[dropcap]Z[/dropcap]ohran Mamdani captured the public imagination in New York City because he dared to propose a 2 percent super-tax on the super-rich. There is a lesson for the Congress Party and Rahul Gandhi.
When the Congress Party promised in its 2019 election manifesto to give Rs 1 lakh annually to the poorest 20 percent of families as a guaranteed additional income, while retaining the existing welfare schemes, the ruling BJP dismissed it as an impractical idea, saying the country cannot afford such extravagant expenditure.
The Congress’s revolutionary idea of a guaranteed basic income for the poor, unfortunately, didn’t get enough traction because the leading opposition party didn’t spell out how it would raise the resources for the same. It appeared, the Congress was reluctant to say upfront that it would levy higher taxes on the super-rich to provide for the basic subsistence of the ultra-poor.
That’s because somehow’ taxing the rich’ reminds one of the nightmare of the so-called ‘Socialist Paralysis “ that afflicted the Indian economy in the 1960s and 70s. But then that was a different era; the 85 percent tax that was levied then on the highest income bracket was a sure recipe for disaster. But 30% tax on the top-end of the income slab ( Rs 24 lakh and above) today doesn’t raise the hackles.
Why couldn’t the Congress Party say categorically that it would impose a 2% surcharge on those having an annual income above Rs 1 crore? Why should it be browbeaten by the vested interests which crow that even a marginally higher tax would drive the rich out of the country?
In America too, the Democratic Party, supposedly the party of the underprivileged, has often baulked at the idea of taxing the rich. But Zohran Mamdani refused to be boxed into the equivocation trap; he put it down squarely that he would if elected as mayor of NYC, raise the corporate tax by 4.5 percent and impose a 2 percent surcharge on the income of those earning above one million dollars a year.
All hell broke loose within the Democratic Party itself. The protagonists of the status quo — who say the rich must do what they can, the poor must suffer what they must — have rekindled the fear that wealthy New Yorkers will vote with their feet. Our own Shekhar Gupta, a passionate defender of the status quo, castigated the Mamdani proposal as suicidal for NYC ( in his Business Standard piece yesterday).
But someone who genuinely believes in economic justice must follow through with such bold, disruptive ideas, despite stiff opposition. Mamdani, of course, is no trailblazer of this progressive platform. Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have been quite vocal about it for many years. Among the younger lot, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ( popularly known as AOC) is another self-proclaimed Democratic Socialist who gives defenders of plutocracy sleepless nights. No wonder, Donald Trump called them all “Communist Lunatics.”. Mamdani is the new star on that progressive horizon that holds out the hope for an egalitarian America.
There is a lesson here for the Congress Party in general and Rahul Gandhi in particular. Gandhi has talked openly about crony capitalism under the Modi regime, and how Adani and Ambani have captured the national assets, thanks to their links with Narendra Modi since his Gujarat days.
It’s time for Rahul Gandhi to raise the spectre, follow the advice of Thomas Piketty, and unapologetically talk about imposing a super-tax both on the income and the wealth of the richest one percent of the country; he must promise to spend that money to provide a guaranteed income to the bottom 50 percent of the population. That would make India a just and fair nation.
[dropcap]I[/dropcap]t was lunchtime and participants had gathered outside the National University Hall to collect their food. The organisers wanted people to form two separate lines to distribute the meals comfortably.
“Are you ‘Regular’ or Vegetarian?” someone asked. For a moment, I was a bit shocked. But then I realised that meat-eating people and vegetarians were being separated. I thought about how culture changes across borders. In India, we use the term “non-vegetarian” for meat-eaters, which isn’t quite correct—and often, it’s used in a way that makes eating meat seem like a crime.
When you travel outside the country, you see how culture changes at every corner. What might be considered unholy in one place could be perfectly normal elsewhere. It’s important to respect food and cultural diversity. Those who can’t honour such diversity often remain confined to their ghettoes, locked in their ignorance and arrogance. They remain unfit even to travel. If you’re still looking for your “home food” after travelling such a long distance, then you’re missing out on the cultural richness of the world—most of which stems from its diverse food traditions.
A few years back, when I attended a conference organised by the Asia Land Forum in Kyrgyzstan, we had a pleasant vodka party during lunch. It was part of a tour of a nomadic community in a forest area. We had fish and other delicacies, accompanied by several shots of vodka. After some time, a friend came to me and said that some villagers wanted to celebrate with me. I went to the other side where a couple of them were sitting.
“Vidya, we are happy you’re here. Let us celebrate,” they said.
I replied, “Friend, I’ve already celebrated—I don’t think I can go any further.”
“No, we’re not offering you more vodka,” he said.
Relieved, I told them I was already full and feeling sleepy, given the bright sun and chilly weather. But he insisted, “You must try this.”
“What is it?” I asked.
“This is our favourite product—it’s the milk of a mare (a female horse).”
I was shocked. Not because it was horse’s milk—I don’t have a problem consuming what humans traditionally consume—but because of an old belief I grew up with: one should never consume any milky product after eating fish. I told them this, explaining that in India, this combination is strictly avoided.
They laughed and said it was a normal part of their food habit.
On the last day of the Global Land Forum in Bogotá, Colombia, our friend from Montenegro—activist and journalist Milan Sekulović, who campaigns to protect the beautiful Sinjajevina forests—offered a unique celebration to mark our togetherness.
The programme was scheduled to start around 9 am, and Milan had set up a table at the auditorium’s entrance with chocolates, toffees, and two bottles of wine. We weren’t sure what was happening until he began pouring the wine into shot glasses. I was surprised—why so early? But then I understood it was taken in the form of shots, much like tequila.
I don’t hesitate to try new things, so I joined in. It was thrilling. We Pahadis can take it all—whether hard or soft.
Milan explained that this is a tradition in Montenegro and across the Balkans: such drinks are consumed during celebrations, regardless of the hour. The brandy he served was Takovo Šljivovica, a Serbian plum brandy, typically taken with nuts or chocolate. You don’t mix it with water or soda—it’s consumed like tequila shots, even in the morning, often as a medicinal drink to warm up the body. Alcohol as medicine is part of hill culture.
Another product he introduced was Meduška, a honey brandy from Montenegro. I loved Milan’s thoughtful and surprising gesture. Even after travelling to so many countries over the past thirty-five years, I still feel the urge to learn and taste the world’s foods and wines. I may not remember every name, but I cherish being with native and indigenous communities, sharing in their celebrations.
At the Amazonian village of Agua Bonita, I was moved by the way the indigenous people conducted the programme. Elders are shown great respect, and all events and ceremonies are inaugurated by them. They bless you and pray for your well-being. Water and fire hold deep significance in their lives—just like in many of our own ancestral traditions.
Elders sprinkled water over us using native plants. The best food I ate there was grilled fish, served with rice and a lemon-onion mix. The dish was called Plato Mojarra Roja Pescado de Lago, plátano, arroz y ensalada roja—made with Mojarra, a red fish found in the Amazonian lakes and rivers, especially Orteguaza and San Pedro. The flesh was firm, flavorful, and a staple of Caquetá’s Amazonian diet. It was absolutely delicious.
Interestingly, none of the dishes served to us by the indigenous community were cooked in oil, yet they were incredible. Every evening, a new dish was prepared—nothing was repeated. It reminded me of the Tandoori Queen Fish I had in Kumarakom, Kerala. No doubt, Kerala excels in its culinary traditions.
