[dropcap]I[/dropcap]PL-2023 has been one of the most closely fought seasons as it went to the last league game to decide the Final 4 for the playoffs. On Sunday, Shubhman Gill’s classy century for Gujarat Titans outgunned Virat Kohli’s terrific ton and knocked Royal Challengers Bangalore out -ensuring an entry for Mumbai Indians into the playoffs. Though it was heartbreak for last year’s Runners Up Rajasthan Royals and Kohli’s fans, ultimately the four teams to qualify – Gujarat Titans, Chennai Super Kings, Lucknow SuperGiants and Mumbai Indians – were a notch ahead of their challengers.
The first Qualifier on Tuesday will pit defending champs Gujarat with Chennai. The Mahendra Singh Dhoni-led side has not only enjoyed the maximum popularity but also a great amount of success in the 16 IPL seasons so far. The match will also be an emotional affair as ‘Thala’ Dhoni might be playing his last IPL match at the Chennai home ground. But Gujarat will have their tails up being last year’s winners and also the most consistent team of this season. They also qualified with the most wins and topped the league table with 20 points.
Gujarat Titans’ success has been a team effort led by their captain Hardik Pandya. The fact that the team’s premier bowlers, Mohammed Shami and Rashid Khan, are also the top wicket takers of this IPL demonstrates the dominance of the Gujarat side. Not just that, Shubman Gill with his fine form has reached second on the top run scorers list and with 2 definite games ahead, he may well walk away with the Orange Cap for the most number of runs this season. The Titans also have a solid middle order, which has power hitters like David Miller and Rahul Tewatia, and of course, they possess the most lethal bowling attack this season.
Subhman Gill after his century against RCB, which stopped the journey of Virat Kohli’s team at IPL 2023 | Courtesy: Twitter/IPL
Chennai Super Kings, however, are a formidable side and Dhoni’s expert handling of the side combined with solid starts by Devon Conway and Rituraj Gaikwad has put them in the final 4 yet again. With Ajinkya Rahane’s form revival along with Shivam Dube, Ravindra Jadeja and Dhoni himself, Chennai has a strong batting unit.
CSK bowling, however, leaves a lot to be desired with an inexperienced pace attack which was initially a big handicap. It was handled expertly by Dhoni who was able to mix the spin options in the middle overs with his limited pace resources. In Maheesh Theekshana, Moeen Ali and Jadeja, Chennai has a strong spin department. The Chepauk wicket could play a vital role in deciding who enters the final for if it’s a turning track, the winner may well be the team that plays the spinners better on the day.
Lucknow SuperGiants face Mumbai Indians in their Eliminator game also to be played in Chennai. Lucknow started well in the competition but KL Rahul’s injury nearly ended their chances at one stage. But 3 wins in the last 3 matches meant that they qualified as the 3rd team for the playoffs. In the absence of Rahul, Krunal Pandya marshalled his resources brilliantly. All through the season they were rescued by their middle order with Nicholas Pooran making sure even in the last league game that they managed a respectable score. While Kolkata lost to them by just 1 run in the final game, it was the spin duo of Krunal and Ravi Bishnoi who pulled things back when the match was swaying against them. Ravi especially has been in good form this season and has been the top wicket-taker for the side.
Cameron Green rejoices after scoring his hundred against SRH | Courtesy: Twitter/IPL
Lucknow will need to be at their best to win against the mighty Mumbai Indians who seem to have the momentum behind them. Their story is completely a flip of Lucknow as initially, Mumbai was struggling at the bottom half of the table. But they lifted their game and finally ended as the fourth team in the playoffs. Mumbai has a terrific batting unit which dragged them out of many tough spots this season. Suryakumar Yadav has been at his belligerent best and while he has held one end up, the likes of Tim David and Cameron Green have had the license to go full tilt at the back end of the innings.
Sadly, Mumbai’s bowling has been unimpressive in the absence of Bumrah. They gave away over 200 runs yet again in the last league game against Sunrisers Hyderabad. Piyush Chawla has been the only bright spot in their bowling unit and there is a need to sharpen their attack for them to go all the way this season.
Yashasvi Jaiswal and Rinku Singh | Courtesy: Twitter/RajasthanRoyals and KKRiders
Rinku Singh and Yashasvi Jaiswal- Two bright young stars
Beyond the top 4, IPL this year has thrown up a range of bright young stars. At a time when Team India has been lacking left handers in its batting line up, two lefties have impressed a great deal – Rinku Singh and Yashasvi Jaiswal. The 21-year-old Jaiswal from Rajasthan Royals has a dream story– from selling ‘pani-puri’ on Mumbai streets to now in reckoning for Team India selection. His century knock against Mumbai was lauded by many experts.
Another story of batting brilliance is Rinku Singh from Kolkata Knight Riders who hit 5 sixes of the final over to win against Gujarat Titans. His stupendous hitting and remarkable composure all through the season is being cheered by all cricket lovers as the birth of a new cricketing star. His amazing knocks this season will linger in people’s minds for years.
Rinku Singh’s role of finisher also becomes special as he played in different positions in the batting orders.
With the league stage ending on a thrilling note, the business end of the tournament promises to be an exciting mix of high-quality cricket and high drama. Team India’s resource-pool has been enriched by the league stage this season which has enhanced IPL’s reputation as the world’s most prestigious cricket extravaganza. While it’s unclear who will grab the coveted IPL Trophy, what’s certain is a sparkling spectacle that’s bound to regale cricket lovers all around the globe!
Bhopal: After BJP’s massive defeat in the southern Indian state of Karnataka, many believe that it would not be easy for the Hindutva-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in central India. During the winter, three major states of India—Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan will have elections. While Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan have Congress governments, Madhya Pradesh which had witnessed Operation Lotus just before the Covid lockdown in 2020 has BJP rule.
Operation Lotus: Madhya Pradesh has a similar story to Karnataka
In contrast to the decisive victory of the Indian National Congress in the May 2023 assembly elections, the 2018 elections resulted in a hung assembly with no clear majority. The BJP’s failure to prove a majority in the floor test led to the formation of a coalition (preplanned) government by Congress and JD (S). However, this coalition was short-lived and collapsed within 14 months. The BJP formed the government after the by-poll elections in 2019.
The political crisis in Madhya Pradesh occurred just a year after the fall of the Karnataka government, when 22 MLAs of the Scindia camp submitted their resignations and joined the BJP, leading to the collapse of the Congress government. The BJP allegedly used horse trading aka the Operation Lotus technique to break the MLAs and formed the government just before the Covid lockdown.
Mamata Banerjee, the chief minister of West Bengal, while congratulating the people of Karnataka also predicted that the BJP will face a similar fate in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. She added that the Karnataka verdict marks the beginning of the end for the BJP in 2024. The BJP’s loss in Karnataka has resulted in the South being BJP-free and also uniting the opposition.
