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Didi’s 100 eventful days in office during her third term

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Didi’s 100 eventful days in office during her third term

Kolkata: Not many have forgotten about the massive mandate that Mamata Banerjee led Trinamul Congress got during Bengal Assembly Polls 2021, But are you aware of the fact that Didi has completed her 100 days in office during her third stint? Probably not, because no mainstream media has carried any report related to it. So here is eNewsroom‘s exclusive story on the eventful 100 days of Mamata in office:

When the TMC chief took oath for the CM’s third consecutive term, she had many challenges before her. Right from controlling the spiralling Covid-19 cases to the handling of Covid vaccination drive to tackling allegations of large-scale post-poll violence. She also had to fulfill the promises made during her rigorous campaigning and win a byelection within six months, given the fact that despite the people of Bengal investing faith in her party to take on the saffron party, she lost to her former aide Suvendu Adhikari at Nandigram.

As this story is going to be published the election commission announced the date of the byelection for Bhawanipore constituency.

Eventful 100 days

Difficult, is what many believe, but even after such a huge mandate, these 100 days were not very easy for Mamata government. “Not only were party senior leaders arrested in the Narada case, but TMC has been accused of indulging in post-poll violence. Still, I feel, there have been no major allegations against her government in the last three months or more. On the issue of post-poll violence, I will not comment as the matter is subjudice now,” said social and democratic rights activist Ujjaini Halim to eNewsroom.

Didi has energized the Opposition

Meanwhile, TMC’s Rajya Sabha MP Jawhar Sircar, while talking to eNewsroom said, “With TMC’s victory, she has proved that the Bharatiya Janata Party is not ‘invincible’. Her win has made her more formidable in raising a strong voice against the central government’s policies.”

Sircar, an ex IAS officer and CEO of Prasar Bharti, who has been sent to the Upper House of Indian Parliament by the TMC has been quite vocal against the policies of the saffron party. On being asked to cite one of the best decisions taken by the party made during the 100 days, he said, “She has been very focused. Certain issues had come before her during election campaigning which she is now fulfilling. Schemes like Duare Sarkar is continued, Student Credit Card system has been flagged off and a greater emphasis has put on Swasth Sathi.”

Mandate to save secular ethos

“TMC led by Mamata Banerjee had got historic support against the communal politics of BJP. Even after all the allegations of her favouring a certain community, the fact that she was favoured as people believe that she sees all religions equally. I believe that if the state witnesses no major communal incident in near future, it will be advantageous for her future politics,” asserted Halim.

Covid challenge and the arrests

Soon after the formation of the new government, CBI arrested three big leaders of TMC including Kolkata’s Mayor Firhad Hakim. They later got bail, but the arrest had directly impacted Covid management in the state capital.

Halim feels, “Covid and vaccination management could have been better handled, but you cannot blame the Mamata government for this situation, alone.”

Bold and progressive stand

One of the key highlights for her 100 days at work is that she strongly backed the peasant movement going on in the country. “Like on the issue of CAA-NRC, she has taken a clear stand in favour of farmers’ protest. Being a ruling party, TMC’s stand matters a lot for the farmers and civil society,” the activist mentioned.

National Role

A third term for any chief minister triggers speculation about a possible national role. It happened with Jyoti Basu, Arjun Singh, Sharad Pawar, N D Tiwari and of course Narendra Modi.

“Except for Modi, others failed to make it. Mamata heads a regional party, enjoys wide popularity outside Bengal but Trinamul attempts to expand its base outside Bengal and winning Lok Sabha seats is easier said than done,” said political analyst Rasheed Kidwai.

“She has to play an anchor’s role in opposition unity, utilise her old connections with the Congress and win friends i.e. regional parties support from Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Odisha, Andhra, Telengana, Northeast and other parts of the country. Sustaining momentum till 2024 is difficult too,” Kidwai added.

BJP: ‘Black Days’

However, the principal opposition party in Bengal, BJP says, the 100 days were ‘black days’ for Bengal. When eNewsroom contacted Dilip Ghosh, the party’s state president reacted, “The 100 days were the blackest for Bengal. There was large-scale post-poll violence and the court had to order an inquiry into it.” He further alleged, “The promises she made are not being fulfilled. Like, there is no fund allotment for student credit cards, she just made an announcement.”

Ghosh, however, did not comment on the delay of by-polls in Bengal, but when asked if Mamata is not doing well then will it reflect in forthcoming elections for the TMC? He further questioned, “There are no civic body elections taking place in Bengal so how will it reflect? He added, “2024 Lok Sabha polls will take place on different issues.”

Dev Anand had predicted that Sadhana would become a top actress

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Dev Anand had predicted that Sadhana would become a top actress

“If I modeled myself in the lines of anyone, it was Nutan,” said actress Sadhana, 1991 after Nutan’s death.

Bimal Ray was fascinated by Sadhana’s innocence, good looks and sonorous voice. No wonder he cast her as the heroine in his social satire Parakh in 1960. Sadhana’s lipping, O Sajna Barkha Bahar Aye in natural light created a sensation. Bimal Ray described Sadhana as an effortless performer. In Prem Patra she was pitted opposite the handsome Shashi Kapoor by Bimal Ray. In an emotional scene, Sadhana cried so naturally that Shashi Kapoor forgot how to react. Sadhana helped her new co-star to gain confidence and perform. Under Bimal Ray’s efficient direction Shashi Kapoor conveyed his feelings with a right eyebrow twitch. Both Sadhana and Shashi Kapoor paired well and performed with conviction in Prem Patra.

Sadhana was a student at Filmalaya Acting School in the mid- 50s. Once Dev Anand spotted her and complimented her saying she was very pretty. He also predicted she would become a top actress in the near future. Dev Anand kept his promise by casting Sadhana in the lead along with Nanda in the masterpiece Hum Dono in 1961. Needless to mention both the actress excelled in performing with Dev Anand who was at his altruistic best in his first-ever double role.

There was no looking back for Sadhana. She again paired successfully with Dev Anand in Asli Naqli. In both Hum Dono and Asli Naqli, Sadhana looked ravishing with the least make-up in black and white. Her romantic saga Sajan Ki Galiyan with Dev Anand and directed by Raj Khosla was never completed due to financial problems.

Sadhana, Asha Parekh and Saira Banu were contemporaries in the 60’s when they started. Among them, Sadhana was the most gifted. Not only was she good-looking, equally at ease with emotions and comedy. Though not a trained dancer like Asha Parekh, Sadhana’s sense of rhythm was appreciable in song sequences like Dilruba Dil Pe Tu and JhumKa Gira Re. Sadhana looked appealing in both Indian and Western outfits. Her favourite co-stars were Rajendra Kumar, Shammi Kapoor and Sunil Dutt. She duly respected Dev Anand and was fond of Manoj Kumar and Sanjoy Khan.