Other foods in the Amazon region included preparations made with local maize, corn, bananas, cucumbers, and meats like pork, beef, fish, and chicken. Coffee is one of their most famous products, along with honey. I also enjoyed dishes like Carne a la Plancha con Arroz Mixto y Ensalada Blanca (grilled pork with a cabbage-onion salad), and Omelet con Huevo y Salchicha, Arepa y Papaya (omelet with sausage and papaya). I loved every dish because they were new and exciting for me. The key is to embrace new experiences.
We cannot understand others’ cultures if we are prejudiced about their food habits. One elder told us to chew something like tobacco and drink alcohol to please nature—it was fascinating to hear.
Agua Bonita, though a small village, has a bar and a football ground. It was amazing to see girls playing football—not because it’s rare, but because it’s remarkable to see such freedom in such a remote area. The bar functions like a normal restaurant where both men and women drink and dance together. I saw elders seated at tables while young women from the community took care of them. Unlike many places in our region, where such spaces are male-dominated, here it was a shared cultural space. Colombians dance beautifully, though people like us often feel awkward because we can’t dance as well!
This is why I say: life is diverse. Please don’t look down on people who don’t “fit” into your cultural boxes. The world is beautiful because of its diversity. Nobody should impose their cultural beliefs on others. The best cultural belief is one that embraces and appreciates all others—even if you don’t eat or drink everything offered. You don’t have to change yourself, but don’t be offended by others enjoying their traditions.
If we want to take our home everywhere we travel, then there’s no point in travelling at all. Travel isn’t about selfies or Instagram posts. It is about deeply understanding communities and societies. Nothing is more important than learning to understand others—without mocking their food habits, even if you don’t share their tastes.
One more important learning: many times, the best takeaways from these global gatherings come not during formal conference sessions, but from the informal conversations and field visits beyond “business hours”. These moments offer deep insights into communities that no seminar can replicate.
So thank you to the International Land Coalition and the local organisers in Colombia for giving us the opportunity to visit this beautiful place and for enriching our understanding.
Patna: A large-scale protest was held on Sunday at Gandhi Maidan in Patna against the recently enacted Waqf Act 2025, which has drawn criticism from several political parties, religious organisations, and civil society groups. The demonstration, titled ‘Waqf Bachao, Dastoor Bachao (Save Waqf, Save Constitution)’, was organised by Imarat-e-Shariah (Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand & West Bengal) under the leadership of Amir-e-Shariat Maulana Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani.
According to the organisers, the protest witnessed the participation of over one million people from states including Bihar, Jharkhand, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, Kerala, and others. While official estimates were not immediately available, visuals showed a significant turnout at the historic ground, which has been a site of major political and social gatherings in the past.
Despite high temperatures and limited facilities, a diverse group of attendees—including religious scholars, students, women, activists, and members of the public—took part in the day-long event. The organisers said the protest aimed to raise concerns about the Waqf Act’s impact on community property rights and religious endowments.
Participation from Religious and Political Leadership
A wide range of religious figures addressed the gathering. Notable among them were Sarwar Chishti, Sajjada Nashin of Ajmer Sharif, Yasin Ali Usmani Badayuni, Secretary of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, and a representative of Maulana Arshad Madani, President of Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind. Several other clerics and religious scholars from different parts of the country were also present.
Pappu Yadav addressing the crowd of Save Waqf, Save Constitution | Picture: Arranged
On the political front, Tejashwi Yadav, Leader of the Opposition in the Bihar Assembly, CPIML General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya, Congress senior leader Salman Khurshid, Rajya Sabha MP Imran Pratapgarhi, Purnia MP Pappu Yadav were also present and addressed the gathering.
“This is not just a legal amendment; it’s a systematic attack on the constitutional rights of Muslims and the autonomy of Waqf institutions. When Mahagathbandhan will come to power, it will throw the act in dustbin,” Tejaswi Yadav said.
Dipankar Bhattacharya voiced his party’s objections to the Act. “The Waqf Act 2025 is a Trojan horse. It comes in the name of reform, but its real goal is dispossession,” he alleged.
Congress state leadership delivered messages of support from Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, raising constitutional concerns regarding the Act. Pappu Yadav questioned the focus on Waqf properties over other large landowners.
Wali Rahmani, an educationist and founder of Umeed Global School, addressed the youth in the audience, stating:
“This is not just a protest—it is a people’s movement. Our institutions, our dignity, our rights—everything is at stake.”
The glimpse of massive crowd at Gandhi Maidan | Picture: Arranged
Concerns Over the Waqf Act 2025
The Waqf Act 2025, passed earlier this year, introduces changes that critics say increase state control over Waqf properties. Legal experts and civil society representatives argue that it could affect the autonomy of religious endowments, with implications for institutions such as schools, graveyards, and mosques that rely on such land holdings. Protesters cited concerns regarding Articles 13, 14, 25, 26, and 300A of the Constitution, and pointed to past Supreme Court judgments on Waqf autonomy.
The central government has stated that the amendments aim to improve transparency, reduce mismanagement, and streamline the administration of Waqf assets. However, critics argue that the Act allows for overreach and reduces community participation in decision-making processes.
At the conclusion of the event, Maulana Faisal Rahmani stated that the demonstration marked a major milestone in what he described as an ongoing campaign. A Bihar-Jharkhand Coordination Committee was announced to continue public engagement and explore legal avenues.
Possible Political Implications
The protest is expected to have a bearing on the political landscape in Bihar, where assembly elections are due in the coming year. With Muslims forming more than 16% of the state’s electorate, the issue could influence voting patterns, particularly in constituencies where Waqf properties play a visible community role. The joint participation of leaders from RJD, Congress, CPIML, and other parties indicates that opposition to the Act may become a shared platform in the months ahead.
Observers note that the extent to which this issue will resonate with the broader electorate remains to be seen and will depend on how it is addressed by both the ruling and opposition parties in their campaigns and public messaging.
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he newly released book Periyar: Caste, Nation & Socialism—the third in the widely appreciated Conversation Series from People’s Literature Publication—is a landmark contribution to contemporary anti-caste literature and political historiography. Based on a sustained conversation between veteran Tamil intellectual SV Rajadurai and human rights defender and writer Vidya Bhushan Rawat, the book brings to light long-suppressed or underexplored aspects of Thanthai Periyar’s life, ideology, and political engagements beyond Tamil Nadu. It functions not only as a rich intellectual excavation but also as an urgent archival and political intervention challenging many mainstream distortions about Periyar, especially in the non-Tamil public domain.
At its core, this is a profound and wide-ranging dialogue that combines deep historical scholarship with clear ideological conviction. It revisits Periyar’s radical critique of caste and religion, his anti-Brahminism, atheism, rationalism, socialism, and his nuanced engagements with communism, land and labour politics, nationalism, and the language question. Through this extended exchange, the 85-year-old Rajadurai—supported by Rawat’s insightful and provoking questions—brings Periyar back into sharp contemporary relevance, not as a regional icon but as a national political thinker whose legacy continues to inform debates on social justice, caste, and democracy.
Rawat, who has long been engaged in dialogues with leading Ambedkarites and global human rights voices, describes his role in this book as that of a listener and provocateur—posing the difficult, often uncomfortable questions that many have overlooked. His effort, as he notes, was to draw out facets of Periyar’s work and thought that have remained underexplored, particularly in the Hindi-speaking belt and North India. The result is a powerful testament to the potential of sincere, critical conversations in preserving histories frequently ignored or marginalized by dominant Brahmanical academic frameworks.