Shabista Zaki, the Bhopal Municipal Corporation leader of opposition said that there is growing discontent among the public towards the BJP government because of a lack of focus on education, unemployment, and women’s safety. Price rise have made it difficult for women to manage households. “The BJP made false promises of development. Their aggressive actions, such as bulldozer politics have left hundreds of people homeless. Any opposition to the government is labelled as terrorism. Their politics resemble dictatorship. They did a criminal act by forming a government using unlawful means. The Congress party holds a strong presence on the ground. We are confident to form the government,” said Shabista.
Opposition leader express unity during Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah’s oath ceremony on Saturday | Courtesy: Twitter/Kharge
How difficult will it be for the BJP in central India?
Many considered the state of Karnataka to be a significant laboratory for the BJP in South India, even referred to as the “Uttar Pradesh of South India.” The BJP and its allies aggressively pushed anti-Muslim issues, including Love Jihad, the Hijab ban, protests against Halal food and NRC among others BJP in Madhya Pradesh is pushing somewhat similar anti-Muslim rhetoric with several communal incidents in many districts including Khandwa, Khargone, Indore and Ujjain. Congress’ Bajrang Dal ban announcement in Karnataka also created chaos in Madhya Pradesh depicting the Hindutva influence in the Hindi belt.
State BJP spokesperson Rajpal Singh Sisodia said that the political dynamics in Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka differ significantly due to factors such as livelihood, politics, education, and geography. “The resentment among the BJP workers on a local level has been successfully addressed. The BJP holds a strong ground presence. We are engaging with the public through various programs,” remarked Sisodia. He criticized Congress for using Muslims as a vote bank through fear-mongering and hindering their development, while the BJP aimed to build an inclusive and exploitation-free society. Sisodia concluded by highlighting that the BJP government is committed to implementing a Uniform Civil Code.
Will polarization politics not benefit BJP in MP?
Journalist and political analyst Deepak Tiwari told eNewsroom that the BJP relies on polarization and creates an illusion of development. However, Madhya Pradesh has a small minority population, where polarization is not effective as it is in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka. Although the BJP is strong in Madhya Pradesh, it faces anti-incumbency for eighteen years. According to Tiwari, the BJP will continue to employ communalism tactics, but there is a limit to how much they can polarize the electorate in Madhya Pradesh.
“Compared to 2018, the Congress party currently holds a stronger position in Madhya Pradesh, while the BJP is experiencing internal strife due to its inclusion of Congress MLAs and their subsequent promotion. The BJP is also losing the support of OBCs, who are unhappy with the reduction of the 27% reservation previously provided by Congress. The way BJP has opened offers for women and other sections, the Congress has very well countered them with their promises,” said Tiwari.
He added that though Bharat Jodo Yatra passed through a few districts of Madhya Pradesh it has boosted the morale of Congress workers.
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra spent 12 days in Madhya Pradesh covering a distance of 383 km whereas the Yatra covered 511 km in Karnataka in 21 days. Congress won 15 out of 20 assemblies that the Bharat Jodo Yatra covered.
State Congress spokesperson Abbas Hafeez Khan mentioned that Madhya Pradesh, being a bipolar state, benefits the Congress party more than Karnataka. A similar situation of unity exists in Madhya Pradesh under the leadership of Kamal Nath. The faction led by Scindia was causing an internal disturbance in Congress. It has already joined the BJP and created problems for them. “The Congress party has effectively addressed the damage caused by Scindia in the by-poll elections. Madhya Pradesh has been experiencing anti-incumbency for two decades. Now, the Congress party has worked to show its achievements in governance,” said Khan.
He highlighted the distinction between the religious politics of Congress and the BJP. “Congress does not promote religious hatred or polarization, as its ideology is not based on such divisive principles. We are actively working on strengthening the lower-level organizational setup,” Khan added. He mentioned that the tribal voters have traditionally supported Congress, and the party possesses influential tribal leaders, making it difficult for the BJP to sway their support.
Madhya Pradesh has 47 constituencies reserved for Schedule Tribes and 35 constituencies for Scheduled Castes. As per the 2011 census, scheduled castes constitute 15.6% and scheduled tribes 21.1 % of the state’s 7.26 crore population.
An interesting election in the heartland of India
Veteran journalist LS Herdenia told eNewsroom, “Since the Hindutva politics failed in Karnataka, it may fail in Madhya Pradesh as well. Corruption and administration failures are common in both states. The BJP’s efforts of isolating Muslims did not work in Karnataka.”
He added, “They might change their strategy by moving away from hardcore Hindutva or increasing communalism as required, as communalism may be a successful tactic for the party in the Hindi belt. Besides, the Congress party in Madhya Pradesh is not as strong as it is in Karnataka, making the election a close one for both the parties.”
Political Analyst Girija Shankar too feels so. “Each state has its unique politics, strategies, and issues, and the results of one state do not have a major impact on another. The outcome of elections primarily affects the psychological state of party workers but it does not have significant implications beyond that. “The presence of factions within major parties like Congress or BJP is not a significant issue. The competition between the two parties will be interesting, and neither party can expect an easy victory.”
वेस्ट बंगाल के बीजेपी लीडर दशरथ तिरकी हो या झारखण्ड के बाबुलाल मरांडी, सबको आदिवासी महिलाओं का अब ख्याल आया गया, के द केरल स्टोरी फ़िल्म के रिलीज होते ही इनको दिखाया जाए।
कोई पूरी हॉल आदिवासी महिलाओं के लिए राँची में बुकिंग कर रहा तो कोई अलीपुरद्वार से असम ले जाकर बस में द केरल स्टोरी फ़िल्म दिखाने को बेताब हुए बैठे हैं।
जैसे, आदिवासी महिला का सवाल केरल स्टोरी में खूब बारीकी से दिखाया गया हो।
थू है, ऐसे नेताओं पर जो अपनी आदिवासी महिलाओं को गाय-बकरी समझ कर चाय बागानों से उठा कर असम में केरल स्टोरी दिखाने ले जा रहे। तो कोई कॉलेज की आदिवासी लड़कियों को फ्री में यह दिखाने के लिए टिकट खरीदे बैठे हैं।
आदिवासी महिला के सवाल केरल स्टोरी में नहीं बल्कि निर्मला पुतुल की कविताओं में देखिए। ग्रेस कुजूर और रोज केरकेट्टा की लेखनियों में देखिए। जसिंता केरकेट्टा के लेखन में देखिए। पूनम वासम की चिंताओं में देखिए। उज्ज्वला ज्योति तिग्गा की कवितई में देखिए।
पर आप भगवाधारी पढ़ने लिखने के शौक से तो कोई वास्ता रखेंगे नहीं।
आदिवासी स्त्री के सवाल नहीं है तथाकथित ‘लव जिहाद’
आदिवासी स्त्री का सवाल नहीं है उनको इस्लामिक स्टेट में टार्चर करने की कहानी। एक काल मिथकों का था जब आप सभी तथकथित सभ्यों ने महाकाव्य (रामायण, महाभारत आदि) लिखकर आदिवासियों को नीचा दिखाया। अब नए युग के ये युगपुरुष फिल्मों के हवाले से अपना प्रोपेगंडा फैला रहे हैं। इस्लाम के प्रति जो फोबिया है, मनगढ़ंत उसको हवा देती हुई इस घटिया वाहियात फ़िल्म को बैन किया जाना चाहिए। और आदिवासी महिलाओं को इस फ़िल्म दिखाने के पीछे का सीधा अर्थ है कि आदिवासी महिलाएं जो आज तक धर्म के नाम पर कभी हिंसक नहीं रही उन्हें इस फ़िल्म के बहाने से एक खास सम्प्रदाय के प्रति घृणा से भरा जाए। उनको भी मुस्लिम हैट्रेड का एक प्याला दिया जाए।
आदिवासी महिलाएं क्यों आखिर इतनी लिबरल दिखें
कट्टर हिन्दू महिलाओं की भांति क्यों न ये सभी भी तलवार, भाला, और हथियार उठाये। दुर्गावाहिनी, काली सेना, आदि संगठनों की तरह यह भी हिन्दू राष्ट्र निर्माण में अपनी भूमिका तय करें। क्यों आखिर ये आदिवासी महिलाएं यह उच्चारण तख्तियां लेकर करें कि – “आदिवासी हिन्दू नहीं हैं।”
“आदिवासी धर्म का कॉलोम जनगणना में देना होगा.”