She styled her hair in the Audrey Hepburn fringe manner but never imitated the Hollywood icon. In Mere Mehboob her memorable Muslim social, Sadhana expressed a variety of emotions remarkably, her mobile face created wonders. Her debut was in Love in Shimla directed by RK Nayyar whom she later married. Raj Khosla created suspense with Sadhana’s memorable double roles in Who Kaun Thi and Mera Saya. An eye ailment disturbed Sadhana’s looks in the late 60s. Yet her screen magic was intact in Ek Phool Do Mali and Inteqam.

Ishq Par Zor Nahin in 1970 was a miserable flop and Sadhana lost interest in acting. Her directorial venture Geeta Mera Naam starred her in a double role. Though a big hit the classic touches of Ek Musafir Ek Hasina, Arzoo and Waqt were missing. Like Nanda, Sadhana understood well the gross commercialism of the 70’s was not her cup of tea. She retired from acting with true grace after the forgettable Dil Daulat Duniya opposite Rajesh Khanna whom she was not fond of.

After her retirement, Sadhana made occasional public appearances. At Mehboob studio, she burst into tears speaking in memory of Raj Khosla in a condolence meeting organized by producer Johny Bakshi in June 1991. Also present at the occasion were Chetan Anand, B.R. Chopra, Vijay Anand and Yash Chopra.

She directed a film with Sudha Chandran and Dimple Kapadia which was insipid. Her last presence was to win Lifetime’s Achievement Award one and a half decades ago. Though she is no more, her memories still haunt countless admirers. It is not without reason that after Rajkumar, Shammi Kapoor commented that Sadhana overshadowed him in the film with her serenity.

California Democratic Party designates caste as a protected category

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California Democratic Party designates caste as a protected category

Washington, D.C.: While the caste system originated in India, diaspora communities in the West have imported discriminatory practices and implemented them in their adopted homelands. Most notably, Cisco was sued by the state of California for reports of discrimination against a Dalit engineer, who “received less pay, fewer opportunities, and other inferior terms and conditions of employment” due to his caste. Caste discrimination has been reported within the giants of Silicon Valley including Facebook, Google, Microsoft, IBM, Apple and Amazon.

Amid these California Democratic Party’s decision to designate caste as a protected category.

After the decision, Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), an advocacy organization dedicated to safeguarding India’s pluralist and tolerant ethos today hailed the historic decision.

The California Democratic Party is the largest state party in the nation to take a stance on caste discrimination, marking an important step forward in the fight against caste-based oppression in the United States.

By adding caste as a protected category to the Party Code of Conduct, the Democratic Party has made history, especially in light of opposition from Hindutva front organizations based in the US against such a designation.

Equality Labs and other prominent Dalit activists led the push for this change. As Thenmozhi Soundararajan, Equality Labs’ Executive Director, stated: “This is a powerful validation of the caste equity civil rights movement. Caste is so deeply alive in the diaspora and it impacts so many parts of the South Asian American experience. Our report showed the prevalence of caste discrimination with 1 out of 4 Dalits experiencing physical assault, 2 out of 3 experiencing workplace discrimination, and 1 out of 3 experiencing discrimination in education. The Democratic party is leading the conversation by recognizing that caste-oppressed Americans deserve protection and that the time for its addition in all American institutions is long overdue. We look forward to continuing to work with even more elected officials around the state and the country.”

“We would like to extend our heartfelt congratulations to our Dalit allies for this victory in the state of California,” said Mr. Rasheed Ahmed, Executive Director of IAMC.

Amar Singh Shergill, California Democratic Party Executive Board Member and Progressive Caucus Chair stated, “With the addition of caste protections to our Party Code of Conduct, the Democratic party recognizes that California must lead in the historical battle for caste equity and ensure we acknowledge the need for explicit legal protections for caste-oppressed Americans. We understand that protection from caste discrimination may be accessed under preexisting categories of ancestry, religion, and race, yet many caste-oppressed people do not report discrimination because this explicit legal protection is not yet widely recognized.”

“The addition of caste-based protections is crucial as the United States ratified international human rights treaties that require us to be committed to protections of all marginalized people,” said Govind Acharya of Amnesty International USA.

देश में जातीय जनगणना करवाई जाए- झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा

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देश में जातीय जनगणना करवाई जाए- झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा

रांची: राजनीतिक दलों के द्वारा उठ रहे आवाज़ों के बीच अब सामाजिक संगठनों ने भी जातीय जनगणना कराये जाने की मांग की है।

झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा ने आज एक प्रेस विज्ञप्ति जारी कर बताया के वो जनगणना के तहत जातीय जनगणना को सही और जरूरी कदम मानती है।

महासभा ने लिखा, 1931 के बाद सीमित या कुछ अलग संदर्भों में यह पहली बार 2011 में हुआ, लेकिन होने के बाद भी सार्वजनिक नहीं हुआ। इस स्थिति को महासभा स्वतंत्र भारत के सरकारों की दुखद अदूरदर्शिता तथा सामाजिक संवेदनशून्यता मानती है। 2011 की जनगणना के जातीय विवरणों को सार्वजनिक रूप से जारी करने में अगर कानून का कोई हिस्सा रुकावट बनता है तो उस रुकावट को हटा देना चाहिए था। अब जबकि ऐसी जनगणना की मांग जोर शोर से उठ रही है, तब भी उसे नकारना सीधे-सीधे सरकारी निरंकुशता है। लोकतंत्र का तकाजा तो यह है कि हर अवरोध हटाकर इस अपेक्षा को पूरा किया जाना चाहिए।

महासभा जो कई सामाजिक संगठनों का एक समूह है ने आगे लिखा, जाति एक सामाजिक-आर्थिक सच्चाई है, जिसका असर लोगों के जीवन और शासन के हर आयाम पर होता है। विशेषाधिकार और वर्जना पर आधारित श्रेणीबद्धता की यह संरचना समता, स्वतंत्रता, न्याय और सार्विक खुशहाली की संभावनाओं पर नाकेबंदी किये बैठी है। इस नाकेबंदी को ढहाने के लिए ही आरक्षण और सामाजिक कल्याण की नीतियां और योजनाएं चलायी जाती हैं। जिस तरह आर्थिक लक्ष्यों और योजनाओं को तय करने के लिए आर्थिक परिस्थिति व आर्थिक समूहों की पूरी एवं सूक्ष्म से सूक्ष्म जानकारी होनी चाहिए। उसी तरह सामाजिक सांस्कृतिक लक्ष्यों और योजनाओं के लिए सामाजिक स्थितियों, सामाजिक सांस्कृतिक समूहों की ज्यादा से ज्यादा जानकारी जरूरी है। और इसके लिए जातीय जनगणना भी जरूरी है।