Opening the Tamil Archive to a Wider World
One of the book’s most significant contributions is its success in making Periyar’s writings accessible beyond the Tamil-speaking world. For decades, original texts published in Kudi Arasu, Viduthalai, and Puratchi—journals edited by Periyar himself—remained buried in archives or institutional libraries such as the Dravidar Kazhagam’s Periyar Thidal in Chennai. Rajadurai, despite health challenges, and Rawat, through persistent collaboration, have unearthed and contextualized many of these writings, translating them for the first time into English and presenting them with analytical clarity.
This effort alone marks the book as a major intervention. Far too often, Periyar is reduced to a caricature—as merely an “anti-Brahmin iconoclast” or regional agitator. What emerges from this book, however, is a portrait of a visionary and deeply committed revolutionary who saw the caste system as a fundamental axis of oppression, and whose critique of Hinduism was rooted in a broader vision of egalitarian social reconstruction.
Reconstructing the Forgotten: Periyar in North India
Another remarkable feature of the book is its reconstruction of Periyar’s engagements in North India—visits to cities like Delhi, Lucknow, Kanpur, Bombay, and Pune that have been largely absent from mainstream narratives. These details, made possible through archival research and persistent questioning, offer fresh insight into Periyar’s attempts to connect the Dravidian movement with broader national political currents. In doing so, the book fills a critical gap in the understanding of how southern anti-caste politics intersected with national movements for justice.
The book also addresses persistent misperceptions about Periyar’s approach toward Dalits, untouchability, and the Communist movement. Through detailed textual analysis, the authors provide a robust rebuttal to the claim that Periyar’s anti-Brahminism was merely a strategy to benefit dominant backward castes at the expense of Dalits. Rajadurai, supported by Rawat’s probing, shows that Periyar’s opposition to caste hierarchy was uncompromising, extending even to entrenched biases within non-Brahmin and intermediate caste groups.
Periyar and Ambedkar: Complementary Radicals
A highlight of the volume is the section exploring Periyar’s relationship with Dr BR Ambedkar. Drawing from rarely cited writings and speeches, the book reveals how Periyar praised Ambedkar’s efforts to shape India’s democratic and social justice framework. The conversation doesn’t gloss over differences—especially on religion and strategy—but argues that both thinkers were deeply committed to the annihilation of caste and shared a common goal of building a just society.
This section holds particular value for Ambedkarite readers and scholars, many of whom have been influenced by a widespread mischaracterization of Periyar as indifferent or even antagonistic to the Dalit cause. Rawat and Rajadurai’s work corrects this narrative and creates new pathways for engagement between Ambedkarite and Periyarist traditions.
Political Clarity, Scholarly Precision
What distinguishes Periyar: Caste, Nation & Socialism from many political biographies or ideological surveys is its powerful blend of scholarly rigour and political clarity. Rajadurai is not just an interpreter of Periyar’s legacy but a lifelong activist and organic intellectual. His encyclopedic knowledge of the Dravidian movement and meticulous use of archival material reflect a rare depth of engagement.
The text, despite its scholarly richness, avoids academic elitism. There is no dense jargon, no unnecessary abstraction. Every claim is substantiated with references, every quotation sourced. The conversation format, enriched by Rawat’s accessible style and inquisitiveness, makes the book engaging and digestible even for general readers interested in social and political movements.
Rajadurai’s achievement is especially impressive given his age and health concerns. The effort to trace and decode old, fragile Tamil journals and translate their contents speaks to a rare commitment to anti-caste knowledge production. It is a labour of love and political responsibility, and this volume will stand as a testament to that dedication.
Dismantling Brahmanical Distortions
This book is also a much-needed response to the rising Brahmanical backlash against Periyar’s legacy. It systematically deconstructs the smear campaigns that portray Periyar as anti-Dalit or anti-Hindu, and places him firmly within the traditions of radical humanism influenced by Buddhism, Marxism, and rationalist ethics.
For readers unfamiliar with Tamil Nadu’s political history, the book is a gateway into the complexities of the Dravidian movement. For those already engaged in Ambedkarite or Marxist thought, it opens up fresh terrain for dialogue. By grounding the discussion in original sources and building linkages with contemporary questions of caste and power, Rajadurai and Rawat succeed in connecting ideological legacies with present-day realities.
Periyar: Caste, Nation & Socialism is a monumental and timely work—an intellectual and political offering that not only rescues Periyar’s legacy from distortion but also expands the possibilities of anti-caste discourse in India. It is both a historical recovery project and a sharp political intervention.
Above all, it affirms the transformative potential of sincere, critical conversation—when rooted in mutual respect, political commitment, and intellectual honesty. As a dialogue between two committed voices—S.V. Rajadurai and Vidya Bhushan Rawat—this book is not just about Periyar; it is about preserving and carrying forward a tradition of resistance. For scholars, activists, and concerned citizens alike, it is essential reading.
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Iran – Israel war ended as suddenly as it began, a flash of fire, fury and destruction followed by an uneasy regional calm. In the aftermath, US President Donald Trump, ever keen to claim centre stage, took to social media to declare peace and triumph, painting himself once more as the man who made America “great.” In doing so, he appeared to revive his dormant ambition for a Nobel Peace Prize.
Yet, behind the performative diplomacy lay a far more intricate web of motives and manoeuvres. Israel, by drawing the United States into what began as a bilateral conflict, again revealed the extent of Zionist influence over Washington’s Middle East policy. Critics argue that the US strategic decisions in the region have long reflected the priorities of Israeli policymakers rather than independent American interests. Trump’s chest-thumping proclamations and media assertions failed to mask the compromised geopolitical reality.
For Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the war offered a temporary reprieve from domestic political turmoil. Long embattled by corruption investigations, Netanyahu found momentary shelter in the nationalistic fervour of wartime. But that shield may prove short-lived. As the dust settles, the Israeli public is beginning to reckon with the war’s sobering costs both economic and human. Once regarded as an invincible force, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) endured unexpected losses, some inflicted by Hamas, an adversary often dismissed as tactically inferior. Even as Mossad upheld its formidable reputation with precise assassinations of Iranian military commanders, questions about the IDF’s vulnerabilities became increasingly apparent.
Cracks in the Iron Dome: How Iran’s Missiles Pierced a Western Mirage
On the other side, Iran delivered a surprising show of strength. Its missile salvos managed to penetrate the Israeli Iron Dome and the American-supplied THAAD defence systems, long held up as paragons of modern military technology. These breaches not only startled military analysts but also eroded the confidence of both Israelis and Americans in their technological superiority. At the same time, Iranian air defences remained vulnerable to Israeli air strikes, with Israel enjoying air superiority during its operations.
Still, the war proved politically advantageous for Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. By standing firm in the face of Israeli aggression and American pressure, Khamenei emerged from the crisis with elevated domestic legitimacy and newfound regional prestige. In stark contrast to the gilded yet timid monarchs of the Arab Gulf, whose geopolitical calculations are often guided by palace preservation over principle, Khamenei projected defiance and resilience. While Iran absorbed significant losses including damage to nuclear sites and the deaths of senior commanders, it succeeded in striking deadly blows, especially through successful missile attacks on the capital Tel Aviv and the port city of Haifa. These attacks not only breached critical defences but reshaped Tehran’s image as a force to be reckoned with.
The war’s conclusion leaves regional power balances visibly altered. Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, seen as the rising architect of Sunni power in the Gulf, may well regret how Netanyahu’s aggression allowed Iran to rise like a phoenix from the ashes. While Riyadh merely postured, Tehran acted decisively and earned results.
