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Giridih: Got a railway station in 1871, but no superfast train even after 152 years

Giridih: Rich in minerals like coal, mica and quartz stones and producer of iron and steel, Giridih, once, used to be known as the health resort of eastern India. The city has been visited by almost all Bengali legends. It also gave Jharkhand, its first chief minister, but despite all, this city which has one of the oldest railway station in India is yet to get a prominent position on the railway map of India. The Giridih Station, set up in 1871, has never been considered a stoppage for a single superfast train.

This is the story of Giridih City.

Three years back, it got another station – New Giridih but the same old story continued. Indian Railways, considered the lifeline of the country, has left Giridih untouched from its connectivity. And this has not only affected the city’s development but has also made life difficult for its residents.

However, the challenges faced by the residents on a daily basis don’t make much impact on the lawmakers of the city. Read on to know how:

The oldest station, a major revenue contributor but no train

Giridih Railway Station, established in 1871, is one of the oldest railway stations in India only after CST (Mumbai), Howrah and Chennai stations. But even after a century-and-a-half, only a passenger train plies on its tracks. Now, the city has another station– New Giridih, but it is also not getting any major train movement. However, because of a large number of commuters, the city, contributes a significant revenue for the Eastern Railway from the tickets (reservations) travellers make for their journeys to different cities across the country.

Paying extra buck and time to travel from train

To board a train to the state capital Ranchi, National capital Delhi or the nearest metro Kolkata, people from Giridih town have to travel to Parasnath, Madhupur and Dhanbad.

This means that the traveller has to bear extra expense and spend extra time to travel to the nearest Parasnath, Madhupur and Dhanbad stations, which are situated 43, 55 and 60 kilometres away from Giridih. https://osvita.khm.gov.ua/

So how do people travel?

Rich and business-class people, who are frequent travellers to Kolkata, Ranchi and Patna, have to travel by private vehicles. Some even have vehicles with Bengal numbers and drivers who have experience of travelling on the roads of Kolkata.

The upper middle class has to bear immense pain to reach Madhupur, Parasnath or Dhanbad and catch different superfast trains from these stations. While the lower economic group travellers not just use the trains but also buses for their travel. More than two dozen buses ply every day between Kolkata, Patna and Ranchi to cater for the needs of the passengers.

Every class needs train service

“There are people, who can afford extra money and try to save their time, but every such person I know wants to travel by train especially to go to Kolkata and Patna,” Pradip Kumar Agrawal, the member of Zonal Railway Users’ Consultative Committee (Easter Railway) told eNewsroom. Agarwal is also the regional vice president of Koylanchal, Federation of Jharkhand Chamber of Commerce & Industries.

Agrawal recently became a member and tried his part, but, did the representatives of Giridih sent to Parliament did enough? The answer, is a big No.

From 2014 to 2019, Jharkhand had a ‘Double Engine’ government. Moreover, it even has a Member of Parliament either from Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or alliance partners since 1996 to till now, except in 2004, when Jharkhand Mukhti Morcha (JMM)’s Teklal Mahto had won.

Ravindra Pandey was five times MP from Giridih, which at present is being represented by AJSU’s CP Choudhary. But the Double Engine government and consecutive MPs, who earlier used to have ‘bringing railways in their respective constituencies’ in their agenda, could not bring a single train for the residents, who suffer every day because of the lack of railway connectivity.

Amid Vande Bharat’s fanfare launching, the worst time for Giridih people

The only silver lining, for the residents, were the three coaches, which used to be attached with Kolkata and Patna bound trains from Madhupur station. Two coaches- a sleeper and air-conditioned each for the Kolkata route and one sleeper for Patna used to be full when it used to ply to the capitals of Bihar and Bengal.

But during the first lockdown in 2020, the service was stopped and later discontinued forever.

“We have written to the railway ministry and requested Koderma MP Annapurna Devi to line up a meeting with the railway minister Ashwini Vaishnav in July. We have demanded a train between Kolkata and Patna via Giridih and will discuss the issue with the minister when we meet,” informed Agarwal.

The new member seems serious about the issue but what about our representatives?

The present MP Choudhary has only this much to say, “I am aware of the problem and we are working on it, soon something constructive happen,” he told eNewsroom.

“When I was the MP between 1984-1989, the coaches to Patna and Kolkata were attached to Danapur Express in Madhupur. This was done after considering the needs of the residents of this city. But now, when the BJP government came without providing any alternative, the coach system has been discontinued with. Giridih has sent BJP and NDA leaders six times to the parliament in the last thirty years, but people now feel cheated. In the last nine years, BJP has the government at the centre but no steps have been taken to provide railway facility,” rued Dr Sarfaraz Ahmed, presently serving as an MLA from Gandey constituency.