कुछ पार्टियाँ और शक्तियाँ इस माँग के अनौचित्य सिद्धि या अवमूल्यन के लिए बेतुकी चिंतायें जाहिर कर रहे हैं। उन्हें लगता है कि जाठ, पटेल, मराठा, लिंगायत जैसे प्रभुत्वशाली जातियों को आरक्षण पर वर्चस्व हासिल हो जाएगा। जातीय ध्रुवीकरण और जातीयता बढ़ेगी। यह सवर्णवादी चालाक लोगों की घबराहट की बड़बड़ाहट है। आजकल फैल रही सवर्ण आक्रामकता, आरक्षण कम करने की प्रशासनिक साजिशों, आर्थिक रूप से पिछड़ों की नयी असंवैधानिक श्रेणी बना कर उसे 10% आरक्षण देने के प्रकरणों पर इनकी चुप्पी इनकी शातिर चालाकी का बयान कर जाती है। यह भी हो सकता है कि अगर जातीय जनगणना के, जातियों की नौकरी, सम्पत्ति, रोजगार, संसाधन में हिस्सेदारी के आँकड़े पूरे आ गये तो पूर्वोक्त प्रभुत्वसम्पन्न सवर्ण जातियों के साथ ही अन्य नवप्रभु पिछड़ी जातियों की दावेदारियों को चुनौती मिलनी शुरू हो जाय। नयी सामाजिक दावेदारियों का दरवाजा खुलता जाय। आरक्षण के ज्यादा प्रभावी और सहभागी पुनर्गठन की समझ बनती जाय।

जातीय जनगणना के साथ ही अन्य गैर परंपरागत या अब तक अनदेखे सामाजिक समुदायों की भी गणना होनी चाहिए। थर्ड सेक्स, अंतरजातीय अन्तर्धार्मिक विवाहों से बने समूह अब नजर आने लगे हैं। कई और ऐसे समुदाय होंगे जो अब तक अदृश्य हैं और जिन्हें देखना और दर्ज करना जरूरी हो। यह खुले और सूक्ष्म सर्वेक्षण से ही संभव होगा।

वार्ड सदस्यों, ग्राम सभाओं के जरिये ज्यादा प्रमाणिक तौर पर और ज्यादा तेजी से ऐसी सामाजिक सांस्कृतिक जनगणना हो सकती है। इसे ध्यान में रखते हुए इन्हें जनगणना में शामिल करना चाहिए। हम मांग करते हैं कि जातीय जनगणना करवाई जाए।

जातीय जनगणना की मांग न सिर्फ विपक्षी पार्टियाँ कर रही हैं बल्के मोदी सरकार में शामिल जनता दल यूनाइटेड और अपना दल भी कर रहें है।

A Tango To Watch – The Red Dragon and The Taliban Fox

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A Tango To Watch – The Red Dragon and The Taliban Fox

In the last few weeks, after the Taliban takeover of most of Afghanistan, headlines have screamed about the country’s trillion-dollar mineral wealth, especially its fabled lithium deposits. Lithium will power the next-generation batteries for electric vehicles that would trigger a new economic revolution. As of now, China seems to have stolen a march over western nations in establishing a foothold in the country, with its policy of not interfering in domestic politics but focused only on doing business; nevertheless, it could be in for a lot of unpleasant surprises.

US & China –Different Playbooks But As Selfish

The Chinese approach seems a practical one when contrasted with the US’ playbook of ushering in western-style democracy while looking to exploit the resources of the country, and gaining strategic advantage in an important trade route. There is no altruistic motive in either the US or China’s interest in Afghanistan. While China is brutally forthright about it, the US sugarcoats it for international audiences and its citizens at home. The only difference between the US and China is that the former has the New York Times and Washington Post keeping a watch over human rights violations, while China is not burdened by vigilant and free media.

Looking at real investments made in Afghanistan, one finds that the Metallurgical Corporation of China (MCC), has a 30-year lease to mine copper in Afghanistan’s barren Logar province. Nevertheless, it could take five to six years to build infrastructure for mining there, but the project might not go anywhere while safety concerns linger.

Not Everything Is Going China’s Way

Not everything seems to be going as planned for China. State-owned China National Petroleum Corp (CNPC) is in the process of exiting its oil project in the northern Amu Darya Basin, according to Reuters. CNPC began producing oil there in 2012 under a 25-year contract but stopped work the following year as plans to refine the oil in Turkmenistan hit a snag. The project had also come under attack from local militants. An Indian consortium led by the Steel Authority of India (SAIL) is also pulling out. It was awarded rights to build a steel mill and develop iron ore mines in Afghanistan with a total investment of $11 billion in 2011.

The question of course remains that if the mineral resources of Afghanistan could be so easily mined, then why hasn’t the US done so in the last 20 years it has been there? To date, the Afghan government hasn’t made a profit from its existing mining projects. According to a report by Al Jazeera, the government loses $300 million per year.

afghanistan taliban china economy mineral wealth

No Nation-Building Track Record

The other major doubt that hangs over the entire affair is China’s ability to help transform the economies of the countries it has deep relationships with. It has been Pakistan’s ally for several years now, but let’s look at the state of the country’s economy in India’s western borders.

Chinese Allies – Pakistan, N.Korea Economic Wrecks

Perhaps, nothing is more embarrassing for Pakistan than an economic comparison with its former eastern state of West Pakistan, now an independent country. Bangladesh boasts a per capita income of $1,909 at the end of the fiscal year, up from $120 in 1972, while Pakistan’s per capita income stands at around $1,700 now from $180 in 1971. Pakistan’s currency, Rupee, is now trading well below the value of Bangladesh’s Taka: Taka 84 fetches one US dollar, whereas it costs more than Rs 140 in Pakistan.

Imran Khan, Pakistan’s prime minister, might have been rejoicing the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan, but the joy could be short-lived as the influx of refugees would strain the economy. The rise in Pakistan bond yields soon after the collapse of the government in Kabul indicates the loss of global investors’ confidence in the economy. Pakistan may also face a reduction in its export revenues if the instability and uncertainty in Afghanistan linger.

Meanwhile, alarm bells are ringing for Pakistan as the trade deficit hit US$3.058 billion in July. The government’s battle against bloated trade deficit is reversing as it widened 81.4 percent in the first month of the current fiscal year (FY22), driven largely by the almost double increase in imports compared to exports from the country, reported Dawn.

North Korea, another Chinese-supported country, is another basket case. Its economy in 2020 posted its sharpest drop since a deadly famine in the 1990s due to the coronavirus, natural disasters and international sanctions that have walloped Kim Jong Un’s already struggling state. GDP contracted 4.5% in 2020 in the sharpest fall since 1997, according to estimates from South Korea’s central bank. Its economy shrank last year to its smallest size since Kim took over in late 2011. GDP fell to 31.4 trillion won ($27.4 billion), down from 33.8 trillion won in Kim’s first year at the helm.

afghanistan taliban china economy mineral wealth

Borrowing From The Mafia, Paying With A Limb

China’s internationalization—as laid out in programs such as the Belt and Road Initiative—is not simply a pursuit of geopolitical influence but also, a weapon. Once a country is weighed down by Chinese loans, like a hapless gambler who borrows from the Mafia, it is Beijing’s puppet and in danger of losing a limb. The prime example of this is the Sri Lankan port of Hambantota.