“आदिवासी सरना कोड लेकर रहेंगे।”
परेशानी का सबब मुख्यतः यही है।
आदिवासी महिलाओं ने इस हिन्दू राष्ट्र की परिकल्पना को नकारा है। आदिवासी महिलाओं ने प्रेम की महत्ता को हमेशा स्वीकारा है। अदिवासी महिलाओं के मन मस्तिष्क में आज तक धार्मिक उन्मादी बनने की कोई इच्छा आज तक नहीं दिखी है। आदिवासी समाज आज तक इस्लामोफोबिया के गिरफ्त में नहीं आया है। आदिवासी महिलाओं के सवाल से कोई वास्ता न रखने वाले यह नेतागण 2024 में लोकसभा इलेक्शन की तैयारी में अपने आकाओं को खुश करने के लिए इस तरह के आयोजन में लिप्त है।
आदिवासी समाज को इस तरह के लॉलीपॉप बेचने वाले नेताओं का सामाजिक राजनैतिक बहिष्कार करना चाहिए।
हम आदिवासी महिलाएं जहाँ कंही हैं अपनी आदिवासी पहचान के कारण शोषित हैं, चाहे वह जंगल हो, चाहे वह विश्वविद्यालय हो, चाहे वह सरकारी दफ्तर हो, चाहे वह डोमेस्टिक हेल्प के नाम पर महानगरों में हों। मानसिक हिंसा से वह लगातार त्रस्त है। शारीरिक हिंसा से भी वह त्रस्त है। सोनी सोरी के गुप्तांगों में पत्थर डालने वाली सत्ताएं आज आंख मूंदकर सिनेमाघरों का हवाला दे रही हैं। मणिपुर को जलता छोड़कर मल्टीप्लेक्स में अपने अय्याशी का पैसा उड़ा रही है। घिन आती है इस राजनीति पर।
आदिवासी महिलाएं इतनी नासमझ नहीं कि आपके एक फ़िल्म दिखा देने से वे आपके हत्यारी मंसूबों का औजार बन जाएंगी। फूलों-झानो, सिनगी दई-कईली दई की वंशज हैं हम। आपकी मंशाओं पर पानी फेरकर रहेंगी।
“An egotistical utterance should always be regarded as false.”– MK Gandhi, Bapu Ke Ashirvad, July 26, 1945
This is precisely how the Karnataka voter responded to the high-decibel, repulsively lavish but unashamedly false campaign mounted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the abusive one by Union Home Minister Amit Shah. They were both very transparently dishonest. The resounding defeat of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Karnataka despite such a loud and costly campaign is due to many factors but one of the main reasons is that the conduct of its star campaigners repulsed the electorate.
Rahul Gandhi’s Bharat Jodo Yatra proved to be a gamechanger, creating a groundswell for him which transferred to the Congress. His positive campaign and ethical, issue-based attacks on the BJP resonated with the electorate. It reflected in the Congress’ landslide victory and substantial vote share. The party, after a long time, connected with the poor and the marginalised – which used to be the Congress’ strength. They had lost this ability over the past couple of decades, essentially post-liberalisation. Rahul’s Bharat Jodo Yatra reestablished the connection. The nation saw how honest and filled with love and compassion Rahul’s connect with the poor and marginalised was as compared to the orchestrated, insincere photo opportunities the prime minister indulged in. Honesty won over deceit.
The contribution of Priyanka Gandhi in the campaign cannot be diminished either; her earnest speeches resonated with the voters. The siblings successfully won hearts and votes.
A return to sound logic
After a long time, the Congress rediscovered its strength with a strong state leadership given charge of the elections. Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, also from Karnataka, gave a free hand to state party president DK Shivakumar and former chief minister Siddaramaiah. While both were chief ministerial aspirants, Kharge managed to ensure a united campaign.
The Congress has weakened when strong satraps are sabotaged and the ‘Delhi Durbar’ holds sway over party affairs. People who could not ensure a win for themselves used to be given the authority to strategise and run elections, which ensured that the Congress lost even in its strongholds. Repeatedly.
After the Karnataka results, I hope that the Congress nurtures and strengthens local leadership and relies on it for electoral success in other states. It must definitely act in Maharashtra to strengthen a couple of capable, strong leaders and tell them clearly that they have to deliver results if they want to relish the fruits of success.
In its own way, in the Karnataka election, civil society initiatives working in the background also contributed to the BJP’s defeat. One such is the Bharat Jodo Abhiyan, which worked hard in many of the marginal seats over the past two months to convince the electorate to vote against the BJP. For the first time, these groups stood without reservations with the Congress. Such an initiative by civil society was last seen after the Emergency when it took to the streets to ensure the Congress’ defeat. And what a thrashing the party received!
This time, civil society, whom Modi derisively calls “andolanjeevi”, contributed appreciably to the Congresses victory – as was the need of the hour.
PM’s ego did the BJP in
There will be detailed analyses of voting trends to establish what contributed to the Congresses massive victory in the face of the BJP’s muscle and money power and the fact that two of its most ‘powerful’ leaders campaigned so intensively. It can now be said that the campaign by the prime minister and home minister was directly responsible for the BJP’s rout.
Modi, from his days as chief minister of Gujarat, has displayed a very prominent ego. After he became prime minister, his ego became even more overbearing. Now, in his second term, it has turned into megalomania. He does not bother to hide it. His second term can be described as a “ME AND ONLY I” era.
