal Regar, the man who became the pinup boy the Hindutva brigade, after the brutal murder of Afrazul Khan, a daily labour from Malda, Bengal in Rajsamand is back with another video of his on the social media.

After the infamous December 6 video, where he claimed of having saved Hindu girls from the clutches of ‘Love-Jihad’, a bogus propaganda by the saffron brigade for inter-caste marriage, Regar has released his next video, shot within the jail premise. The video, is circulating on social media.

It shows Shambhulal, who is currently lodged at Jodhpur jail, stating that he, has been kept in a high security video and has no remorse for having killed an innocent person.

However, the surfacing of this video of his does raise many a question, like how did he get accesses to a smart phone and internet? And who shot the video for him?

Significantly, rape accused godman Asaram Bapu is also put up inside the same ‘high security jail’.

State Home Minister Gulabchand Kataria set up an inquiry to investigate how Shambhulal get access to phone?

Sources said that that jail officials after getting a whiff of the recent video had searched his cell for the mobile phone, however, they failed to find one. Thereby, indicating that phone of some jail official had been used to record the video.

Meanwhile, Gulbahar Bibi, wife of Afrazul, has appealed to the Supreme Court stating that the Rajasthan police had not investigated Afrazul murder case as a hate crime; hence that angle should be looked into. Gulbahar’s counsel, Indira Jaisingh also told the court that the murder video circulating on social media should be banned. The third appeal was to shift the case to Bengal as the victim family would not be able to travel that far. He also added that the atmosphere of mass hysteria in Rajasthan will not let the free and fair trial happen. The Apex Court, has accepted the first two requests and directed Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to take instruction from central and Rajasthan government.

And for the third request, pertaining to the transfer of the case, it said that the possibility could be discussed at a later stage.

But, now it seems, the apprehension of victims side has got strengthened. In a state where people to show support to Shambhulal, can hoist a religious flag at the Jodhpur court, and a hate video being shot within the jail premise, are a proof for her fear becoming a reality.

IAS Vijaya Jadhav: An officer and a gentlewoman

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Giridih: Four months is just not enough for any officer or politicians to bring about a major change in the outlook of a city.  Especially, when the city has once been listed as one of the top 5 most backward districts of India.

But thanks to the sustained raids being conducted almost every alternate day to rein a control on inter-state sand mafias, illegal firecracker sellers, adulterated food manufacturers, noise polluters, and anti-encroachment drives towards making the city cleaner, increasing the revenue of the municipal corporation and raid on illegal cow slaughtering are some of the work being spearheaded by Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officer Vijaya Jadhav in Giridih district’s township.

A 2015 batch IAS officer, Jadhav had taken charge of her duties in the month of October, 2017, as the Sub-divisional Magistrate (SDM) of Giridih. And 10 days back, she was also given additional charge of the Giridih Municipal Corporation. She is now its executive officer.

So, how challenging is it to work in Jharkhand? Jhadav, is originally from Pune, Maharashtra. “I see it as an opportunity to perform better. Actually, Jharkhand is not as developed a state as Gujarat or Maharastra. These states have a system and infrastructure, which is lacking here. So there is a lot of work for the state and for the residents of Jharkhand. And we as officers have to play a pivotal role in building a robust system for the state to function,” the IAS officer replied to eNewsroom.

Vijaya jadhav IAS SDM Giridih
Vijaya Jadhav during a raid conducted at night. Courtesy: bhaskar.com

However, Jadhav, the IAS is well aware of the fact that bringing about this change will not be an easy task. “Departments here lack a systemised way of working. In most departments, the work culture is missing. There is also a huge gap in training and orientation of the employees. So I have to first uplift the skills of my subordinates before performing some task,” Jadhav admits.

On the issue of corruption, when asked, it is a fact that there is rampant corruption in Jharkhand and it is often alleged that without bribe no work gets done, the in-charge executive officer of the municipal corporation claimed, “I have zero tolerance for corruption. I can understand delay in some work, but if I get any complaint about work being delayed just because of bribe, I do not tolerate it. I have made this message clear to everyone here. Also, corruption is an ethical call for everyone, I can’t comment on others but I will never compromise on my integrity.”

Recently, Jadhav along with twenty other officers have adopted a panchayat each, to develop them.