As the story goes, Beijing pushed Sri Lanka into borrowing money from Chinese banks to pay for the project, which had no prospect of commercial success. Onerous terms and feeble revenues eventually pushed Sri Lanka into default, at which point Beijing demanded the port as collateral, forcing the Sri Lankan government to surrender control to a Chinese firm.

Bangladesh Dodges The Dragon

Learning from these lessons, Bangladesh dodged the Chinese debt trap. It did not allow Chinese investment in deep-sea ports suitable for a future Chinese Navy presence, as it canceled the Sonadia deep-sea project and only agreed to a port project in Payra, ‘approachable only through a 75-kilometer-long canal, a very unlikely place for a naval base.’

The US Even Helped Build China

In sharp contrast to China’s overseas investments which are nothing but debt-traps to further impoverish the borrowing nation, the US since World War II has helped countries in Europe, and in the pacific, like Japan to emerge as major economic powers. China too owes its spectacular economic success to US technologies, which it stole, and US capital that was invested in its companies.

The US has been selfish while playing its global leadership role, but the Chinese strategy of investing in countries in its grip is like the deadly embrace of a Red Dragon. Afghanistan under the Taliban might be a different story even for the dragon, which the Chinese could well come to regret. The crafty Taliban could be a tough customer even for the Chinese. It will be wise not to forget that the country has over the years earned the global epithet of the “graveyard of empires.”

The post has first appeared on Abhijit Roy‘s Facebook wall.

Raj Kapoor to Dev Anand: “Dev Tumne Mere Heroine (Nargis) Ko Chura Liya”

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Raj Kapoor to Dev Anand: “Dev Tumne Mere Heroine (Nargis) Ko Chura Liya”

In 1953 the first Indian film delegation attended the coveted Venice International Film Festival. Led by Bimal Ray the delegation included Balraj Sahni, Salil Chowdhury, KA Abbas, Chetan Anand, Dev Anand, Raj Kapoor and Nargis. The films that were screened at Venice included Do Bigha Zamin, Aandhiyan, Rahi and Awara. The delegation had received a warm welcome at Venice.

Bimal Ray an introvert spoke only when required. Even the eloquent Chetan Anand and Salil Chowdhury avoided interacting with the media. KA Abbas, Balraj Sahni, Dev Anand and Raj Kapoor did maximum of the interacting and speaking. On special occasions, Nargis also enlightened the August gathering about highlights of Awara and Indian Cinema.

The screening of Do Bigha Zamin received a standing ovation from critics and viewers. The esquire European cine lovers marvelled at Balraj Sahni’s studied and flawless performance. Dev Anand was the heartthrob of the females for his debonair looks, sincere, honest performances in Aandhiyan and Rahi. KA Abbas managed with real difficulty shows of both English and Hindi versions of Rahi. The English version was the Way Farer. Raj Kapoor and Nargis were mobbed by fans, especially from Italy and France.

David Lean who was a delegate renewed his association with Chetan Anand which started with Brief encounters and Neechanagar jointly winning the Grand Prix at Cannes in 1946. David Lean was full of praise for Nimmi’s questioning expressions in Aandhiyan and Kalpana Kantik’s underplaying. In a discussion with an English critic KA Abbas pointed out the drawbacks of Indian cinema. He confessed since our Hindi films were mainly entertainers the box office factor always ruled the roost. Salil Chowdhury did say the song Dharti Kahe Pukar Ke of Do Bigha Zamin he composed was inspired by the Soviet Cultural Revolution of 1917.

An interesting incident took place when Raj Kapoor, Dev Anand and Nargis were taking lunch at a local restaurant An Italian beauty in her 30s walked up to them and said Dev Anand and Nargis formed an attractive pair. To this Raj Kapoor burst into laughter and said “Wah Dev Wah, Tumne Mere Heroine Ko Chura Liya.” Dev Anand Smiled and replied, “Nahi Raju Yeh Mujh Se Nahi Hoga.” Nargis asked the two heroes to be quiet and the three posed for a series of photographs not only for the Italian dame but others too.

Chetan Anand had a difference of opinion with his younger brother Dev Anand. Chetan Anand wanted to eat edit the court scene of Aandhiyan for the international version to be screened in Venice. Dev Anand vehemently protested the act as he genuinely felt his best performance was during the climax at the court. An initially reluctant Chetan Anand later agreed and cut short some of the song, dance sequences. The international media praised Aandhiyan highly and washed out the stigma on Chetan Anand, ”A Pudovkin in hurry” put by the review of Aandhiyan in Baburao Patel’s Film India.

A scene no one could forget that of Bimal Ray speaking about the impact of neo-realism on his work. Intelligently explaining the plight of the landless Indian peasant he went on to give a thought-provoking lecture about his concept and visualization of Do Bigha Zamin. It received encomiums and Raj Kapoor’s explanation of the cinematic nuances of Awara’s dream sequence also received appreciation. KA Abbas pointed out that the socio-political relevance of Mulk Raj Anand’s, Two Leaves And A Bud on which Rahi was based was his source of inspiration for the memorable film.

The Prize Moment of the Indian delegation at Venice was their visit to Sir Charles Chaplin’s Villa at Montreux and an hour’s interaction with the maestro. Sir Charles Chaplin was the father of Sir Charlie Chaplin. The Indian film personalities listened with awe as the Grand Master narrated his experiences of filmmaking. Chetan Anand and K Abbas asked Charles Chaplin about his views on Sergei Eisensfitein. Charles Chaplin replied, “A true friend and a genius.” As they bid goodbye, Raj Kapoor, with tears of joy in his eyes shouted to confess Charles Chaplin was his idol and he modelled himself along his lines.

This year’s Venice International Film Festival will be held in September.