Look at his hurried inaugurations of half-complete projects, flagging off even local trains and turning them into “I! I! Only I!” events. The only thing he hasn’t inaugurated so far is a public latrine and that may happen soon.
His choreographed roadshows feature only him. His photo ops, where he brusquely shoos off anyone having the audacity to enter the frames, are expertly set up. The shower of flower petals, the obscene amount of exchequer money wasted on building up the ‘leader’ image of a megalomaniac… If we are to believe that the flowers showered on him were spontaneous, the Special Protection Group should face parliamentary censure because it is a clear security breach. How did they ensure that the people spontaneously showered petals of one variety of flower only? How did they ensure that someone would not throw a stone or something more lethal, taking advantage of such a ‘spontaneous’ opportunity? Isn’t it the SPG’s duty to protect the prime minister from harm? This leads me to believe that these events were orchestrated and choreographed, vetted by the SPG.
While Modi banged on about “I work!”, “They abuse me!”, “I am like Shiva”, “I! I! I!”, Rahul and Priyanka talked about issues relevant to the people, never complaining about the constant slander and abuse they and their family face.
Modi, from his CM days, has played the victim card and it has paid him handsome dividends. When Sonia Gandhi called him a “maut ka saudagar” after the 2002 riots in Gujarat, he played the victim card and won the next election there. When Mani Shankar Aiyar called him a “chaiwala”, he played the victim card again. When Aiyar called him “neech”, Modi again played the card. But he has played it once too often. The electorate in Karnataka saw through this charade.
***
The persecution of Rahul after the Bharat Jodo Yatra, his disqualification from the Lok Sabha and being thrown out of his house in such a hasty manner showed to the people who the real victim was. Rahul’s dignified silence won him the people’s sympathy.
Meanwhile, Modi’s uncaring silence on vital issues also showed the people what a self-obsessed, uncaring person he is. Women wrestlers, who have won international laurels for India, have been protesting for justice for so long but the ‘Beti Bachao’ PM remains unmoved. Meanwhile, he makes a nationwide tamasha, wasting exchequer wealth on 100 episodes of his ‘Mann Ki Baat’ radio address.
Manipur burns but the modern-day Nero has said not a word against the carnage there or to sympathise with the victims. He is too busy having flower petals showered on him in Bengaluru.
Serious charges have been made by a senior leader, one his own government appointed as Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, about the handling of the tragedy at Pulwama where so many of our brave soldiers were killed.
The PM’s silence has begun to bother the nation. The nation wants to know the ‘Sachchi Baat’.
Lastly, the Karnataka verdict has proved that hate campaigns will not always work. The BJP for too long has depended on its divisiveness; Karnataka has shown that hate has a limited shelf life. Since his days in Gujarat, the PM has used hate as a weapon and it has won him handsome victories. It did not work this time. Shah tried to be even more venomous, but it backfired. Rahul administered an effective antidote, love, and the people lapped it up. In Karnataka, Rahul succeeded in opening a “mohabbat ki dukaan” in a “nafrat ka bazaar”.
I began this column with a quote by Bapu about the falseness of an egoist. The voters of Karnataka understood this.
Delhi: Has Imran Khan won round one in his struggle against the Pakistan Army as it got the preventive bail order from the Supreme Court? Will he be able to rein in the Army and slash its political clout in the long run? Will it help Pakistan get its roots of democracy further deeper? Or is it a part of the bigger game plan of the ubiquitous institution that has ruled the Islamic Republic for a bigger part of its history since its inception?
The Islamabad High Court gave a major relief to the Ex-Pakistan Prime Minister by giving him preventive bail in the Al Qadir Trust case and prohibiting the authorities from arresting him till May. It also ruled that Khan cannot be arrested in any case filed till May 9 and until May 17.
Many analysts believe that the cricketer-turned-politician has proved that he is ready to take on the Army and he has challenged this institution.
It appeared to be evident when a day earlier supporters of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Pakistan barged into the General Headquarters and ransacked the residence of the Corp Commander.
It was perhaps for the first time in decades that the public, maybe a handful of them, expressed their anger against the Army. It was historic that the people were seen damaging the Army properties and looting whatever they could lay their hands on.
Media reports also suggest that some family members of army men joined the crowd in protesting against the Army.
The people came out on the streets after the Pakistan Army forcibly picked Imran Khan from the Islamabad High Court when he was completing the biometrics procedure in a separate case. Pakistan’s paramilitary force Rangers lifted Khan from his wheelchair, dragged him holding him by his collar and pushed the former Prime Minister inside a waiting vehicle.
Khan told the media persons a day later on the court premises that he was beaten by the police.
When the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party won the National Assembly Election in 2018, many attributed it to the Army’s support. Some of the opposition politicians went to the extent of accusing the forces of rigging the polls.
Khan, too, said on many occasions that he and the Army were on the same page. The cricketer turned politician mentioned several times that Pakistan needs a stronger army.
The Army drafted many of PTI’s policies, including increased terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir.
But PTI chief lost the favour of the army after he interfered in the affairs of the armed forces and tried to install the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) chief of his choice.
They also quarrelled on the issue of foreign policy as Khan wanted to break away from the United States.
The Army supported the policy of throwing its hat on the side of China but wanted to go slow in the process.
The Imran Khan government failed miserably in controlling the economy which brought the country to the brink of collapse and bankruptcy.
He bungled the IMF negotiations and received no relief from the world body.
The worst came when he visited Moscow on the day Russia invaded Ukraine last year. He kept silent on the attack and defended his decision to visit Russia.
It is not that the Pakistan army was aghast with Imran Khan’s decision on all fronts. It did not go down well with the establishment that the man they installed became rogue and took independent decisions.
The Army that has ruled the country for most of the years after independence can not be kept aside and it hit back with a vengeance.
Imran Khan was replaced after a no-confidence motion. He came down heavily upon the army and the US and blamed them for his ouster. The former PM declared war against the US and the Army.
It is naive to suggest that the Pakistan army can be pushed aside so easily.
The Al Qadir Trust case may be just the beginning and many more cases dug up to put the yesteryear’s cricketing hero behind bars.
The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) is expected to take up these cases. It has always been controlled by a retired army officer so far. Considering how the Army operates it can be easily imagined how fair the NAB would be.
It is also interesting to note that no important leader of the PTI has joined the supporters and members creating mayhem on the roads. There is no one to lead them and the entire leadership is completely silent.
Are the important leaders of the party waiting for an indictment of the ex-Prime Minister?
If found guilty, the founder of PTI is most likely to be banned from contesting elections for life.
Khan is systematically being hauled out of political and electoral life.
The irony is that Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif is silently enjoying the moment forgetting that his brother Nawaz Sharif too was thrown out of politics in a way not much different.