वंदे भारत ट्रेनों के विस्तार के बीच, एक जोड़ी ट्रेन के लिए तरसती गिरिडीह की आवाम

गिरिडीह: प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी के नौ वर्षों के कार्यकाल में विकास के बहुत दावे किए गए और अब वंदे भारत ट्रेन को लेकर भी रेलवे के विकास की गाथा गाई जा रही है।

लेकिन इन सब के बीच झारखंड का ऐतिहासिक शहर गिरिडीह, देश के उन शहरों में शुमार है जहाँ के लोगों को देश की राजधानी दिल्ली, अपने राज्य की राजधानी रांची सहित महानगरों जैसे कोलकाता का सफर करने के पहले 43 से 60 किलोमीटर सङ्क मार्ग का सफर तय करना पड़ता है। जिसमें लोगो का अतिरिक्त समय और पैसा खर्च होता है तब जाकर उन्हें भारतीय रेल की सुविधा प्राप्त होती है।

ऐतिहासिक शहर पर देश के रेल मानचित्र में स्थान नहीं

उल्लेखनीय है कि गिरिडीह के लोगों की दशको से गिरिडीह-कोलकाता, गिरिडीह-पटना ट्रेन परिचालन की मांग है। दोनों शहरों से गिरिडीह का आर्थिक, सामाजिक और सांस्कृतिक जुड़ाव सदियों पुराना है। इसके अलावा व्यवसायिक दृष्टिकोण से भी गिरिडीह-कोलकाता का अतंयंत मजबूत गठजोड़ है। गिरिडीह के माईका निर्यातकों, स्टील कंपनियों, जड़ीबूटी के कारोबारियों के कमर्शियल कार्यालय कोलकाता में स्थित है। बात कोलकाता की, की जाय जहाँ अस्सी के दशक तक गुरुदेव ऱविन्द्रनाथ टैगोर, महान वैज्ञानिक सर जेसी बोस, डा० पीसी महलनविस, क्रांतिकारी अरूणा आसफ अली सहित कई अन्य महान हस्तियों का गिरिडीह आना-जाना लगा रहा और इन लोगों ने हेल्थ रिज़ॉर्ट माने जाने वाले शहर को अपना कर्मस्थली भी बनाया पर बाद के दिनों में देश के रेलवे मानचित्र पे गिरिडीह का नहीं होने से आवागमन में दुश्वारी के वजह कर आम आदमी और अधिकारी भी गिरिडीह आना या पोस्टेड होना पसंद नहीं करते। इसी प्रकार से पटना-बिहार की एक बड़ी आवादी एकीकृत बिहार के समय से गिरिडीह काम के अलग-अलग विभागों में पदस्थापित रही है। बड़ी संख्या में बिहार के लोग स्थानीय कोयला, अभ्रख उद्योग एंव स्टील फैक्ट्रियों में नियोजित हैा जिनका पर्व, त्योहारों के अलावा शादी-विवाह जैसे कार्यक्रमों में पटना और बिहार के दूसरे शहर आना जाना लगा रहता है।

इन सब के वावजूद गिरिडीह से कोलकाता, पटना के लिए आजादी क़े 75 सालों बाद भी एक जोड़ी ट्रेन का परिचालन नहीं होना क्षेत्र के जन प्रतिनिधियो का जनता की ज़रूरतों के प्रति अविश्वास का भाव दर्शाता है। हालांकि सन अस्सी के दशक में काँग्रेस के शासन में गिरिडीह-पटना, गिरिडीह-कोलकाता के लिए रात्री में दो अतिरिक्त बोगियों का परिचालन शुरू हुआ जिससे लोगों को काफी राहत मिली थी। लेकिन कोविड काल में दोनों बोगियों का परिचालन बंद हुआ। कहा जा रहा है कि रेल मंत्रालय ने अतिरिक्त कोचों का परिचालन व्यवस्था को बंद कर दिया हैा बोगियो के परिचालन बंद होने से गिरिडीह के यात्रियों को कोलकाता, पटना ट्रेन पकड़ने के लिए मधुपुर 55 किलोमीटर, पारसनाथ 43 किलो मीटर और धनबाद रेल स्टेशन तक जाने के लिए 60 किलो मीटर सड़क मार्ग का सफर तय करना पड़ता हैा जिसमें समय और पैसो का अतिरिक्त खर्च होता हैा उक्त परेशानी से बचने के लिए आमयात्री बसों से सफर करते हैं। कोलकाता के लिए गिरिडीह से रोजाना 5-6 बसें अलग-अलग स्थानों से खुलती हैं।