प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी निर्णय नहीं कर पा रहे हैं कि ये गुड तालिबान है या बैड तालिबान

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प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी निर्णय नहीं कर पा रहे हैं कि ये गुड तालिबान है या बैड तालिबान

“गुड तालिबान, बैड तालिबान, गुड टेररिज़्म, बैड टेररिज़्म ये अब चलने वाला नहीं है। हर किसी को तय करना पड़ेगा कि फैसला करो, आप आतंकवाद के साथ हो या मानवता के साथ हो। निर्णय करो।”

यह बयान प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी का है। अगस्त 2015 का। इसे मैंने शब्दश: लिखा है। आज नरेंद्र मोदी तय नहीं कर पा रहे हैं कि तालिबान गुड है या बैड है। आतंकवादी है या नहीं है। उनकी पार्टी के नेता इस मसले का राजनीतिक इस्तमाल करने लगे हैं लेकिन शीर्ष नेता बोल नहीं पा रहे हैं।जब ज़मीन पर इसका इस्तमाल करना ही है तो फिर सरकार को बोलने में हिचक नहीं रखनी चाहिए कि तालिबान आतंकवादी हैं और भारत आतंकवादी संगठन से बात नहीं करेगा।

भारत की राजनीति में किसी को सीधे-सीधे या इशारे में आतंकवादी कह देना कोई मुश्किल काम नहीं है। फर्ज़ी आरोपों के आधार पर दस दस साल जेल में डाल देना आम बात है। ऐसे मामलों में ज़्यादातर मुस्लिम लड़के ही होते हैं। इस राजनीति से मोदी सरकार और बीजेपी अनजान नहीं है। गोदी मीडिया का टॉपिक ही है धर्म और आतंकवाद लेकिन वह भी प्रधानमंत्री से नहीं पूछ पा रहा है।मोदी सरकार का अभी तक कोई रुख़ सामने नहीं आया है कि उसके लिए तालिबान आतंकवादी है या कोई नया तालिबान है।

दुनिया के कई देशों के नागरिक अफगानिस्तान में फंसे हुए हैं। उनकी जान को ख़तरा है फिर भी उनकी सरकारें तालिबान पर अपना पक्ष रख रही हैं। सरकारों के मुखिया प्रेस के सवालों का जवाब दे रहे हैं। तालिबान का नाम ले रहे हैं। लेकिन भारत के प्रधानमंत्री ओलिंपिक खिलाड़ियों से मुलाकात के अगले दिन वीडियो ट्विट कर रहे हैं, जिसे चैनलों पर चलाना ही पड़ता है। मान लीजिए मनमोहन सिंह की सरकार होती और तालिबान पर चुप रहती या मान्यता देती तो क्या बीजेपी भारत का हित समझ कर सरकार के साथ होती? क्या बीजेपी नहीं कहती कि तुष्टिकरण के कारण सरकार तालिबान को मान्यता दे रही है। वोट बैंक की राजनीति हो रही है। तो अब बीजेपी और मोदी सरकार में रहते हुए इतने दिनों से क्यों नहीं बता पा रहे हैं कि तालिबान क्या है।

सामने से बोला नहीं जा रहा है लेकिन व्हाट्स एप यूनिवर्सिटी के ज़रिए कारण बताया जा रहा है कि क्यों नहीं बोला जा रहा है। अफगानिस्तान में भारत की कई सौ कंपनियों के कारोबार हैं। वहां कई हज़ार भारतीय काम करते हैं। तालिबान जब काबुल की तरफ़ बढ़ने लगा तभी सरकार को अपने नागरिकों को वहां से निकालना शुरु कर देना चाहिए था। अगर तालिबान का उभरना अमरीकी ख़ुफ़िया विभाग की नाकामी है तो भारतीय ख़ुफ़िया तंत्र की भी नाकामी है। सरकार ने अपने नागरिकों की सुध नहीं ली और उन्हें निकालने से पहले दूतावास बंद कर निकल आई। इस भ्रम में मत रहिए कि भारतीय नागरिकों के निकाले जाने के बाद भारत तालिबान को आतंकवादी कह देगा। कम से कम यही सवाल व्हाट्स एप फार्वर्ड करने वाले से पूछ लीजिए।

अफगानिस्तान की जनता जिन देशों के भरोसे एक तंग सुरंग से निकल रही थी, उन देशों ने उसे धोखा दिया है। उन्हें आतंकवादियों के हाथ में छोड़ दिया है। ये आतंकवाद भी उन्हीं देशों का खड़ा किया हुआ है।अमरीका से पहले कम्युनिस्ट सरकारों ने उस इलाके में हथियार और कट्टरवाद का वातावरण खड़ा किया था। वहां की महिलाओं की कोई चिन्ता नहीं की गई। वे अब तालिबान के आतंक के हवाले हैं। नारियों की पूजा करने वाला भारत महिलाओं के लिए दुनिया के नैतिक बल को ललकार सकता था। लेकिन सोचिए जिस देश में लाखों ट्रक, टैंपों और दीवारों पर यह लिखा हो कि बेटी बचाओ बेटी पढ़ाओ। 21 वीं सदी के भारत में बेटियों की यह हालत है कि उन्हें बचाने के लिए नारे लिखने पड़ रहे हैं। गर्भ में और पैदा होने के बाद बेटियों को मारने से बचाने के लिए जगह-जगह नारे लिखे हैं फिर भी गर्भ में बेटियों का मारा जाना जारी है और दूसरी जाति में शादी कर लेने पर जला देने या मार देने की ख़बरों से आप अनजान नहीं है। कहने का मतलब यही है कि भारत को अपनी बेटियों को बचाने के साथ साथ अफगान औरतों और वहां की बेटियों को बचाने के लिए नारे लगाने चाहिए थे। पश्चिमी ताकतों को शर्मसार करना चाहिए था।

इस भुलावे में नहीं रहना चाहिए कि भारत के लोगों को अफगान औरतों से हमदर्दी है। वो इन प्रसंगों को इस्तमाल एक मज़हब को लाछिंत कर सांप्रदायिक उन्मान को सही ठहराने भर के लिए कर रहे हैं। तालिबान के बदलने की बात कही जा रही है लेकिन अभी तक इसके कोई प्रमाण नहीं है। कुछ लोगों ने कहा कि जिस तालिबान की बात की जा रही है वह बीस साल पुराना है। लेकिन कोई इन बीस सालों के दौरान तालिबान में आए बदलाव का प्रमाण नहीं दे रहा है। क्या इन बीस सालों में तालिबान का संबंध आतंकी धमाकों से ख़त्म हो चुका था? क्या तालिबान ने इन बीस सालों में औरतों के प्रति अपना नज़रिया बदल लिया था? क्या औरतों के बीच तालिबान का प्रभाव बढ़ा था? हम इन सवालों के जवाब नहीं जानते लेकिन जवाब क्या है अंदाज़ा लगा सकते हैं। जब बीस सालों में तालिबान में आए बदलाव के प्रमाण नहीं हैं तो आज किस आधार पर कहा जा रहा है कि आगे वे औरतों का सम्मान करेंगे।

हिंसा के कारणों का सीधा जवाब नहीं होता है लेकिन हिंसा के साथ आप अगर-मगर के साथ खड़े नहीं हो सकते हैं। हिंसा और प्रतिहिंसा अंत में हिंसा ही तैयार करती है।इसलिए जो लोग तालिबान को आतंक की जगह कुछ और समझना चाहते हैं वह दुधारी तलवार पर चल रहे हैं और जो तालिबान को आतंकवादी नहीं बोल पा रहे हैं वे भी दुधारी तलवार पर चल रहे हैं। भारत सरकार के विदेश मंत्री को बीजेपी के आई टी सेल की मीटिंग बुलानी चाहिए जैसे चुनावों के समय बीजेपी के आई टी सेल की बैठक होती है। उसी बैठक में बताना चाहिए कि तालिबान आतंकवादी है या नहीं है।

रविश कुमार का ये पोस्ट, उनके फेस्बूक पेज पे पहले आया है।

अमेरिका में नागरिक शिक्षा कानूनों से जुड़े सुधार को हम भारतीय कैसे देखें?