The ruling party may be happy at the plight of its political opponent and exploit the situation for its benefit in the national assembly polls, expected next year.
If such a situation arises, keep aside the ruling party, many PTI leaders may come forward and replace Imran Khan as the next stooge of the Army.
It will further erode the position and prestige of the state and the democratic institutions that have never been exceptionally robust.
So, Pakistan has come to a bizarre crossroad. And the Army enjoys the position of ‘tail you lose, head I win,’ situation.
Bhopal: The Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Shivraj Singh Chouhan, recently tweeted that his government will be conducting a review of all illegal Madrasas and institutions that are suspected of teaching fundamentalism in the state. Given that Madhya Pradesh is only a few months away from Assembly polls, many see this move as an attempt to polarize voters and appease the majority.
Following it, the Deputy General of Police in Madhya Pradesh, Sudhir Saxena, on Thursday (April 27) held a video conference to review the state’s law and order situation. The meeting was attended by all the ADGIs/IGIs from various zones, as well as police commissioners from Bhopal and Indore and the SP/DCPs from all districts. They were instructed to keep a close eye on banned organizations like the PFI (Popular Front of India) and Madrasas.
In September 2022, Cabinet Minister Usha Thakur called for a survey of Madrasas in Madhya Pradesh to close unregistered Madrasas. This is not the first instance of any government targeting religious institutions of Muslims such as Madrasas. The governments of Uttar Pradesh and Assam are doing a continuous crackdown upon Madrasas. Himant Biswa Sharma, the Chief Minister of Assam informed in March that they have shut down 600 Madrasas and plan to close all as they don’t need them and require schools, colleges, and universities which produce doctors and engineers. A statewide survey to identify unrecognized Madrasas was also conducted in Uttar Pradesh.
The sudden controversy over the Madrasa in the state of Madhya Pradesh has filled the Muslim community with disappointment. Masood Ahmed Khan, Secretary of the Coordination Committee for Indian Muslims told eNewsroom, “I believe that when they label Madrasas as illegal institutions, they are not targeting those that come under the Madrasa Board, but rather Maktabs in Masajid. Their aim is to compel Muslim children to study in government-sponsored Madrasas, effectively denying them mainstream education and limiting their social equality. The same pattern was followed in Uttar Pradesh and Assam, where independently regulated Madrasas are under attack. This attack on Madrasas is clearly a targeted attack on Muslims. Any investigation into their regulation should also include Pathshalas. It is unfair for only Muslims to suffer in this way.”
According to the Madhya Pradesh Madrasa Board, there are 2689 madrasas operating in the state, out of which only 1755 have a DISC code and recognition. According to the District Project Coordinator’s office, there are 479 such madrasas in Bhopal. However, there are a large number of madrasas in the state that are not affiliated with any authority. Previously, madrasas used to receive grants from the government, but since 2014, the grants have been discontinued due to various complaints against them.
There is a distinction between a madrasa and a maktab. The former is a formal religious school that may offer residential facilities, whereas the latter is a supplementary school usually attached to a mosque. The maktab provides religious education to children who attend regular schools.
The Madrasa Board is essentially a government school that operates in Urdu medium. In contrast, independent Madrasas that follow the Dars-e-Nizami concept adhere to the university/college pattern. These Madrasas are autonomous bodies and are often affiliated with higher Islamic Seminaries, including Darul Uloom Deoband and Nadwat Ul Ulema. They follow the syllabus of these institutions, which is already known to the government.
According to the Times of India, the School education department deputy secretary PK Singh said that registration of madrasas is not mandatory in Madhya Pradesh. If anyone wants, they can get it registered. Thus, the government has no data on the number of madrasas, how many students they have, or what syllabus is taught, say officials. The registration of a madrasa is entirely voluntary by the person or organization that runs it. Since 2019, registration of new madrasas is closed in the state. If one wants to get a madrasa registered, there is no way. Registration of madrasa is renewed every three years and officials say it’s being done for the already recognized ones.
Flag hoisting ceremony in an MP Madarsa during Independent Day celebration (File Picture)
A Brief Of History Of Madrasas and Madrasa System In India
The term ‘madrasa‘ originates from the Arabic word ‘darasa,’ meaning ‘a place of study.’ Initially, Madrasas did not have any religious implications. Over time, in 1701, with the establishment of Firangi Mahal Madrasa in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, the concept of ‘Dars e Nizami‘ emerged. The syllabus included medieval sciences and aimed to train students for civil services and government jobs, with limited religious content such as Tafseer and Nadira Qur’an. The purpose was to bring out bureaucrats from there.
However, with the advent of colonial modernization, the meaning of Madrasa education underwent a transformation. Madrasas reinvented themselves, and the establishment of Darul Uloom Deoband in 1867 marked a significant change which introduced a new model of public funding to Madrasas. It gave independence to Madrasas and attracted uneducated Muslim individuals towards learning. However, with the aim of protecting Islam this model limited the Madrasas to religious education only. Prior to this, Madrasas were dependent on donations from rich Muslims.
Madrasas registered under the Madrasa board fall into two categories. The first is fully regulated by the government, similar to schools. The second is private Madrasas that receive support from the central government through the Scheme for Providing Quality Education in Madrasas (SPQEM) scheme. This scheme supports the Madrasas for modern education. However, there is also a third category of unregistered and independent Madrasas. These Madrasas are deemed illegal by the system and are accused of teaching fundamentalism.
Senior researcher of SPECT foundation Dr Sajid Ali told eNewsroom, “As of now the government has only accused Madrasas of promoting fundamentalism without providing any data to support their claims. For the Muslim community, Madrasas are essential to safeguard their religion and identity. These institutions offer free or low-cost education, making them accessible to children who cannot afford school fees. As per the Sachar Committee report, only 4% of Muslim children attend Madrasas. As the vast majority of Muslim children lacking access to education, instead of addressing this issue and providing education to all, the government is targeting Madrasas for political reasons. This move, as seen in Uttar Pradesh, Assam, and now Madhya Pradesh, is a part of competitive Hindutva aimed at securing votes. Unfortunately, it appears that this is the only means through which they believe they can win.”
The Sachar Committee Report (2006) mentioned in detail the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. The Report found that Muslim parents are not averse to modern or mainstream education and in sending their children to the affordable regular schools. They do not want to send their children only to Madrasas if other schools are accessible and affordable.
Importance Of Madrasas For Muslim Men And Women
Ayman Khan, a 21-year-old resident of Bhopal, recognizes the immense value of her Madrasa education. Growing up in a poor Muslim family, she initially attended a nearby school, but her father’s income as a laborer made it impossible to afford tuition for all three of his children. Fortunately, Ayman’s father enrolled them in a Madrasa where she learned Arabic, Urdu, and Persian. Ayman now gives Arabic and Urdu lessons to neighborhood children and has achieved mastery in these languages.