रेल (अ)सुविधा वाला शहर

हालांकि गिरिडीह सदर क्षेत्र में दो रेलवे स्टेशन है। अंग्रेजों के जमाने में 1871 में बना गिरिडीह का पहला रेलवे स्टेशन शहर के बीच स्थित है। कोविड काल में करोड़ों खर्च कर इस रेलवे स्टेशन का आधुनिकीकरण किया गया। उम्मीद की गई थी कि अब कुछ जोड़ी ट्रेनों का परिचालन शुरू होगा लेकिन इसके विपरित गिरिडीह-कोलकाता, गिरिडीह-पटना चलने वाली रात्री कोचों का परिचालन जो पहले लॉकडाउन में बंद किया गया, दुबारा चालू ही नहीं किया गया, हमेशा के लिए बंद हो गया।

वर्तमान में इस स्टेशन से मात्र गिरिडीह-मधुपुर सवारी ट्रेन रोजाना चार फेरा करती है।

दूसरा न्यु गिरिडीह रेल स्टेशन तीन वर्षों पूर्व चालू हुआ। इस स्टेशन की त्रासदी यह है कि मात्र एक जोड़ी पैसेंजर ट्रेन (कोडरमा-गिरिडीह) का रोजाना आवागमन होता हैा

लंबे समय से हो रही अनदेखी

इस संबंध में गिरिडीह के सांसद चंद्रप्रकाश चौधरी ने सिर्फ इतना कहा कि इस समस्या से वे अवगत हैं और प्रयासरत है। भरोसा जताते हुए कहा कि जल्दी ही कुछ न कुछ अच्छा होगा। लेकिन सांसद श्री चौधरी ने इस दिशा में उनके द्वारा क्या प्रयास किये गये इस बाबत कुछ नहीं बताया।

इस बीच गिरिडीह के आवाम से जुड़ी इस समस्या को लेकर, फेडरेशन ऑफ झारखंड चैंबर ऑफ कॉमर्स के आंचलिक उपाध्यक्ष एवं जेडआरयूसीसी (Eastern Railway) कोलकाता रेलवे के जोनल सदस्य प्रदीप अग्रवाल ने कहा कि झारखंड फेडरेशन एंव चेम्बर ऑफ कॉमर्स लगातार इस दिशा में प्रयासरत है। इसी वर्ष केंद्रीय मंत्री अन्नपूर्णा देवी के माध्यम से रेल मंत्री अश्विनी वैष्णव से मुलाकात करने की कोशिश हो रही है। कोलकाता से पटना वाया गिरिडीह के लिए नई रेल सेवा शुरू करने का अनुरोध प्रस्ताव दिया गया है। उन्होने कहा कि इसी सिलसिले में जुलाई माह में एक मीटिंग की मांग रेलवे मंत्रालय से की गई है।

गौरतलब है कि विश्व के मानचित्र में उम्दा क़िस्म के कोयला और अभ्रक की खदानों केलिए विख्यात एवं वर्तमान में देश के पूर्वी क्षेत्र में सबसे बड़ी स्टील मंडी के रूप में शुमार गिरिडीह में रेल सेवा को लेकर क्षेत्र के जनप्रतिनिधियों ने कभी संजीदा प्रयास नहीं किया। गिरिडीह से पाँच दफे रविन्द्र पाण्डेय सांसद निर्वाचित हुए और उस वक़्त ‘डबल इंजिन’ की सरकार थी और अब भी एनडीए के ही संसद चार साल का कार्यकाल पूरा कर चुके हैं।

जनप्रतिनिधियों ने थोडी भी इच्छा शक्ति दिखायी होती तो गिरिडीह के लोगों की दशकों से चली आरही उक्त समस्या का समाधान अब तक हो गया होता। इस बाबत जिला कांग्रेस के कार्यकारी प्रमुख सतीश केडिया ने कहा कि काँग्रेस शासन में गिरिडीह के पूर्व सांसद डा० सरफराज अहमद के प्रयास से सन अस्सी के दशक में गिरिडीह से कोलकाता, पटना के लिए दो अतिरिक्त कोच की व्यवस्था हुई थी। लेकिन भाजपा शासन में कोच व्यवस्था बंद कर दिये जाने से रोजाना कोलकाता-पटना जाने वाले सैकड़ों लोगों को कई प्रकार की परेशानी का सामना करना पड़ रहा है। लेकिन मौका परस्त नेताओं को जनता की इस अति गंभीर समस्या से कोई मतलब नहीं है।

Bhopal Gas Disaster: Treading in Uncharted Waters

Bhopal: As dawn breaks, Aqeela Bi slowly finishes her household work below an azure sky everyday. After having meal, Aqeela, a gas victim takes a walk from Kamla Park locality to Central Library to reach Swabhiman Kendra (self-respect centre). It was founded by Padma Shri awardee, late Abdul Jabbar, convenor of Bhopal Gas Peedit Mahila Udyog Sangathan in Bhopal.