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अमेरिका में नागरिक शिक्षा कानूनों से जुड़े सुधार को हम भारतीय कैसे देखें?

“यह सुनिश्चित करना अति महत्त्वपूर्ण है कि हम अपने बच्चों को पढ़ाएं कि वे कैसे जिम्मेदार नागरिक बन सकें।” अमेरिका के फ्लोरिडा राज्य के गवर्नर रॉन डेसेंटिस ने 22 जून को वहां के एक मिडिल स्कूल में यह बात कही। साथ ही, इस मौके पर उन्होंने फ्लोरिडा को नागरिक शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में अमेरिका का नंबर एक राज्य बनाने की इच्छा भी जाहिर की।

दरअसल, अमेरिका में रिपब्लिक पार्टी का प्रतिनिधित्व करने वाले रॉन डेसेंटिस फ्लोरिडा राज्य के स्कूलों में नागरिक शिक्षा से जुड़े सुधार के लिए बनाए गए कानूनों को लेकर आयोजित एक व्याख्यान के दौरान बोल रहे थे। नागरिक शिक्षा में कानूनी सुधार के बारे में उनकी दलील थी, “छात्रों को अमेरिकी इतिहास, अमेरिकी सरकार और अमेरिकी संवैधानिक अधिकारों से संबंधित सिद्धांतों के बारे में अच्छा ज्ञान होना चाहिए।”

नागरिक शिक्षा कानून

प्रश्न है कि नई आर्थिक नीतियों और उन पर आधारित व्यवस्थाओं के कारण दुनिया भर में नये किस्म के भेदभाव भी पैदा हो रहे हैं तो अमेरिका के नागरिक शिक्षा कानूनों में सुधारों को लेकर हम भारतीयों का क्या नजरिया होना चाहिए?

भारत की स्कूली शिक्षा व्यवस्था के संदर्भ में नागरिक शिक्षा से जुड़े हर तरह के सुधारों को यहां हम मुख्यत: दो स्तरों पर समझने की कोशिश कर सकते हैं। पहले तो यह कि नागरिक शिक्षा में होने वाले सुधार कहीं बच्चों को एक विशेष राजनैतिक विचारधारा या उसके इर्द-गिर्द केंद्रित रहने का आग्रह तो नहीं कर रहे हैं. दूसरा, नागरिक शास्त्र के बरक्स समाज-विज्ञान जुड़ी बुनियादी अवधारणाओं को कहीं काट-छांट या उन्हें घटा कर तो नहीं देखा जा रहा है।

इस बारे में महर्षि वाल्मीकि कॉलेज ऑफ एजुकेशन (दिल्ली यूनिवर्सिटी) में असिस्टेंट प्रोफेसर राघवेंद्र प्रपन्ना बताते हैं कि भारत की स्कूली शिक्षा व्यवस्था में एनसीईआरटी (राष्ट्रीय शैक्षिक अनुसंधान व प्रशिक्षण परिषद) के प्रयासों से पिछले कुछ दशकों के दौरान अलग-अलग जगहों के बच्चों पर समाज-विज्ञान के अनुशासन का अच्छा प्रभाव भी देखने को मिल रहा है। दरअसल, समाज-विज्ञान नागरिक-शास्त्र का एक्सटेंशन है जिसकी समझ बच्चों को अच्छा नागरिक बनाने के लिए उनमें समालोचनात्मक तरीके से सोचने के लिए प्रेरित करती है।

वह कहते हैं, “हमारे देश में समाज-विज्ञान से जुड़ी सामग्री संवैधानिक मूल्यों और नागरिकता से जुड़े अधिकारों के प्रति बच्चों को सचेत बनाती है। इसके पीछे सोच यह रही है कि बच्चों को एक अच्छा नागरिक बनाने के लिए सिर्फ नागरिक-शास्त्र काफी नहीं है। लेकिन, किसी देश में यदि नागरिक शिक्षा में सुधारों के नाम पर समाज-विज्ञान के सर्वव्यापी दृष्टिकोण को काटकर बच्चों को महज मूलभूत कर्तव्य और अधिकारों के बारे में ही पढ़ाए जाने की योजना है तो भारत जैसे विविधतापूर्ण और जटिल समाज के लिए इसका कोई मतलब नहीं है।”

दरअसल, बीते कुछ वर्षों के दौरान खुद अमेरिका में कई सामाजिक-आर्थिक वजहों से भेदभाव और गंदी राजनीति का उभार दिखाई दे रहा है। ऐसे में शिक्षा क्षेत्र से जुड़े कई जानकारों को यह संदेह भी होता है कि वहां का राज्य नागरिक शिक्षा में सुधार के नाम पर कहीं बच्चों से यह अपेक्षा तो नहीं कर रहा है कि वे सिर्फ स्टेट के संदेशों को मानने और उसकी नीतियों का पालन करें। जबकि, सरकार के नजरिए से स्कूलों में बच्चों को नागरिक-शास्त्र से आगे समाज-विज्ञान की शिक्षा देने के कारण आमतौर पर एक समस्या यह आती है कि बच्चे भेदभाव और गंदी राजनीति के उभार के प्रति अपने समालोचनात्मक दृष्टिकोण भी तैयार कर सकते हैं।

नागरिक-शास्त्र से समाज-विज्ञान की तरफ भारतीय शिक्षा

अपना यहां एनसीईआरटी ने कक्षा छटवीं से स्कूल के पाठ्यकर्मों में समाज-विज्ञान, राजनीतिक-विज्ञान और इतिहास जैसे विषयों के लिए पुस्तकें तैयार की हैं। कहने का अर्थ है कि भारत में एक लंबे विमर्श के बाद नागरिक-शास्त्र का विस्तार करके समाज-विज्ञान आदि विषयों की सामग्री बच्चों तक पहुंचाई गई है। इसके पीछे मुख्य उद्देश्य यह रखा गया है कि ऐसे पाठ्यक्रम के माध्यम से बच्चे समालोचक और हस्तक्षेपकारी नागरिक बन सकें। एनसीईआरटी के इस मॉडल को कई राज्यों ने भी अपनाया है.