Iran’s refusal to buckle under Trumpian threats and abandon the nuclear negotiations was more than just posturing. It was a bold assertion of sovereign policy-making in the face of overwhelming pressure. Amid the looming spectre of US retaliation and pre-emptive Israeli airstrikes, Tehran’s decision to stand firm underscored its commitment to defending its right to enrich uranium for peaceful purposes, what it sees as its legitimate national rights. This wasn’t mere defiance. It was a strategic calculation laced with remarkable audacity. Following the US B-52 bombings on Iran’s nuclear facilities in Fordo, Natanz and Isfahan, Tehran responded with unprecedented precision, targeting US military bases in Qatar and inflicting significant damage on Israeli infrastructure. In an international order where few dare to directly confront American military might barring perhaps Russia and China, Iran’s calibrated counterstrikes marked a new threshold of deterrence and resolve. So striking was Iran’s response that even Donald Trump, rarely known for praising adversaries, was compelled to acknowledge their resilience. Speaking to the press at the NATO summit in the Netherlands, Trump described the Iranians as “smart people”, a rare and unexpected commendation from a leader who has long championed maximum pressure against Tehran. He even conceded that Israel had been hit “very hard” by the Iranian missiles. In diplomacy, praise from an adversary carries weight; when it comes from Donald Trump, it’s nearly seismic. That grudging respect, expressed in a moment of rare candour, speaks volumes about Iran’s strategic maturity and its evolving place in the global balance of power.
Palace Silence, Persian Roar: How Iran Upstaged the Arab Monarchs
Elsewhere, Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi made modest overtures, positioning troops near Israel’s border more for domestic optics than strategic purposes. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, never one to miss a chance for political theatre, issued bombastic condemnations with little substance behind them.
Privately, many Arab leaders likely hoped for a swift and decisive Iranian defeat. What they got instead was a newly emboldened Tehran. For all their wealth, influence and Western alliances, the Gulf monarchs were reduced to spectators – careful, calculated and increasingly out of step with the thinking and aspirations of their citizens.
From Haifa to Hearts: How Tehran Shook Israel’s Image and Won the Muslim Street
The 12-day conflict has left the region with more questions than answers and a trove of hard lessons for all actors involved. Israel’s ability to swiftly degrade Iran’s air defence network to the point of achieving dominance over Iranian skies was perhaps the most significant tactical victory. The apparent impotence of Iran’s anti-aircraft systems in defending its territory from Israeli air missions has exposed critical vulnerabilities in Tehran’s military apparatus. The targeted assassinations of senior Iranian commanders only compounded this psychological and operational blow. Moreover, the extent of damage inflicted on Iran’s nuclear infrastructure has added urgency to Tehran’s strategic recalibrations. Repairing these facilities and restoring deterrence capabilities will likely become a top priority for the Iranian leadership. Yet, amid these setbacks, Iran’s resilience has yielded geopolitical dividends. Despite the technological superiority of Israel’s Iron Dome and the deployment of the US-supplied THAAD missile defence systems, Iranian ballistic missiles found their marks with near impunity. This conflict has dealt a symbolic blow to the invincible image of the IDF. What followed was even more consequential: Iran’s standing among the ordinary people of the Muslim World appeared to rise.
Tehran’s defiance represented a broader resistance to Western-backed hegemony and a voice for Palestinian justice, something Arab regimes have been accused of abandoning. This surge in Iran’s soft power is deeply unsettling for the Sunni monarchies of the Gulf. It challenges their long-held leadership role in the Islamic world, now seemingly contested by a resurgent Shiite Iran. But instead of introspection or renewed commitment to justice, particularly regarding the Palestinian cause, what’s more likely is a deepening of covert cooperation aimed at containing Tehran. After all, the Arab leaders see Iran not just as a rival, but as an existential threat, one that could disrupt the delicate balance of power and potentially destabilize their reigns. Their willingness to engage in the normalization of ties with Israel through frameworks like the Abraham Accords, in exchange for Israeli and American security guarantees, only underscores the transactional nature of today’s Middle East regional diplomacy.
In the end, the war did not just redraw battle lines; it exposed fault lines not only between nations but within them. It revealed who among the region’s leaders wielded real power and who merely adorned it. The Ayatollah for all his dogma stepped out as a leader of action. The rest remained what they’d long been -Princes of Palaces, cloaked in luxury and paralyzed by fear of losing their position, power and pelf.
Kolkata: Last year, when a young man met Amole Gupte to discuss his proposed movie Murderbaad, the senior actor and director wanted him to act in his film. A determined young director, who has been filming his friends since the age of eight, replied, “But first, you have to act in my movie.”
Meet Arnab Chatterjee, the new kid in Bollywood. The phrase “new kid on the block” is typically used for actors, but this 24-year-old, who has received numerous offers to act in movies, wants to stick to filmmaking. “Except acting, I want to do everything.”
The director, producer, and writer’s first film Murderbaad, a romantic thriller is scheduled to be released on July 18.
Arnab has made several short films, one of which—Unsaid—has won many national and international awards. He also directed the legendary actor Soumitra Chatterjee in Jonmodin, another short film.
An alumnus of MetFilm School, London, and La Martiniere, Kolkata, Arnab is the son of lawyer Ranajit Chatterjee and homemaker Paromita Chatterjee. He has no family background in the film industry. In a more than half-an-hour-long interview (over the phone from Mumbai), one of India’s youngest directors, Arnab, opened up to eNewsroom.
File picture of Arnab Chatterjee with others during the screening of his award winning short film Unsaid | Courtesy: Facebook/Arnab Chatterjee
eNewsroom: I have learnt that the earlier name of the movie was Murdabaad. Was there any reason for changing it?
Arnab: There is a plan behind it, but I don’t want to reveal it right now. I want to retain the title and use it in future.
eNewsroom: In this era of OTT, you could have made a web series, but you chose a 70 mm movie.
Arnab: Since I was 8–9 years old, Cinemascope was in my mind. And that one day I would direct a movie. So I went for it. Yes, even during the making, I was repeatedly requested to turn it into a web series.
eNewsroom: You have done three major tasks—writing, directing, and producing. How did you manage it all, especially since it’s your first film? And which role did you enjoy more?
Arnab: Writing can be done alone, inside an air-conditioned room. But direction is mainly about man management. Every day, you wake up and plan to manage 300 crew members. It creates an ambience and gives me a different level of high, which I enjoy. Being a writer also helps—if you want to make changes in the story, you can do it in real-time. And as a director, you’re always clear about what you want.
eNewsroom: Not only is Murderbaad directed by a new filmmaker, but you’re also introducing Nakul Sahdev, which means a new actor in the lead role. Was there a specific reason for not choosing an established actor?
Arnab: There’s a problem in the industry—everyone wants to make films with big names. I also tried. But there’s a studio system in place—if you want to shoot your movie there, the studio first asks who the stars are. When you approach stars, they ask, “Show me the studio first.” It’s a sort of Chakravyuh you can’t break easily. After spending one and a half years trying, I decided to make my film with actors who value the story and fit my budget. Nakul is not exactly a newcomer—he’s worked for nearly ten years in the OTT industry and has done good work. While I’m launching him as a film hero, he is not a fresh face.
eNewsroom: These days, it’s a challenge for all kinds of filmmakers—experienced or newcomers—to bring audiences to cinema halls, especially after the Covid lockdowns. How challenging is it for you?