Ayman believes that Madrasas provide an essential education for girls like her, and rather than being threatened by political moves, the government should focus on providing education to Muslims. “Without Madrasas,” she mentions, “I would not have been able to achieve anything. Girls like me have a significant importance of Madrasas in our lives. Would they deprive us of education? Instead of comparing us to others, the government should recognize the value of our education and invest in it.”
Ayesha, 24, a practicing Muslim girl never saw school. Her parents, both of whom were illiterate, instilled in her a love for the Quran and the teachings of Islam from a young age. She was enrolled in local Madrasa at the age of five, where she learned to read and recite the Quran. Further, she studied Islamic jurisprudence, theology, and Arabic. Madrasa became the most significant part of her life, as she spent most of her time there, learning about the religion and building strong bonds with teachers and peers. “I love the sense of community and the discipline that the Madrasa education instilled in me. The lessons I learnt at the institution have given me a strong foundation in faith and a sense of purpose in life. Now, I am a teacher at the same Madrasa where I studied. I will dedicate my life to passing on the knowledge and values I learned here to the next generation of Muslim children,” pointed out Ayesha.
Mufti Faizan, an Arabic teacher at a prominent school, completed his education from a Madrasa. Despite attending primary classes at a school, he enrolled in a Madrasa for Hifz Qur’an. Faizan is a strong advocate for the value of Madrasa education and the professional opportunities it can provide. He argues that it is a myth that Madrasas do not produce professionals, as many of his peers from the Madrasa have gone on to work in respected fields such as teaching, medicine, and engineering. Faizan believes that society needs to stop viewing Madrasas with suspicion and instead recognize the valuable education they offer to the underprivileged.
Senior Journalist Shams Ur Rehman Alavi said that the government’s recent statements about Madrasas being illegal are aimed at appeasing their electorate with anti-Muslim rhetoric and have little to do with education. Muslims are not provided with cultural and religious education in regular schools, which makes it necessary for them to seek such education through Madrasas. Madrasas have always been independent institutions, and even the formation of the Madrasa Board in the 1990s was met with opposition from Muslim intellectuals who feared future government regulation. Despite this, Madrasas have played a major role in teaching languages like Urdu, Arabic, and Persian to many Muslims.
“Attacking Madrasas is a move to undermine the system and erase Muslim identity. Instead of focusing on this negative rhetoric, the government should recognize the important role that Madrasas play in providing education to underprivileged communities and work to support their infrastructure and network. There is no need to debate the legality or illegality of Madrasas when their contribution to society is so significant. It is evident that the government wants to erase the visible Muslim identity, which includes discouraging practices such as Namaz, Hijab, and Madrasas. The state should not interfere in Muslim’s choice to provide religious education to their children, and Muslims should not be required to register their Madrasas,” said the senior journalist.
“In addition, it is important to recognize that millions of Indians speak Urdu, yet there are few Urdu teachers in regular schools, mostly Sanskrit teachers. It is the responsibility of the government to provide equal opportunities for education and cultural preservation, rather than appearing as opposed to educational institutions of minority communities,” added Alavi.
Kolkata: May Day was not born in the Soviet Union — but in Capitalist America, to become a universal symbol of the rights and might of the working class. On the 1st of May 1886, the American Federations of Labour organised large assemblies of workers in Chicago and other parts of the USA.
The industrial revolution was at its peak and while capitalists made millions of dollars, workers were fed up of being exploited to work for 10 hours, 12 hours and even more. They had congregated to demand an eight-hour working day.
Their workplaces were hellish, with neither heat nor breeze, no air or sunlight and their second demand were for more humane working conditions.
Workers in Europe and the United States were mercilessly exploited and accommodated in ghettos, with terribly poor living conditions, that caused death and devastation all around.
The massive rallies and protests in Chicago were organised at Hay-market Square. Factory owners sent ‘agent provocateurs’ who threw bombs that killed policemen, and then all hell broke loose. The Chicago Police pounced on the peaceful sit-in demonstrations of men, women and children and attacked them, with ferocity.
On the 3rd of May at the McCormick Reaper Works, police opened fire, killing and wounding many workers. American state power had been unleashed by the capitalists who financed the politicians, and wave after wave of repression followed.
Over the next few years Chicago’s Hay-market Riot and the complexly biased judicial trials of workers that followed shocked the world. Several workers were hanged but the movement could not be stopped.
A newly formed coalition of socialist and labour parties in Europe called for a demonstration to honour the “Hay-market Martyrs”
Finally, in 1890, over 300,000 people gathered in London to protest on this symbolic May Day. The Day had become a universal rallying point of the exploited and the nascent Communist movement was quick to pick it up.
On this occasion, Friedrich Engles wrote the preface of the 4th edition of Communist Manifesto “As I write these lines, the European and American proletariat is reviewing its fighting forces, mobilized for the first time, mobilized as one army, under one flag, for one immediate aim: the standard eight-hour working day to be established by legal enactment, . . and today the proletarians of all countries are united indeed. . . . If only Marx were still by my side to see this with his own eyes!”
Though the first of May was occasionally celebrated as workers’ rights day, it was only in 1904 that May Day was adopted by the workers’ movement across the world. In India, the very first May Day celebration was held in 1923 in Chennai led by the Communist Party leader Singaravelu.
At present, May Day is an official holiday in 66 countries and unofficially celebrated in many more. It is ironic, however, that it is hardly recognised as a national historic occasion in the country where it began, the United States of America.
The write-up is part of the series of Facebook Posts Jawhar Sircar pens down on important religious and social occasions.
Kolkata: Eid-ul-Fitr, also called Mithi (sweet) Eid by many in India was celebrated with the sweetness of sewai at a small yet thought-provoking Eid Milan event in the heart of Kolkata on Saturday evening.
Organized by the Bengal chapter of the Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat, the event saw participation from all major religious communities including Sikh, Hindu, Christian, Bodh, Jain and Muslim.
The event began with a speech by Dr. Namrata Jain Kothari, who has researched on ‘fasting and its effect’, spoke on its importance, “Fasting helps resist anger and many wrong activities as well as ill thoughts. We should practice it.”
The second speaker, Jagmohan Singh Gill, stressed on the importance of communities staying together for a better society. “Like Muslims, Sikhs have also faced many riots. There are people who want us to be divided but we should stay together.”
Father Sunil Rojerio, who traveled all the way from Barasat to attend the Eid Milan, also spoke about fasting in Christianity. “But fasting by our Muslim brothers is difficult,” said the father.
The religious leader also talked about the importance of the Indian Constitution, which provides equality to all religions. “Our freedom fighters have given us a great Constitution so that people of different religious beliefs can live together peacefully. Now some people want to change the Constitution. There is a proverb in Chinese that says water takes the shape of the utensil it is put in. So we should live in this manner and adjust accordingly. During an Iftar party, I also offered namaz and felt that it was like meditation.”