Here, Aqeela, a resident of Domni Gali, near Sulemania Kanya Shala- Ibrahimpura and others, mostly women activists, would work to support the struggle of the Bhopal Gas Tragedy victims.

“This is our place. When we and other gas victims fall sick or are unable to get treatment in special hospitals for gas victims or are unable to get medicines from these hospitals, Jabbar Bhai would make every effort to ensure that we should be provided best medical care,” says Aqeela Bi, who was diagnosed with cancer in the year 2017.

However, Aqeela decided to treat her cancer in a private hospital because of the consistent unprofessional performance of the government health institutions for the gas victims. It is worth mentioning that for treating gas victims, 24 Health Institutions were set up, according to Madhya Pradesh Government’s Relief & Rehabilitation Department’s Annual Report (December 2021) facts and figures. There are: one Super-Specialty hospital; two Specialty hospitals; three General hospitals; nine Day care units-dispensaries; three Ayurvedic dispensaries; three Homeopathic dispensaries; and three Unani dispensaries. A total of 664-bed facilities are available in the hospitals. The average daily attendance at OPD in various units is 1973 and the annual indoor attendance is 10495. The government also provides doorstep treatment to chronically ill gas victim patients.

Additionally, Right to Health is a part and parcel of the Right to Life and therefore Right to Health is a fundamental right guaranteed to every citizen of India under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. We all owe the recognition of this right to the fact that the Supreme Court of India, through a series of judicial precedents, logically extended its interpretation of the right to life to include the right to health.

However, the case considered here offers a heady combination of technical reports and significant thoughts by the Court.

The Quarterly Report that was submitted to the Hon’ble High Court on 30.06.2014 (Doc. No.6178/2014) by the ICMR or NIREH (Indian Council of Medical Research/National Institute for Research in Environmental Health) had noted as follows:

“The National Institute for Research in Environmental Health (NIREH), Bhopal, under the Indian Council of Medical Research came into existence on 11th October 2010 to focus on research on MIC affected population in the areas of (a) Respiratory Diseases; (b) Eye related Diseases; (c) Cancers; (d) Renal failure; (e) Genetic Disorders; (f) Congenital Disorders; (g) Women related medical issues; (h) Second generation children; and (i) Mental health and other relevant aspects.”

NIREH’s 2013 report [“Technical Report on Population Based Long Term Epidemiological Studies Part-II” revealed that: “During the acute stage [soon after the Bhopal disaster] 97 to 99 percent affected people suffered with respiratory and ophthalmic morbidities (98.2), with high abortion rate 523/1000 and general morbidities 98.99 percent. Since 1999 general morbidities are fluctuating below 23 percent. However, these symptomatic morbidities are higher than those seen in the control area [which was 8.6 percent].”

The NIREH report provoked two voluntary organisations Bhopal Gas Peedith Mahila Udyog Sanghathan (BGPMUS) & Bhopal Gas Peedith Sangharsh Sahayog Samiti (BGPSSS), which are working among the gas victims, to write a letter to the Monitoring Committee, Bhopal Gas Tragedy Relief & Rehabilitation.

In its letter dated April 17, 2023, the organisations cited the reasons that led to the filing of the contempt petition before the Hon’ble High Court. The document reads as follows: “We were compelled to file before the Hon’ble High Court the above-said Contempt Petition on 15.05.2015 due to willful and deliberate disobedience by the concerned officials of the Government of India and the Government of Madhya Pradesh of the directions of the Hon’ble Supreme Court to provide requisite medical care to the gas victims, including monitoring their health status, without further delay.”

In the 41-page letter, the organisations highlighted the failures of the Government in treating the gas victims on several counts.

It may be recalled that the Hon’ble Supreme Court in para 35(17) of the Judgment & Order dated 09.08.2012 in W.P.(C) No.50 of 1998 had directed as follows:

“We also direct the State Government and the Monitoring Committee to evolve a methodology of common referral system amongst the various medical units under the erstwhile BMHRC and BGTRRD to ensure that the gas victims are referred to appropriate centres for proper diagnosis and treatment in terms of the nature and degree of injury suffered by each one of them.”