Arnab: Again, it’s that same studio-and-star game. Audiences say good movies don’t get made, but when we do make one, they don’t show up in theatres.
Yes, it’s a reality I accept. When people are getting good cinema in their bedrooms, why would they take the time to go to a theatre? But that creates another option—release the movie in theatres first, and then go to OTT platforms. As a writer and director, I’m confident that my film will draw audiences to the cinema.
With Soumitra Chatterjee, with whom Arnab made Jonmodin, a short movie (File Photo) | Courtesy: Facebook/Arnab Chatterjee
eNewsroom: How was the experience of directing Bengali cinema legend Soumitra Chatterjee?
Arnab: It was a new and enriching experience. It was my first time directing a professional actor.
In the actor-director relationship, I learnt a lot.
eNewsroom: How was the experience of directing senior actors like Amole Gupte, Sharib Hashmi, and Manish Chaudhari?
Arnab: It has been a very satisfying experience. I am quite confident about their performances. The film unit had all three kinds of actors—experienced, mid-level, and newcomers. Among them, I was the youngest. They accepted me as a director. Many didn’t—and chose not to work on the film, which is okay.
Why would any senior actor work with a 23–24-year-old director with no film industry background? It’s quite natural, and I’m fine with it.
eNewsroom: Coming from Bengal, a region with many legendary filmmakers, is there pressure on you to produce great cinema? And who are your inspirations?
Arnab: There’s no such pressure. It’s actually the opposite—if I can make one good film, it will help me establish myself quickly.
Satyajit Ray and Polish filmmaker Roman Polanski are my two favourite directors. I also admire many Hindi cinema directors like Rajkumar Hirani, Shoojit Sircar, Anurag Kashyap, Anurag Basu, Sanjay Leela Bhansali, Vidhu Vinod Chopra, and several Bengali filmmakers who are making good films today.
I’m not someone who prefers only one genre of cinema. You’ll see that reflected in my work—it’ll be a blend of commercial and art cinema.
Produced by ACJEE Entertainment and presented by Reliance, the film has been shot in Rajasthan and North Bengal. Other actors include Kanikka Kapur, Saloni Batra. While singers are, Shaan, Nakash Aziz, and Amit Kumar.
Best of luck to the young director, who already has several promising projects on his plate.
Kolkata: “We were beaten and thrown out like stray dogs, even after showing our Aadhaar and voter cards. They took our money, our phones—everything—and pushed us into another country as if we were criminals,” said Nazimuddin Mandal, a mason from Murshidabad, recalling the nightmarish ordeal he and six other Bengali-speaking workers faced at the hands of the Indian authorities.
eNewsroom has long warned of the dangers facing Bengali-speaking Muslim migrants wrongly branded as Bangladeshis in BJP-ruled states. That fear has now come true—with innocent workers detained, assaulted, and pushed across the border.
Nazimuddin is among seven migrant labourers from West Bengal who were allegedly illegally deported to Bangladesh earlier this month—despite being Indian citizens and possessing valid identity documents. The shocking incident has triggered local outrage, state-level political condemnation, and exposed deep flaws in the treatment of migrant workers in India, particularly those who speak Bengali and work in BJP-ruled states.
Detained in Maharashtra, Deported via Cooch Behar
Nazimuddin Mandal, from Taritipur village in Murshidabad’s Hariharpara block, had been working as a mason in Mumbai with three others—Mehboob Sheikh of Hossainpur (Bhagwangola), Minarul Sheikh of Kajishaha (Beldanga), and Mostafa Kamal from Kulut village (Monteshwar, East Burdwan). On June 10, all four were picked up by Mumbai Police under suspicion of being Bangladeshi nationals.
What followed was both bizarre and chilling. Instead of contacting the West Bengal Police to verify their identities, the Maharashtra Police handed the four to the Border Security Force (BSF) in Siliguri. Then, without proper verification or court procedure, the BSF reportedly transported them to Zero Point, near Mekhliganj in Cooch Behar, and pushed them across the Bangladesh border—along with two actual Bangladeshi nationals.
“They didn’t ask us anything. They beat us, accused us of lying, and took away our mobile phones and all the cash we had saved. We kept shouting that we are from Bengal and showed our documents, but no one listened,” Nazimuddin said in a video message recorded and circulated from inside Bangladesh, which ultimately helped alert his village back home.
Arranged
Local Alerts Lead to Rescue
Shamim Rahman, a resident of Hariharpara, said he saw the video and immediately contacted Zilla Parishad member Zillar Rahman and local MLA Niamat Sheikh. “That started the rescue process,” he said.
The matter quickly reached the office of West Bengal Migrant Workers’ Welfare Board chairman and TMC Rajya Sabha MP Samirul Islam, who then coordinated with the BSF, Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), local police, and administration to bring the workers home. Aadhaar, voter ID, and other official documents were provided to prove their Indian citizenship.
Their families, meanwhile, were gripped by fear and uncertainty. Nazimuddin’s wife, Pinky Bibi, expressed her relief through tears: “I’m very happy to know that he is safe. I thank everyone who helped in bringing him back.”
“They Took Everything, Even My Wife’s Phone”
In a similar case, 21-year-old Fazer Mondal and his wife Taslima Mandal, both from Hariharpur village in Bagda, North 24 Parganas, faced a nearly identical ordeal. The young couple, also working in Maharashtra, were picked up by the police from Nayanagar around 2 AM on June 10.
Fazer’s father, Tahajul Mondal, said, “They called me and asked for documents. I sent everything—Aadhaar, voter ID, ration card, school certificate—on WhatsApp. They promised to release him. But then his phone went off, and we couldn’t reach him.”
On June 14, Tahajul received a WhatsApp call from someone claiming to be a BGB officer in Dinajpur, Bangladesh. During the call, Fazer confirmed what the family feared: that he and his wife had been pushed across the border, after Maharashtra Police confiscated their documents and phones.
“I don’t know how to get my son back,” Tahajul had told reporters, his voice breaking. “He is a citizen of India. His only fault is that he speaks Bengali.”
The family’s desperate appeals finally led to action. After diplomatic intervention and sustained pressure from local leaders and the West Bengal government, the BSF arranged a flag meeting with BGB, and the couple was brought back through the Koyladangi border at Bindol in North Dinajpur. They were handed over to Raiganj Police Station and have now been reunited with family.
Political Outrage: “A Grave Injustice Because They Spoke Bengali”
The incident has sparked widespread condemnation. TMC MP Samirul Islam termed the deportation an “unconstitutional, discriminatory act”, targeting Bengali-speaking Indian citizens.
He posted on X (formerly Twitter):
“Under the leadership and active intervention of our Hon’ble Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, we were finally able to repatriate seven Indian citizens who were illegally deported to Bangladesh. This grave injustice was committed simply because they spoke Bengali.”
Islam demanded accountability and raised three sharp questions:
Why did Maharashtra Police hand over Indian citizens to the BSF without informing the West Bengal government?
Why didn’t the BSF verify their documents with local or state authorities before deportation?
Is there a larger coordinated effort by BJP-ruled states and security agencies to target Bengali-speaking migrant workers?
“These workers had all the documents—Aadhaar, voter ID, even birth certificates. Still, they were treated like illegal aliens and dumped at a foreign border,” Islam said. “We will not let this issue go. We will expose the dark forces behind this misdeed and ensure accountability.”