On being asked how she will insure that there would be no hunger deaths in her panchayat—Jashpur, which is located on the border of Giridih block and has a population of 5500 population. It has good tribal population, she replied, “Three steps needed to be taken to ensure it. Each family should have a ration card and gets food-grains on time. The families of these panchayats will get covered under social security pensions and will be empowered with some skills to produce products which can be marketed individually or through self-help group (SHG)s.”

She then added, “We have created a database for every single person in my panchayat, organised a ration card camp and initiated other necessary steps for the development of the panchayat. I want to make sure that no one dies from hunger in my panchayat.”

On January 13, a tribal woman Budhni Soren had died of hunger in Tisri block of Giridih district. Her death was the seventh hunger death in Jharkhand. However, each time the respective administration officials have maintained that the deaths were due to illness and not starvation.

“We should be ashamed, if somebody dies of hunger,” stated the young officer without any hesitation, while speaking on the issue of starvation death.

Vijaya jadhav IAS SDM Giridih
Vijaya Jadhav trying to make earthen potter in between her raid at Quraishi Mohalla, Giridih

Jadhav, had to face resistant on two occasions during her actions – ensuring no playing of loud DJ Music during Saraswati Puja and raid in Quraishi Mohalla for illegal cow slaughter. Despite protests, she handled the situation well and got rule of law implemented.

“An officer should not have any religion. It is a personal thing. I believe that the administration should be secular,” she pointed out.

No wonder, vernacular media has started branding her as Lady Singham. To that she smilingly pulled out a small piece of paper, which she had received from a school girl. The scribble read, “Mein Apko Ek Upnaam dungi, Aprajita (I would like to nickname you, Aprajita – the one who never gets defeated).”

BJP-Trinamool brinkmanship in Bengal boils communal cauldron

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West Bengal is witnessing frequent communal flare ups these days in tandem with the gradual emergence of the Modified BJP as the principal opposition to its friend-turned-foe Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress government. In a series of sectarian violence, unprecedented since the Partitions horrors that the undivided Bengal had suffered, at least 40 persons were killed and hundreds injured in 200 odd clashes along the religious divide since Mamata assumed office in 2011.

In the meantime, BJP’s vote-share had surged up to 17 per cent during the 2014 Modi-wave but plummeted to 10 per cent plus in 2016 assembly poll. Though Mamata has garnered 44 per cent of votes second time against 36 per cent in her first stint, successive bye-polls in last two years has pointed to the upswing in the BJP’s poll fortune, mainly at the costs of the Lefts and Congress, the former rulings parties of the state.

With both sides gearing up for a battle for Bengal in 2019 general election and the assembly poll two years later, the Sangh Parivar is trying hard to keep the communal cauldron boiling by stirring up the complaints against Mamata’s ‘Muslim appeasement’ and fears of Hindus being deluged by Bangladeshi Muslims. The saffron brigade is working overtime to pit Hindu Dalit refugees from across the Indo-Bangla borders, particularly those who harbor bitter memories of religious persecution there, against Muslims here. It hopes to distill the heady politics of Hindu consolidation, a la UP and keep it free from dilution by Dalit and OBC identities, like what happened in Gujarat since caste hostility is already watery in humid Bengal.

If new generations of refugees are the fulcrum of Sangh’s politics at bordering areas, Hindi-speaking upcountry settlers of the yore are its main launching pads in mixed population industrial areas in addition to tribal and OBC –dominated areas of Junglemahal. As the Modi–wave of 2014 has waned since demonetization and GST imposition, the currency of Janus-faced Bikashpurush among urban Bengalis has been changed for appropriation of Bengali middle class icons in the Hindutva pantheon.

To checkmate the challengers, Bengal’s big sis is harping on her claims to be the sole savior of minorities, particularly Muslims who represent more than 27 per cent of state population. In addition, she counts on her sway over the presiding family of Matua sect that represents a sizable section of dalits, namely Namasudra and Poundro khatriyos in addition to her guardianship of the state’s tolerant tradition.  Recent riots and tensions, mainly triggered by online obscenities and fake news by Hindutva fanatics active in social media as well as concurrence of Muharram and Durga Puja immersion processions etc, has also revealed the Trinamool realpolitik.