Dr. Bekhu Ratnasri, a Buddhist monk, spoke in Bangla. “Buddhism also believes in a peaceful society and co-existence. But, people want to ruin the peace in the country, we should not let it happen.”
Imtiaz Ali Shah, the President of Majlis, West Bengal, and a retired judge, talked about India’s diversity and that around 400 languages are being spoken in the country. He added that India’s diversity should be preserved.
OP Shah, who has been hosting iftars to help eradicate misconceptions about Islam for three decades now, argued that celebrating Eid Milan, Holi Milan, and Diwali Milan is a way to maintain secularism. “Our country is too big. There are so many languages and religions. And to maintain peace, we should follow secularism in letter and spirit. We should introspect and understand each other’s limitations.”
Dr. Shamsul Islam and Irfan Sher were among the other speakers.
When a journalist asked the Convener of Majlis, Abdul Aziz, who is also a senior journalist, what is the use of conducting such a gathering behind closed doors, he answered, “It is like a light from the fireflies showing the way on a dark road.”
Kolkata: The Prabha Khaitan Foundation has announced a collaboration with Ricky Kej, a three-time Grammy Award-winning musician, who has created 12 pieces of music for the Foundation to use as its “Music of the Month.”
The association between the Foundation and Kej began with the creation of a signature caller tune, which was followed by their joint initiative for the ReWearEarth campaign. With this latest collaboration, the association has reached a new level as Kej’s magical compositions, based on nature, the environment, the world, its people, and spiritual consciousness, will be incorporated across all the Foundation’s events, social media platforms, and communications both in India and overseas.
The Prabha Khaitan Foundation has been using classical music pieces, such as Indian ragas like Bagheshri and Brindabani Sarang, as background music for its video invites. The incorporation of Kej’s brilliant musical pieces will bring a welcome change and add an edge to the Foundation’s social media activities and video invites created for literary and cultural events in India and abroad. Kej’s music celebrates nature and environmental consciousness and raises awareness about climate change and the urgent need for sustainability measures in every aspect of our lives.
The 12 pieces of music curated by Kej are a kaleidoscope of musical genres. They include compositions inspired by the River Ganga, River Cauvery, the mighty Himalayas, Mother Earth, Mahatma Gandhi, the official Land Anthem of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, spirituality, and the golden philosophy of co-existence- ‘VasudhaivaKutumbakam’ which means ‘The World is One Family’. All of Kej’s compositions are a celebration of nature, our planet, pure unadulterated love in a land that is untouched by time, and our uniqueness, diversity, and differences.
Kej said he is “very proud of this latest collaboration with Prabha Khaitan Foundation. It is always an honor to associate with such a great organization which has culture, art, artists and India at its core. All communications and video invites of the Prabha Khaitan Foundation are innovative, and I love receiving them. So it is great to have my music associated with it for the next year.”
Manisha Jain, Branding & Communication Chief of Prabha Khaitan Foundation, said, “Ricky Kej’s music is like a breath of fresh air, which is sure to add an edge to our social media activities and video invites created for literary and cultural events in India and abroad. It will help us weave the spirit of universal environmental consciousness in all our endeavors.” The collaboration between the Prabha Khaitan Foundation and Ricky Kej promises to be a musical journey that will inspire and delight audiences across the globe.
इस साल (2023) बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर की 132वीं जयंती पिछले वर्षों की तुलना में बहुत जोर-शोर से मनाई गई. बड़ी संख्या में विभिन्न संगठनों ने इसमें भागीदारी की. अनुसूचित जातियों, जनजातियों और अन्य पिछड़ा वर्गों, जिनके वे मसीहा हैं, के लिए यह एक बहुत बड़ा उत्सव था. आंबेडकर के योगदान को न केवल राष्ट्रीय बल्कि अंतर्राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर भी स्वीकारा गया और 150 से अधिक देशों में कार्यक्रम आयोजित हुए.
जो व्यक्ति और समूह सामाजिक न्याय और समानता के प्रति प्रतिबद्ध हैं और जन्म-आधारित ऊंच-नीच और अन्याय के खिलाफ हैं उन्होंने अत्यंत श्रद्धा से आंबेडकर को याद किया और आशा व्यक्त की कि आने वाले समय में देश और दुनिया आंबेडकर के बताए रास्ते पर चलेगी. इस सन्दर्भ में यह भी ध्यान देने की बात है कि आंबेडकर जयंती मनाने के तरीके में धार्मिकता का रंग घुलता जा रहा है और उनके मूल्यों को याद करने की बजाय जोर औपचारिक समारोहों पर है. निश्चित रूप से बाबासाहेब के सपनों को पूरा करने के लिए अनवरत संघर्ष की ज़रुरत है.
दूसरी ओर अनेक ऐसे समूह व संगठन हैं जो उन सिद्धांतों व मूल्यों के एकदम खिलाफ हैं जिनके लिए आंबेडकर ने जीवन भर संघर्ष किया. जैसे ‘हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी’ आरएसएस और उससे प्रेरित अन्य संगठन बाबासाहेब के एक मुख्य लक्ष्य ‘जाति के उन्मूलन’ के पूर्णतः विरूद्ध हैं. वे ‘जातियों के समन्वय’ की बात करते हैं. आंबेडकर समाज के वंचित वर्गों के हित में सकारात्मक कदम उठाए जाने के पक्ष में थे. शुरू में केवल 10 वर्षों के लिए आरक्षण का प्रावधान किया गया था. संभवतः आंबेडकर को उम्मीद थी कि हिन्दू समाज में फैली द्वेष भावना को जड़ से समाप्त करने के लिए 10 वर्ष पर्याप्त होंगे. उन्होंने शायद इस तथ्य की ओर ध्यान नहीं दिया कि नीतियों पर अमल उच्च जातियों के अभिजात वर्ग के माध्यम से होगा. उच्च जातियों के अभिजात वर्ग ने एससी/एसटी वर्ग के लिए आरक्षण की नीति के अमल में बाधाएं खड़ी कर दीं जिसके चलते आरक्षण आज भी जारी रखना पड़ रहा है. और सामाजिक न्याय की मंजिल की ओर आगे बढ़ने के लिए यह आवश्यक भी है.
संविधान, जिसका मसविदा उनकी अध्यक्षता में तैयार किया गया, में एससी व एसटी वर्ग के लिए आरक्षण का प्रावधान किया गया था किंतु अन्य पिछड़े वर्गों (ओबीसी) को छोड़ दिया गया. ओबीसी समाज का एक बड़ा हिस्सा हैं, जिसकी ओर लंबे समय तक समुचित ध्यान नहीं दिया गया. सन 1931 के बाद से किसी जनगणना में उनकी गिनती नहीं की गई. सन 1931 की जनगणना के अनुसार उस समय आबादी में ओबीसी का प्रतिशत 52 था. इसी आधार पर 1990 में इनके लिए 27 प्रतिशत आरक्षण का प्रावधान किया गया. सकारात्मक कदमों के कुछ प्रावधान किए गए थे लेकिन उन पर ठीक से अमल मंडल आयोग की रिपोर्ट लागू होने के बाद ही हो पाया.