BSF Contacts BGB, Police Escort Workers Back
According to Murshidabad Police, following high-level intervention, the BSF contacted the BGB, and the four workers originally deported from Mumbai were returned to India and handed over to Behar District Police. A Murshidabad police team has since travelled to bring them home.
MLA Niamat Sheikh, who has been closely following the case, said, “Nazimuddin is a legal citizen of India. Despite valid identity documents, he and three others were labeled as Bangladeshis and thrown out. I have reported the matter to our party leadership.”
A Pattern of Profiling?
Human rights activists and migrant workers’ groups warn that this is not an isolated incident. The deportation of legal citizens without trial, verification, or even basic administrative inquiry raises serious concerns—not only about procedural lapses, but about ethnic and linguistic profiling.
“These are not just mistakes. These are acts of systemic violence against the poor, against those who leave home to earn a living and dare to speak in their mother tongue,” said a migrant rights activist who is helping document the cases.
As all seven workers make their way back to the safety of their villages in West Bengal, the trauma remains.
“We were not criminals,” Nazimuddin said again. “But they made us feel like we didn’t belong in our own country.”
Kolkata: 26 Hooghly Workers Detained in Chhattisgarh for Speaking Bengali: In a disturbing development as recent as on May 29, more than two dozen Bangla speaking Muslim migrant workers from Hooghly district were detained in Raipur, Chhattisgarh, by Tikrapara Police merely on suspicion of being Bangladeshis. The only ‘evidence’ against them was that they were speaking Bengali.
Five of them — Sheikh Nawaz Sharif, Sheikh Aminul, Sheikh Irfan, Sheikh Sahib, and Mirza Azeem, aged 26–32 — were formally arrested, even though all had valid Indian identity documents. They were later released after verification, but the damage was already done.
“We’ve worked in Chhattisgarh for over 15 years,” said Sheikh Azhar Uddin from Arambagh. “But now, police just detain anyone speaking Bengali. Is it a crime to speak our mother tongue in India?”
Detained for Speaking Bengali: Cooch Behar Family’s Ordeal in Rajasthan
Earlier to Chhattisgarh incident, twelve members of a Bengali-speaking family from Cooch Behar’s Dinhata-2 block were detained by Rajasthan Police simply for speaking their native language. Obaidul Khandekar, a resident of Balabari village, said the Patan Police Station in Sikar district held his entire family for nine days on suspicion of being illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.
“Speaking in Bangla has become a crime here,” Khandekar told eNewsroom. “Despite having Indian documents, we were branded as Bangladeshis. Even my wife and children were detained.” They were finally released on a Tuesday evening after sustained appeals and verification.
In a separate incident, 28-year-old Shafiqul Sheikh, a migrant construction worker from Kamari village in Nadia, was picked up by Rajasthan’s Lalkothari Police and transferred to a detention camp. He had been working in the state for some time.
While several other Bengali-speaking workers were released, Sheikh remains in custody. “I haven’t been able to contact my son. I don’t know where he is or how he’s doing,” said his father, his voice shaking with fear.
Aadhar of a migrant who was jailed for a week in Gujarat (mentioned in the first part of the story)
12 Murshidabad Migrants Detained in Assam, Released After Intervention
In Assam, at least 12 Bengali-speaking workers from West Bengal’s Murshidabad district were arrested while working as daily wage labourers in Golaghat district’s Numaligarh area. The Assam Police reportedly detained them on suspicion of being illegal immigrants.
Initially, 16 workers were picked up. Four were released after Aadhaar and voter ID verification. The remaining 12—including Situ Sheikh, Abdus Sattar, Nishan Sheikh, Sahabaz Hashmi, and Khairul Sheikh—were taken into custody. The police allegedly confiscated their identity documents and mobile phones.
Jangipur SP Amit Kumar Sau confirmed their release following the submission of IDs by West Bengal authorities. However, several families say they still have not reestablished contact with their loved ones.
Andhra Pradesh: Workers Confined by Employer After Pahalgam Terror Attack
After the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, panic spread among migrant workers in Visakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh. Several labourers from Murshidabad’s Domkal subdivision who wanted to return home alleged they were harassed and confined by their employers.
“When we asked to go home, they began threatening us,” said Zulfiqar, a rescued worker. Local administration intervened after workers informed Domkal police, leading to the rescue of seven labourers.
Detained Under a Tree: Five Murshidabad Workers Held in Uttar Pradesh
Five Bengali-speaking migrant workers resting under a tree in Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, were detained simply for conversing in Bengali. Nur Islam and Saidul Islam of Azmatpur (Islampur), and Golam Rasul, Raihan Sheikh, and Sohel Rana of Bhagwangola were taken to Govindnagar Police Station.
Despite their Indian citizenship and IDs, police reportedly ignored their pleas. They were released only after urgent coordination between Murshidabad and Mathura police.
Mother of a migrant worker talks to her son, who was arrested by Gujarat police post Pahalgam terror attack | Arranged
‘Forced to Chant Jai Shri Ram’: Brutal Assault in Ballia, UP
In Ballia district’s Rasra area, several Muslim workers from Baryan (Murshidabad) selling plastic goods were violently assaulted by a local mob on April 27.
“They asked for Aadhaar cards, then tore them up without reading,” a worker recounted. The group was then beaten, partially stripped, and forced to chant “Jai Shri Ram.”
“I raised my hands and chanted out of fear,” one of the victims said. “We were so terrified we couldn’t even lodge a police complaint.”
Yusuf, another worker, said, “I’ve been working here for years. But after the Pahalgam attack and the violence in Murshidabad, we’re suddenly being targeted. Just saying you’re from Murshidabad is enough to be harassed now.”
Labour Union Sounds Alarm: ‘No Administrative Support’
Asif Faruk, state general secretary of the Migrant Sramik Oikya Manch, expressed deep concern about the increasing harassment of Bengali workers in BJP-ruled states.
“Workers are being tortured, and there is no proper support from local administrations. Instead of protecting them, authorities are treating them as threats,” he told eNewsroom.
Faruk said his organisation receives distress calls daily. “The state government must act. We need systems in place to protect our workers across state borders.”
‘Deliberate Communal Targeting’: Civil Society Raises Alarm in Kolkata
A press conference held on Shakespeare Sarani, Kolkata, saw strong condemnation from civil society leaders and activists. The Citizen Forum for Social Justice alleged that targeting Bengali-speaking Muslim workers is part of a larger communal conspiracy.
Waqf Bachao Andolan leader Umar Awais, Sikh leader Saran Singh, and Dr Mostafizur Rahman joined others in denouncing the attacks.
“What’s happening in BJP-ruled states is a direct assault on our Constitution,” said Irfan Sher. Maulana Ashraf Ali Qasemi called for a firm stance by the Bengal government. “These workers have every document. Branding them Bangladeshis is criminal.”
migrant workers at AICSS office | Arranged
AICSS Calls for Nationwide Solidarity With Migrant Workers
The All India Centre of Shramik Swaraj (AICSS), which advocates for migrant labourers, strongly condemned the rising trend of branding Bengali-speaking Muslims as Bangladeshis.
R Kaleemullah, national president of AICSS, told eNewsroom, “These are the people who build India’s economy. Assaulting and detaining them undermines our democracy.”
“Is this what India stands for—where speaking Bengali can get you beaten or jailed?” he asked.
APDR’s Ranjit Sur: ‘Illegal Pushbacks, Detentions Without Process’
Ranjit Sur, secretary of Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR), condemned the trend of labelling Bengali Muslims as Bangladeshis without due process.