The government’s police, otherwise ruthless in battering opposition rallies and journalists at slightest pretext, have maintained ‘maximum restraint’ to religious frenzy by a section of Muslim youth under order from the top. Even attacks on police stations, mainly by criminals who had joined the community outrage against Hindutva insults to Islam were handled with kid gloves. The list of Trinamool’s Muslim MPs and ministers as well as their hangers-on only reveals the clout of religious and social conservatives who are only interested in exploiting the fears and frustrations of community youth for their own ends.

Realizing that her lenience has only given credence to Sangh campaign, the chief minister has resorted to assorted balancing acts with shrewd political calculations in mind. The manhandling of journalists at a Kolkata rally on 14 February by Hindu Samhati, a fringe organization of Hindutva brigades has brought forth the tacit understanding between Trinamool and the group. Tapan Ghosh, a former RSS leader in south 24-parganas who runs the outfit has been enjoying police permission to hold his annual congregation at the heart of the downtown since 2009 that marked the fag end of three decades-long Left Front rule.  However, the Samhati has grown in strength, both in terms of money, mobilization and muscle power after Mamata has taken over.

The loony Ghosh who tries to outsmart Sangh in rabid anti-Muslim rhetoric has been expressing his support to Mamata while cautioning her against the ‘closet communists’ who have turned to her fold following the LF debacle. He renewed his support to Mamata at latest rally while taking ‘inspiration’ from Islamophobic Donald Trump and Zionist prime minister of Israel, BiBi Netanyahu. The irony was unmistakable when he criticized Modi for not supporting unilateral US-Israeli move to make Jerusalem the ‘eternal capital of the promised land’. He extorted Hindu refugees from Bangladesh to aspire to reoccupy their homeland as the Zionists did.

In the meantime, he urged them to ask Muslims here to make a choice between a ‘ghar Wapsi to their ancestor’s faith and Keyamat for their faith and folks in the war between Islam and rest of the humanity’, in an improvisation of Samuel Huntington’s theory of clash of civilizations.

He drew his point home by facilitating a Muslim family who had purportedly converted to Hinduism at the rally, an unthinkable thing in Kolkata even a few years ago. Journalists were beaten up after they sought to speak to the family and wanted to know whether the conversion was voluntary. His calls for ‘Hindu resistance’ at every village were clearly aimed at inciting communal violence, stereotypes he used to demonize Muslims bore the signature tune of the Sangh in letter and spirit.

What made his appeal deadly is the Bengali tinge to Sangh ideology by replacing the north and West Indian ethos and icons by local ones. The banner for the rally bore the gory image of Goddess Kali which has been part of Bengali Hindu’s political symbolism across generations as well as literary icons like Tagore, Bankim Chandra, Saratchandra and Vivekananda as well as Gopal Pantha, allias Mukherjee, a hero of Hindu ‘resistance’ during the great Calcutta killings of 1946-48.

Clearly, Ghosh wants to create a political space for him and his group at the cost of BJP, may be as a bargaining chip with Nagpur while Mamata mollycoddles him to drive a wedge in the Hindutva camp and its impact in the ballot box. That’s why no charge of hate speech and communal trouble-making has been slapped against Ghosh, despite being arrested for roughing up journalists.

On the other hand, the chief minister has begun underlining her Hindu credentials publicly while asking her minions to make gala shows of Vajrangbali and Ganesh Pujas etc. which are not part of Bengali Hindu festivals. More the Pujas are merrier, particularly for the jobless youths. The army of unemployed and their Para or neighborhood clubs have been kept in humor by generous doles by the government and the ruling party. It has replaced the cadres and local committee offices of the CPM to provide the muscle power and social-political control rooms respectively that the new rulers require to rule with iron hand. Bengal’s prima donna has been followings the steps of her former friends by promoting religious pomp, conservatives of all hues. The icing of the cake comes from the never-ending festivals at government expenses to create a false but sustained feel good factor.

But soon it may be proved as a foolhardy picnic on the top a simmering volcano.

*The views expressed are exclusively of the author.

Afrazul Murder Case: SC directs CBI to seek instructions from center and Rajasthan

Delhi/Kolkata: Hearing a petition file by Gulbahar Bibi – the widow of Mohammad Afrazul Khan, a migrant labourer who was hacked and then burnt to death at Rajsamand in Rajasthan on December 6 last year, the Supreme Court on Friday instructed the counsel for Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) to seek instructions regarding all prayers except prayer number 3, which pertains to transfer of the case from Rajasthan to Malda in West Bengal.