आरक्षण समाज के कुछ वर्गों की आंख की किरकिरी है और उन्होंने ‘यूथ फॉर इक्वालिटी’ जैसे समूहों का गठन किया है जो आरक्षण के प्रावधान को समाप्त करने के पक्ष में हैं. यह कहा जाता रहा है कि आरक्षण का लाभ उठाकर ‘अयोग्य लोग’ नौकरी एवं शिक्षा के अवसर हासिल कर लेते हैं और जिनका इन पर हक होना चाहिए वे वंचित रह जाते हैं. इस सोच से दलितों और ओबीसी के बारे में पूर्वाग्रह जन्म लेते हैं और इन्हीं के चलते रोहित वेम्युला और दर्शन सोलंकी जैसे छात्रों को आत्महत्या करने पर विवश होना पड़ता है. यही पूर्वाग्रह 1980 के दशक में अहमदाबाद में भड़की दलित-विरोधी हिंसा और 1985 में गुजरात में ओबीसी-विरोधी हिंसक प्रदर्शनों की जड़ में थे.
भाजपा के हिन्दुत्ववादी नेतृत्व ने इन वर्गों में अपनी पैठ बनाने के लिए सोशल इंजीनियरिंग शुरू की और सामाजिक समरसता मंच जैसे संगठन स्थापित किए. इनसे भाजपा को चुनावों में भारी लाभ हुआ. यह इससे जाहिर है कि इन वर्गों के लिए आरक्षित चुनाव क्षेत्रों से बड़ी संख्या में भाजपा सांसद व विधायक निर्वाचित हुए हैं. आरएसएस के प्रचारकों और स्वयंसेवकों की एक बड़ी फौज लंबे समय से दलित और आदिवासी इलाकों में काम कर रही हैं. वे परोपकार के कामों के साथ-साथ, सोशल इंजीनियरिंग भी करते हैं और आदिवासियों का हिन्दुकरण भी.
हिन्दू दक्षिणपंथी, जाति प्रथा की बुराईयों के लिए आक्रान्ता मुस्लिम शासकों को दोषी बताते हैं. वे कहते हैं कि मुस्लिम शासन के पहले सभी जातियां बराबर थीं. भाजपा और उसके संगी-साथी आंबेडकर जयंती तो बहुत जोर-शोर से मनाते हैं परन्तु जाति जनगणना का विरोध करते हैं जबकि जाति जनगणना ही नीतियों में इस प्रकार के सुधारों की राह प्रशस्त कर सकती है जिनसे हाशियाकृत समुदायों को सच्चे अर्थों में लाभ हो.
इस पृष्ठभूमि में राहुल गाँधी का कर्नाटक के कोलार में दिया गया भाषण महत्वपूर्ण है. राहुल गाँधी ने जाति जनगणना की मांग का समर्थन किया और कहा कि हाशियाकृत समुदायों के हितार्थ उठाए गए सकारात्मक क़दमों का प्रभाव सरकार के उच्च स्तर पर दिखलाई नहीं पड़ रहा है. उदाहरण के लिए, भारत सरकार के सचिवों में से केवल सात प्रतिशत इन वर्गों से हैं. राहुल गाँधी ने यह मांग भी की कि यूपीए सरकार द्वारा 2011 में करवाई गई जाति गणना की रपट सार्वजनिक की जाये. “आंकड़ों से ही हमें पता चलेगा कि ओबीसी, दलितों और आदिवासियों को आबादी में उनके हिस्से के अनुपात में प्रतिनिधित्व मिल सका है या नहीं.”
भाजपा इस मुद्दे से बचने का प्रयास कर रही है. जिस पार्टी की सरकार ने असम में एनआरसी (राष्ट्रीय नागरिकता पंजी) के निर्माण के लिए कठिन, जटिल और जनता के लिए त्रासद कवायद की, उसी पार्टी की सरकार ने 2021 में सुप्रीम कोर्ट को बताया कि जाति-वार जनगणना करवाना “प्रशासनिक दृष्टि से कठिन और जटिल” होगा और इसलिए यह ‘सोचा-समझा नीतिगत निर्णय’ लिया गया है कि इस तरह की जानकारी को जनगणना में शामिल न किया जाए.
जब महत्वपूर्ण और दूरगामी प्रभाव वाले निर्णय लेने का समय आता है तब सामाजिक न्याय के प्रति भाजपा के असली रुख का पर्दाफाश हो जाता है. आर्थिक दृष्टि से कमज़ोर वर्गों (ईडब्लूएस) को आरक्षण देकर सरकार ने पहले ही आरक्षण के असली उद्देश्यों को पलीता लगा दिया है. अब आठ लाख रुपये प्रति वर्ष से कम आमदनी वाले परिवारों के सदस्य आरक्षण के लिए पात्र हो गए हैं. यह तब जबकि आर्थिक पिछड़ापन कभी भी आरक्षण की पात्रता का आधार नहीं रहा है. आरक्षण की संकल्पना ही जातिगत पिछड़ेपन से जुड़ी हुई है क्योंकि उनकी जाति के कारण कई वर्गों को सामान अवसर प्राप्त नहीं हो पाते.
अब आंबेडकर की जयंती पर लौटते हैं. यह साफ़ है कि भाजपा जैसे पार्टियों के लिए आंबेडकर के सिद्धांतों का कोई महत्व नहीं है. बल्कि हिन्दू राष्ट्रवादी राजनीति का उदय ही इसलिए हुआ था ताकि दलितों, आदिवासियों और पिछड़ों की बढ़ती महत्वाकांक्षाओं को लगाम लगाई जा सके. इस राजनैतिक विचारधारा की नींव में ही प्राचीन परम्पराओं एवं मूल्यों का महिमामंडन है – उन परम्पराओं और मूल्यों का जो जातिगत और लैंगिक पदक्रम को औचित्यपूर्ण और दैवीय ठहरातीं हैं.
आज ज़रुरत इस बात की है कि विभिन्न हाशियाकृत समुदायों की आबादी का ठीक-ठीक अंदाज़ा लगाया जाए और सरकार की नीतियों में इस तरह के परिवर्तन किये जाएँ जिससे अवसरों की असमानता समाप्त हो और समाज में बराबरी आ सके. रोहित वेम्युला और दर्शन सोलंकी जैसे युवा विद्यार्थियों की आत्महत्या यह रेखांकित करती है कि हमें एससी,एसटी व् ओबीसी के बारे में व्याप्त पूर्वाग्रहों को समाप्त करना है और एक ऐसे समाज का निर्माण करना है जिसका अंतिम लक्ष्य जाति का उन्मूलन हो.