“States like Gujarat and Assam are detaining Bengali Muslims without proper verification. In some cases, they’re even pushed back across the border illegally,” he said.
Sur urged the Bengal government to remain alert and intervene in every such case. “Even if someone is a foreign national, they can’t be pushed back arbitrarily. That’s illegal and unconstitutional.”
Mamata Banerjee during her Murshidabad visit | Arranged
Yusuf Pathan and Adhir Ranjan wrote Home Minister and Odisha, Gujarat CMs: ‘Stop Harassing Our Workers’
Trinamool MP from Berhampore, Yusuf Pathan, has written to the Union Home Minister about the atrocities committed against migrant workers.
Senior Congress leader and former MP Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury wrote to the Chief Ministers of Odisha and Gujarat after multiple cases of harassment emerged.
His letter said, “Poor, innocent labourers from Bengal are being detained, called foreigners, and even threatened with deportation. This violates their constitutional right to life and livelihood.”
Samirul Islam: ‘Organised Profiling Across India’
Rajya Sabha MP and social activist Samirul Islam has raised the matter both in Parliament and with Bengal Police.
“This is an organised campaign against poor Muslim workers from Bengal. Every second day we get reports — from Rajasthan, Gujarat, Assam, Uttar Pradesh — of people being picked up, tortured, or branded Bangladeshi,” Samirul told eNewsroom.
He recently wrote to Murshidabad and Nadia police chiefs seeking urgent coordination to track and rescue missing workers. “Many of them are citizens with full documents, but that doesn’t stop the abuse.”
Mamata Slams BJP: ‘Targeting Bengali Muslims in the Name of Bangladesh’
In a recent public address, CM Mamata Banerjee strongly condemned the harassment of Bengali-speaking migrant workers, calling it a “BJP conspiracy to communalise and criminalise Bengalis outside Bengal.” “Why are only Bengali Muslims being questioned and tortured? Is speaking Bengali a crime in India now? We will not tolerate this discrimination,” she said, accusing BJP-ruled states of using citizenship as a tool to spread hatred.
Kolkata: A day after Home Minister Amit Shah accused Mamata Banerjee and the TMC of facilitating infiltration into Bengal with the help of Bangladeshis and Rohingyas, Congress leader Kanhaiya Kumar hit back with a sharp jibe. “Who is the Home Minister of the country? Dipankar Bhattacharya?” he asked sarcastically.
Kumar, a youth leader, was speaking at the “Save Constitution, Save Country” convention in Kolkata on Monday. “It is time to save the Constitution. And to do that, if you can act—act. If you can speak—speak up. If you can write—write. If you can’t do anything, at least put a copy of the Constitution on your wall,” he said.
“We are living in a time when those who once did sycophancy in the courts of kings, acted as informers, and never sacrificed for the nation—such people are now misusing the power of democracy to kill democracy,” Kumar continued in his more than half-an-hour-long speech.
Taking a dig at Amit Shah, he added, “The father of Jay Shah—who was here yesterday—made a statement. Politics has sunk so low that if you want to map it, just listen to Jay Shah’s father. He said the government is working to stop infiltration in Bengal. Then who is responsible for stopping it? Who is the Home Minister—Dipankar Bhattacharya?” (At this, Bhattacharya, the CPI(ML) general secretary and another speaker at the event, smiled.)
“Who controls the international borders—the state government or the Union government? Who is responsible for national security?” Kumar asked, sharply criticizing the BJP for deflecting blame.
In his speech, Kumar also mentioned the controversial Waqf Act 2025 brought in by the BJP government. “The media that works for BJP claimed there was corruption in Waqf. So the BJP brought a new bill claiming it would benefit Muslims. But where has corruption been eliminated? Today, governments are run with the support of the corrupt. The more corrupt someone is, the higher the rank they get in politics. In whichever department you go, pay a commission and your work gets done.”
Leaders at the convention | Facebook/ManzerJameel
The convention began late, as the Moula Ali Yuva Kendra turned out to be too small for the gathering. Organizers claimed they had tried to book a bigger hall, but the administration under the Mamata Banerjee government did not permit it.
Earlier, Dipankar Bhattacharya addressed the audience in Bangla for 22 minutes. “Before the Pahalgam terrorist strike, the BJP claimed Narendra Modi was a strong leader with international stature. But apart from Israel—which has to sell its weapons to India—not a single country supported India after the India-Pakistan conflict. Even Nepal didn’t,” he said. “That is the failure of Narendra Modi’s foreign policy.”
Siddharth Varadarajan, founding editor of The Wire, whose site was partially blocked during the India-Pakistan conflict, was the convention’s first speaker. He warned that free speech, a constitutional guarantee, is under https://www.sarahannlorethphotography.com/conceptual-photography/ serious threat under the Modi regime.
“Of course, Modi and Amit Shah may say Prasenjit Bose [the host] gave a fiery speech and held a convention. But I recall what Idi Amin once said: ‘Yes, I guarantee freedom of speech—but not what happens afterward,’” Varadarajan said.
“From college students to academics and journalists, many have been arrested for expressing their views. Recently, Ali Khan Mahmudabad wrote to save the Constitution—and what he wrote is now being echoed by all well-meaning people. There was nothing wrong in him saying that, just as Colonel Qureishi was brought forward for Operation Sindoor, the government should also bring forward Muslims who face mob lynching and daily atrocities in India. Yet he was arrested. Journalist Siddique Kappan was jailed for two and a half years just for going to report on the Hathras gang rape and murder of a Dalit girl.”
CPI(M) state secretary Mohammed Salim appealed to the people to rise above caste, creed, and religion to save the Constitution.
ISF MLA Naushad Siddiqui emphasized how the BJP’s Waqf Act 2025 is an attack on constitutional principles. CPI(M) leader Saira Shah Halim also spoke, criticizing Modi’s open support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in what she called genocide against Palestine—an action she said goes against India’s historic foreign policy.
Azad Samaj Party’s state president Imtiaz Mollah said that more than the speakers, it is the people of India who will save the Constitution.
A resolution passed at the convention rejected religion-based nationalism and demanded the immediate convening of a Parliament session. It expressed solidarity with the armed forces for Operation Sindoor against cross-border terrorism but condemned the RSS-BJP’s divisive politics. The resolution also stated that the Modi government is keeping both Parliament and the Indian public in the dark on crucial national security matters. It called for the rollback of unconstitutional laws and demanded the restoration of democracy—not just at the national level but also in West Bengal, where democratic erosion has steadily continued under Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s rule.
There were six conveners of the event– Prasenjit Bose, Ali Imran Ramz, Atanu Chakraborty, Biswajit Maiti, Umar Awais and Kallol Mazumdar.
Kolkata — On April 15, a group of 20 migrant workers from Murshidabad arrived in Sambalpur, Odisha, hoping for steady work in construction. What they met was terror. Days later, they were surrounded by local men demanding to see their Aadhaar cards. Once the men confirmed they were Bengali Muslims, the violence began.
The workers were forced to walk in a line through the village while being whipped with sticks and belts, some hit with chains and sharp weapons. “They beat us like animals. We begged them to stop,” said one worker who later returned home with deep wounds on his back.
Fearing further violence, many of the injured fled back to Murshidabad. Chad Mohammed, one of the survivors, filed a police complaint in Beldanga after returning: “There was no point reporting it there. We were terrified. Only after reaching home could I gather the courage to go to the police.”