However, with regard to transfer, a bench of Chief Justice Deepak Misra and Justice AM Khanwilkar clarified that the prayer is being not considered for this point of time and can be considered if at a later stage the petitioner is not satisfied with the investigation.

The court has fixed April 2 as the next date of hearing.

The petitioner alleged that the Rajasthan Police carried out the probe without investigating the hate crimes that led to the killings: namely, spreading enmity between different groups on the basis of religion and creating disharmony (Section 153A of the Indian Penal code), which is beyond the scope of the present investigating agency so the guilty will never be brought to book.

The petitioner through her counsel, senior advocate Indira Jaisingh, has an impartial probe from an independent national agency and a complete ban on spreading hate videos of communal nature targeting a religious community and descriminating against it with an aim to encourage violence and creating divide. Immediate removal of all such videos from Internet and WhatsApp has also been sought. “The Respondent no. 1 (the Centre) is duty bound to ensure that the service providers do not upload the said videos which are a form of hate speech encouraging others to indulge in copycat crimes,” said the petition.

The petition, mentioned in the first week of February this year, has also sought an inquiry into the “factors that led the accused – Shambhu Lal Raigar – to commit such a henious crime, the factors and people responsible for spreading such hatred in the name of a communal myth/fiction being propogated as “Love Jihad”, being hate speech, stigmatising an entire community, by creating a myth that Muslim men are marrying Hindu women and fighting a ‘jihad’”.

Raigar, who has confessed to his crime and showed no remorse during the police questioning, not only mercilessly killed Afrazul but also got the grusome act recorded on cell phone by his minor nephew. The accused can be seen in the video hitting with an axe the deceased who is repeatedly shouting “Babu Jaan Bachao” (please save my life). While the victim’s body is lying in a pool of blood, the accused says before camera, as if addressing a group of people, “Jihadiyon, ye tumhari halat hogi, yeh love jihad phailaoge hamare desh men… hamare desh men aisa karo, yeh tumhare har jihadi khyalat, jihad khatam kar do… (Jihadis, this is what your condition is going to be, you spread love jihad in our country, if you do this in our country, this will be the fate of each of you jihadi…).”

Advocate on Record Fuzail Ahmad Ayyubi said his client – through her petition – wants the “communal myth of Love Jihad” to be broken. “A stranger killed another stranger on the basis of a distorted perception. The case tries to go into the larger conspiracy of hate crimes,” he said.

Asked why does the petitioner wants another inquiry when the Rajasthan Police has already probed into the incident and has submitted a chargesheet revealing that the accused created the plot of ‘Love Jihad’ to justify the killing and hide his illicit relations with a woman whom he used to call his sister and who had eloped with another man belonging to Afrazul’s village in West Bengal, Ayyubi said the investigation is “insufficient to unearth the larger conspiracy”.

“A national investigation agency will be competent to conduct a comprehensive probe,” he added.

Why does the petitioner seeks transfer of the case from Rajasthan to Malda? This is aimed at access to justice – according to the deceased wife – in a free and fair atmosphere and the appointment of a special public prosecutor who is not related to the ruling party of the state and functioning under the supervision of the Court.

“This is particularly important since the Petitioner resides in West Bengal and is unable to be physically present at the trial. There is an atmosphere of mass hysteria at the hearings as is evident from news reports that orange flags were hoisted on court house building by supporters of the accused on the date of hearing,” submits the petitioner who further argues that the “accused was arrested and produced before the magistrate on 14th December, on the same day a group of miscreants belonging to some groups protested, shockingly and bizarrely in support of the murderer, Shambhu Lal.

“The protests by these miscreants were not at all peaceful and were clearly aimed at destabilizing the law and order situation and to incite violence, this is evident by the act of some of these so called protestors who climbed atop the gate of the DiDistrict and Sessions Court, Udaipur, Rajasthan and unfurled some saffron flag due to which police tried to control the protestors during which about 12 cops were injured and only after more than 175 people had been arrested or detained by the police and that only after the Section 144 Cr.P.C was imposed that the situation showed some signs of control.”

The petitioner has also sought increased compensation from the state government for their failure to prevent the spread of communal violence. The Rajasthan government has given her Rs 3 lakh as compensation. She has also received Rs 2 lakh from the West Bengal government. But she said that the amounts are not sufficient for maintainance of her three daughters.