इसी तरह, एनसीईआरटी में हर कक्षा की हर विषय की पुस्तक के कवर पेज को यदि आप पलटेंगे तो उस पर प्रत्येक नागरिक के लिए कर्तव्यों के साथ मौलिक अधिकार भी लिखे गए हैं। इसका मतलब यह है कि स्कूली पाठ्यक्रम में बच्चों के लिए नागरिक के कर्तव्यों को जिस प्रमुखता से बताया गया है, ठीक उसी प्रमुखता से नागरिकों के मौलिक अधिकारों को स्थान दिया गया है। इसी तरह, हर विषय की पुस्तक में संविधान की उद्देशिका रखी गई है। साथ ही, हर विषय से संबंधित सामग्री में स्वतंत्रता, समता, न्याय और बंधुत्व जैसे चार संवैधानिक मूल्यों को समान रुप से जगह दी गई है। उदाहरण के लिए, यदि इतिहास के विषय में समता को जगह दी गई है तो राजनीतिक-विज्ञान जैसे विषयों में भी समता को उतनी ही तरहीज दी गई है।

दरअसल, नागरिक-शास्त्र की अपनी सीमाएं होती हैं. जैसे कि वह बच्चों को समता के बारे में तो बताएगा, लेकिन संविधान में इस शब्द की आवश्यकता क्यों पड़ी तो समाज-विज्ञान इसके कारणों से जुड़ी जानकारियां देते हुए व्याख्या करेगा। इस बारे में दिल्ली के एक सरकारी स्कूल में शिक्षक आलोक कुमार मिश्रा बताते हैं कि बच्चे समता का अर्थ अच्छी तरह से तब समझेंगे जब उन्हें असमानता और टकरावों पर आधारित समाज के बारे में भी पढ़ाया जाएगा। वह कहते हैं, “असमानता और टकरावों को अनदेखा करने की बजाय उन्हें कक्षा की चर्चा का मुख्य विषय बनाने से बच्चे बेहतर ढंग से सीखेंगे और भविष्य में हर तरह की विषमता या वैमनस्यता के खिलाफ मुखर होंगे।”

वहीं, दिल्ली यूनिवर्सिटी में असिस्टेंट प्रोफेसर डॉक्टर विकास गुप्ता के मुताबिक, “बच्चों को कोंस्टीटूशनल एजुकेशन देने और उन्हें एक संवेदनशील नागरिक बनाने के लिए ड्यूटीज और राइट्स से जुड़े पॉइंट्स रटाने भर से कुछ नहीं होगा, बल्कि इसके लिए सोशल साइंस की लेंथ में जाना पड़ेगा, जिससे बच्चे अच्छे सिविलियन की तरह व्यवहार कर सकें।” लेकिन, प्रश्न है कि क्या हमारे यहां बच्चों में संवैधानिक मूल्यों को आत्मसात कराने के लिए किए गए प्रयास काफी है? ऐसा इसलिए कि बड़ी संख्या में वंचित समुदाय के बच्चे अब भी स्कूली शिक्षा से बेदखल हैं. प्रश्न है कि कोरोना महामारी ने ऐसे बच्चों के लिए शिक्षा की खाई को पहले से ज्यादा चौड़ा कर दिया है तब इस तबके के बच्चों के लिए संवैधानिक शिक्षा के क्या मायने हैं?

संवैधानिक शिक्षा की राह में रोड़ा और समाधान

प्रश्न है कि स्कूली पाठ्यकर्मों में जो संवैधानिक मूल्य पिरोए गए हैं उन्हें बच्चों में आत्मसात कराएं तो कैसे? इस दिशा में पहली बिंदु यह है कि किसी शिक्षक को संवैधानिक मूल्यों में विश्वास है या नहीं। इसका कारण यह है कि वह भी समाज से ही आता है और हो सकता है कुछेक जगहों पर उसे यह लगे कि यहां स्वतंत्रता या समता की बात करना ठीक नहीं है।

इस बारे में राघवेंद्र प्रपन्ना मानते हैं कि ऐसी स्थिति में वह समानता की बातों को पढ़ाएगा भी तो बिना चर्चा के। इसलिए बौद्धिक और भावनात्मक तौर पर यदि शिक्षक संवैधानिक मूल्यों में विश्वास रखते हैं तभी वे बच्चों को स्वतंत्रता और समता जैसे मूल्यों के प्रति संवेदनशील बना सकते हैं।

इस कड़ी में दूसरी बड़ी बाधा है पढ़ाई जाने वाली बातों का शिक्षक, परिजन या समुदाय के वयस्क व्यक्तियों द्वारा व्यवहार में न उतरना। उदाहरण के लिए, एक शिक्षक पाठ्यक्रम के मुताबिक समानता से जुड़ी बातों को पढ़ा रहा है, लेकिन वह स्कूल परिसर में सफाईकर्मी के साथ बुरा व्यवहार करता है तो बच्चे समझने लगेंगे कि पढ़ाई और व्यवहार दो एकदम उलट बातें हैं और पुस्तकों में लिखी बातों का संबंध परीक्षा में आए प्रश्नों के उत्तर देने तक सीमित है।

वहीं, वर्ष 2018 में रिचर्स के तहत दो महीने के लिए अमेरिका में वहां के स्कूल का अध्ययन करने गए दिल्ली के शिक्षक मुरारी झा अपना अनुभव साझा करते हुए बताते हैं कि हमारे यहां शिक्षक मशीन के एक मामूली पुर्जे की तरह संचालित हो रहा है। जबकि, शिक्षा क्षेत्र में वह एक बड़े परिपेक्ष्य का हिस्सा हो सकता है। मुरारी झा कहते हैं, “शिक्षक जब तक संवैधानिक मूल्यों को बच्चों में अच्छी तरह से हस्तांतरित नहीं करेगा, तब तक चीजें नहीं बदलेंगी। इसलिए पाठ्यक्रमों को ध्यान में रखते हुए संवैधानिक मूल्यों के प्रति शिक्षकों को संवेदनशील बनाने के प्रयासों में तेजी लाने की जरूरत है।”

इन बाधाओं को तोड़ने के लिए कई स्कूलों ने बाल केंद्रित शैक्षिक अवधारणा के तहत कई गतिविधियां ईजाद की हैं। राघवेंद्र प्रपन्ना कहते हैं कि इसके लिए कक्षा, स्कूल परिसर या उसके बाहर कुछ गतिविधियां आयोजित कराई जा सकती हैं। उदाहरण के लिए, किसी खेत में जाकर यदि बच्चे किसान से कृषि-कर्म का ज्ञान ले सकें तो इससे उनके मन में श्रम के प्रति सम्मान जागेगा और दूसरी बात यह है कि इससे बच्चे बचपन से ही मेहनतकश समुदायों के प्रति समान दृष्टिकोण अपनाएंगे। इसी तरह, यदि किसी मैकेनिकल से उसके कौशल को समझने के लिए यदि स्कूल में आमंत्रित और उसके कार्य का महत्त्व स्पष्ट किया जाता है तो बच्चों को अलग से समता पर व्याख्यान देने की जरूरत नहीं रह जाएगी। बच्चे बिना बताए समानता के अध्याय सीख लेंगे।

Remembering Sahir Ludhianvi: A Lyrical Centenary

ScribeShah
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Remembering Sahir Ludhianvi: A Lyrical Centenary

Sahir Ludhianvi was having a session with S.D.Burman and Chetan Anand for Funtoosh. Chetan Anand wanted a satirical song for a party sequence to be filmed on Dev Anand. Thinking for a while the lyricist penned the lines, Dene Wala Jab Bhi Deta. Both the composer and director liked the line and Sahir Ludhianvi completed the entire lyric in one day. In no other song did Kishore Kumar display so much abundance while singing.