‘They Asked If I Was Bengali—Then Dragged Me Away’: Gujarat Police Detain Indian Citizens
On April 26, Gujarat Police launched a sweeping raid in Ahmedabad and Surat, detaining over 1,000 individuals on suspicion of being ‘illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.’ Of those, 884 were later confirmed to be Indian citizens.
Among them were at least 20 migrant workers from Bengal—including Sultan Mallick and Sheikh Ataur Rahman (Labhpur, Birbhum), Kamaruzzaman Mallick (East Burdwan), Saibul Sheikh (Nadia), and Saidul Sheikh (Murshidabad). Many had been working in Surat for over a decade.
“I was sitting in the shop like any other day,” said Saidul Sheikh. “The police came and asked, ‘Are you Bengali?’ When I said yes, they didn’t listen to anything else. They grabbed me and threw me into the van.”
Saidul showed them his Aadhaar, PAN, and voter ID—all ignored. He was jailed for a week before being released, only after intervention by a senior officer. “It didn’t matter to them that I had all the documents. To them, being a Bengali Muslim was enough.”
A large number of migrant workers from West Bengal are employed across various Indian states. However, reports indicate that their rights are being systematically violated in many regions. These workers often face discrimination, abuse, and even physical harassment — especially for speaking their native language, Bangla.
May Month Irony: As World Celebrates Labour, Workers Flee in Fear in India
May — a month that begins with observing International Workers’ Day to honour the contributions and rights of workers — is often marked by rallies and awareness programs in many countries. However, the ground reality for many migrant workers tells a very different story. We bring you stories of the plight of Bengali-speaking migrant workers from across the country.
The situation has worsened following the violence in Murshidabad linked to the Waqf movement. Since then, numerous incidents of intimidation and assault on Bengali workers have been reported. There are alarming accounts of workers being robbed of their earnings, having their identity cards forcibly taken, and being denied basic legal support. Many allege that local police authorities are either unresponsive or ineffective. Samiul Islam, a migrant worker, voiced his frustration: “Only when workers are empowered will true development take place in this country. Not before that.”
It has further deteriorated after the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir. Bengali Muslims, in particular, are reportedly facing a surge of hatred and suspicion in several states. Instances of hate speech and targeted hostility have been frequently reported from Gujarat, Maharashtra, Uttarakhand, Haryana, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Assam, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh.
These disturbing developments raise critical questions about the safety, dignity, and rights of migrant labourers — the very backbone of India’s economy.
Hawker Assaulted in Dhenkanal, Falsely Accused of Being Bangladeshi
In Odisha’s Dhenkanal, an elderly hawker from Murshidabad—selling plastic household goods door-to-door—was slapped and humiliated by locals who accused him of being a Bangladeshi.
A video of the incident circulated on social media, showing the hawker surrounded and mocked for his accent and Muslim identity. His relatives say he’s traumatised and refuses to go back to work. “He’s been working in Odisha for years. This is the first time he’s been targeted like this,” said a family member.
“You Beat Hindus and Come Here?”
The ordeal didn’t end with Chad’s group. Mohammad Bashir Sheikh (28) and Golap Sheikh (21), both masons from Suti Mahishail-2 Gram Panchayat, shared similar stories. “Locals barged into our rented room, checked our Aadhaar, and started beating us after seeing we were Muslims,” Bashir said. “I was hit on my back and legs. No one dared to help.”
Golap, assaulted just after arriving by train, described being accused of “killing Hindus,” abused in public, and dragged through the streets by men wielding sharp weapons. “I returned home fearing I would be killed,” he said.
Jabbar Sheikh, another migrant, said he tried working secretly for a week before facing threats. “They kept saying, ‘You beat Hindus in Kashmir and come here to take our jobs?’ They patrolled with knives, searching for Muslims from Murshidabad,” he said. “The police did nothing. We just wanted to earn our bread.”
One unnamed worker who returned before Eid-ul-Azha said, “In my 20 years of masonry work, I’ve never seen anything like this. No job, no income—I don’t know how I’ll feed my family.”
A Hawker Assaulted in Dhenkanal
The violence isn’t limited to Sambalpur. In Dhenkanal, an elderly hawker from Murshidabad was allegedly assaulted by local residents while selling daily goods door to door. A video, now viral on social media, shows the man being surrounded and slapped, with attackers reportedly mocking his Murshidabad roots. Though eNewsroom could not independently verify the video, a relative confirmed the assault, saying, “He was targeted solely because of his religious identity.”
Workers’ Rights in Peril
These incidents come at a time when India marks International Workers’ Day in May, a symbolic tribute to the dignity and rights of labourers. Yet, the reality on the ground for migrant workers—especially Bengali-speaking Muslims—is far removed from such ideals.
In recent weeks, rising incidents of communal violence and xenophobic profiling have pushed hundreds of workers to flee job sites and return to Bengal. Many allege they were robbed of earnings, stripped of documents, and denied any legal recourse.
Samiul Islam, a migrant worker, summed up the growing despair: “Unless workers are protected and empowered, development is just a myth in this country.”
Tensions Rise Post-Pahalgam and Murshidabad Violence
The situation has notably worsened since the recent terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Jammu and Kashmir, and communal tensions in Jangipur, Murshidabad. These events appear to have intensified Islamophobic sentiment in multiple states. Bengali Muslim workers are increasingly being targeted with slurs, threats, and violence—simply for their religious and regional identity.
From Gujarat to Odisha, Maharashtra to Madhya Pradesh, Assam to Uttar Pradesh, Haryana to Delhi the pattern is alarmingly familiar—migrant workers facing hate speech, communal violence, and police apathy.
Political Voices React
Beldanga MLA Mohammad Hasanuzzaman of the Trinamool Congress has condemned the Odisha incidents, stating, “This is a deeply saddening and condemnable episode. I will raise the matter with Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee to ensure justice.”
A senior TMC leader, requesting anonymity, accused the BJP of politicising identity. “There was coordination under Naveen Patnaik’s rule. But ever since the BJP took over in Odisha, anti-Bengali sentiment has been on the rise,” he said. “This is not just about workers. It’s about a communal agenda being played out at the expense of human lives.”
Activists Demand Urgent Action
Activist Matiur Rahman
Human rights activist Matiur Rahman echoed the concern: “Workers from Murshidabad are going to these states for survival, not politics. Whether masons or hawkers, they are being harassed simply for being Muslims. This trend has worsened under BJP rule.”
Rahman recalled a similar wave of hostility last August, when reports of communal violence in Bangladesh led to threats against Muslim workers in Odisha. At the time, Mamata Banerjee had personally called Odisha’s Chief Minister to intervene.
“But things have only gotten worse,” he said. “The fear is now so intense that hundreds of workers are leaving Odisha.”
Gujarat Police Crackdown: Profiling in the Name of Law
The alarm bells grew louder on April 26, when Gujarat Police arrested 1,024 individuals in Ahmedabad and Surat, claiming they were illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. Shockingly, 884 of them turned out to be Indian citizens, mostly from Muslim and interstate migrant communities.
Those detained hailed from states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Rajasthan—and Bengal districts including Murshidabad, Birbhum, Nadia, and East Burdwan.
Among the detained were about 20 Bengali migrant workers. Though many were released after verification, the episode underscored a disturbing trend: the criminalization and profiling of the poor and marginalised in the name of immigration enforcement.
Civil rights groups slammed the operation as “heavy-handed” and “communal,” pointing to a growing pattern of institutional bias.