As a poet, lyricist Sahir Ludhianvi was an active member of the Progressive Writers Association. If Shailendra was simple in conveying romanticism, Majrooh Sultanpuri versatile, Kaifi Azmi poetic with a cause, Sahir Ludhianvi was a practical dreamer. His feelings were rooted in ground reality with socialist values. Though he had Leftist leanings, Sahir Ludhianvi was never an atheist. No wonder he could superbly create the solo Teri Duniya Mein Jeena Se for House No. 44. Even Aasma Pe Hai Khuda tuned by Khayyam and written by Sahir Ludhianvi, conveyed the same feeling.

The combination of Sahir Ludhianvi and SD Burman reached epic proportions with Pyasa. Earlier the duo created super hit numbers for Baazi, Taxi Driver and even Munimji. The pathos-filled protest in Jise Naaz Hai Hind Par and the lilt in Jane Kya Tune Kaha are still peerless. Tragically there was a strong difference of working opinions between the lyricist and the composer. They never came together after Pyasa and Guru Dutt termed this separation a permanent loss to creativity.

OP Nayyar, N Dutta and Ravi later composed umpteen memorable scores for Sahir Ludhianvi’s lyrics. So did Jaidev. The non-communal humanitarian concern in Tu Hindu Banega Na Musalmaan Banega,  and the ode of separation dedicated to Amrita Pritam (Sahir’s beloved) Chalo Ek Baar Phir Se Ajnabi Ban Jaye Hum Dono highlight Sahir Ludhianvi’s versatility. He never believed in gimmicks and his words spoke of emotional intelligence. The dance number Zindagi Ittefaq Hai is soaked in the essence of creative yet unknown facets of life.

In the 70’s except for Kis Ka Rasta Dekhe, Mere Dil Mein Aaj and Hawa Chale Waisi, Sahir Ludhianvi did not receive much scope to display his Midas touch with words.

Kabhi Kabhi Mere Dil Mein was originally penned by him for an incomplete Chetan Anand film starring Dev Anand and Geeta Bali. It deeply hurt the sensitive director when the eminent lyricist used the number for Kabhi Kabhi without even informing Chetan Anand. Along with such minor faults, Sahir Ludhianvi will be remembered in his centenary as a lyricist with a heart like a fountain. His life can be well described in his own words, Kabhi Khud Pe, Kabhi Halat Pe Rona Aaya.

My friends the Kabuliwala and the Kashmiri Shawlwallah

ScribeShah
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My friends the Kabuliwala and the Kashmiri Shawlwallah

When I was a kid, I was told to be afraid of the tall, burly, bearded, turbaned man in loose trousers, who came to our neighborhood every week to sell Hing, Surma, Kaju (Cashew), Akhrot (Walnut). I was brainwashed into believing that every bearded man was to be afraid of. For a long time I ran away seeking refuge in my mother’s aanchal each time the hefty, but smiling Kabuliwala, passed by our house.

Then one day I suffered a severe burn injury in my leg and was unable to move. My uncle (father’s brother) used to carry me in his arms to make me sit on the doorsteps. When the Kabuliwala came, I couldn’t escape. He stooped low to look me in the eye with a melancholy smile. He saw my injury and his eyes moistened as he, I guessed, asked me what had happened.

I didn’t understand his words but his eyes told me he was feeling my pain. He dug into his sling bag, drew out a handful of raisins (किशमिश), mixed it with kaaju and aakhrot, made a neat bundle and handed it over to me. Slightly embarrassed, my mother rushed out and asked him for the price. Protesting vigorously, the man left with a wave without waiting for the money. Thus began the weekly ritual of his coming to our home, giving me the bundle, and refusing any payment. By then the burly Kabuliwala had become my friend.

My parents found a way to reciprocate his kindness. They had started to offer him tea, and some light homemade snacks. His bushy beard no longer appeared scary. He took me in his lap and made me ride on his bicycle. The Kabuli in his broken Bengali told us stories about his beautiful country. In Calcutta, his makeshift abode was a house in Shyambazar, opposite the tram depot, in the northern parts of the city. He stayed with a few of his friends and family there for a part of the year before going back to Kabul.

Only much afterward, I came to know that he was also a moneylender, who charged very high-interest rates. He would get into fierce arguments with defaulters, but that didn’t leave an imprint on my friendship; the raisins were still as sweet.

A little later I found another friend. This time a young boy of my age. I must have been around eight or nine years old. He came with his father, once again a bearded man with a hooked nose. My father too had a hooked mid-eastern nose, which has been passed on to me as an inheritance.

The boy and his father carried loads of beautiful woolen shawls and were very welcome in our home. My mother, aunts, and grandmother flocked around him and excitedly went through his wares. The boy played with me, as his father patiently and always with a smile, kept on displaying an endless variety of shawls with extreme serenity. His gentle smile never left his lips even on days he couldn’t do business.

Soon the boy used to be left in our home while his father roamed the neighborhood selling shawls. A few years later, the father stopped coming, and the boy, now a young handsome man, took over the trade. He had a Rajdoot motorcycle, to carry around the shawls, sweaters, and even carpets.

He remained my friend and told me stories of his beautiful land in Kashmir. We even visited his home during a summer holiday and were showered with heartwarming hospitality by his entire family of uncles, aunts, sisters, and his mother.

They were genuinely displeased that we had chosen to stay in an inexpensive hotel. I still remember the name, New Rigadoon. This was considered an insult and very soon we found ourselves in a houseboat, in Dal Lake, owned by one of his uncles. It was an expensive arrangement much beyond our humble means. I’m quite sure my friend and his father had ensured a hefty discount for us, without making us feel slighted in any way.

I was overwhelmed by the beauty of my friend’s homeland. In the evenings he taught me to row a shikara on the lake. The paddle was heart-shaped at the end and it left pretty little eddies on the surface of the water after each stroke. Two weeks passed in undiluted bliss and happiness. I vowed to come back each year when I was grown up enough and earned enough to pay for the travel.

Kabul and Kashmir have been an integral part of my childhood, both lands devastated by war and terror. I do not know what happened to my friends and their families. I shudder to think of them ever as being part of the violence that has destroyed lives, livelihood, and their lands. I cannot fathom why it had to happen this way. Why do other countries have to fight over someone else’s land? I return to my childhood and keep asking these questions. I only wish that our politicians who decide to send armies to another person’s home had friends as I had in those beautiful countries.

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