Similarly, in para 35(18) of the same order, the Hon’ble Supreme Court had directed as follows:

“We also direct that the Monitoring Committee, with the aid of the Advisory Committee, NIREH and the specialized doctors of BMHRC, issues a standardised protocol for treating each category of ailment that the gas victims may be suffering from. This shall be done expeditiously.”

However, when the government and ministries failed to comply with the Court’s direction to prepare “A standardised protocol for treating each category of ailment that the gas victims may be suffering from” in over a decade, the two organisations pleaded before the Court to hold the government and the concerned ministries accountable for the negligence.

The story about the gas victims’ tedious journey for medical care seems to move from dispensaries to hospitals to governments and the courtroom and from the courtroom to governments to dispensaries and hospitals. There seem to be nothing wrong if Aqeela and several others like her doubt the quality of medical care rendered by the 24 established government health institutions. In the unrelenting struggle of gas tragedy victims for justice, the activism that Aqeela draws is complex in every sense. As you start unravelling her story of a slow, patient journey, one is struck by the paradoxical reality where the gas victims feel let down but are ready to carry on the fight themselves. They are unstoppable. Their pursuit of the right to health and medical care, with unlimited patience comes with the belief that whatever works is the best.

 

Anup Dutta is a fellow of Vikas Samvad Constitution Fellowship 2022.

Indian Politics: Maharashtra versus Bihar

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[dropcap]A[/dropcap] day after the senior Nationalist Congress Party leader Ajit Pawar took oath as a deputy chief minister of Maharashtra, Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) named the Bihar deputy chief minister Tejashwi Yadav in a supplementary chargesheet for the ‘land for jobs’ scam in the Railways.

It was not a mere coincidence. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had said at Bhopal earlier (on June 27) that NCP leaders were involved in scams worth Rs 70,000 crore and he would “not spare them”. Central investigation agencies were hot on the heels of Ajit Pawar and others in his party in connection with ‘scams’ in irrigation, cooperatives and other sectors in Maharashtra.

But Ajit Pawar “shocked” his uncle, mentor and NCP president Sharad Pawar as he and his eight party colleagues joined the Bharatiya Janata Party-supported Eknath Shinde government. Several leaders who took oath last Sunday were on the scanner of central investigating agencies. “They (Ajit and his colleagues) have gone into the BJP’s washing machine; they will now come out laundered off their taints,” the Rashtriya Janata Dal spokesman and MP Manoj Jha said.

Ajit Pawar and his colleagues now have joined a club of Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Union minister Narayan Rane and numerous others who faced charges of corruption but are free from the same after joining the BJP.

With central investigation agencies and huge financial resources at their command, the BJP, under the stewardship of Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, engineered defections usurping the electoral mandates in Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka and Goa in the last five years. It has done the same in Maharashtra now.

The BJP has made at least two attempts to play the same game in Bihar in the last one year but has failed.

Tejashwi-Ajit Pawar

The BJP tried its tricks on Lalu Prasad Yadav, particularly after Nitish joined Lalu for the first time and the RJD-Janata Dal (United)-Congress alliance that inflicted a crushing defeat on it in the 2015 assembly polls. The CBI got hyperactive against Lalu, ensuring his conviction in as many as four fodder scam cases. It also filed two fresh cases related to his times as a Railway minister, from 2004 to 2009. With the CBI vociferously opposing his bail, Lalu stayed in jail for over four years.

The CBI and Enforcement Directorate then embroiled Tejashwi in the cases of allotment of two IRCTC hotels to private operators and in the ‘land for job scam’, both allegedly occurring during Lalu’s tenure as railways minister. The CBI chargesheeted Tejashwi along with his father and mother Rabri Devi in the IRCTC case but the court granted them bail in 2018.

On Monday, July 3, the CBI filed a supplementary chargesheet in the ‘land for job scam’ case, naming Tejashwi too.

His parents, elder sister and Rajya Sabha MP Misa Bharti already stand chargesheeted in this case. Tejashwi has repeatedly said that the investigating agencies had been working as the BJP’s “extension office”. He has invited them to open their office at his residence so that they do not have trouble travelling to him.

Soon after the CBI named Tejashwi in its chargesheet, Lalu attacked Modi, describing the latter as the “most corrupt”.

Nitish Kumar-Sharad Pawar

Simultaneous with the Eknath Shinde rebellion within the Shiv Sena ranks in June-July 2022 also tried to split the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] through Ram Chandra Prasad Singh or ‘RCP’, the party’s lone minister in the Modi cabinet then and one of Nitish’s confidantes.

But Nitish dumped the BJP and joined the RJD-Congress-Left grand alliance. He also refused a third term to RCP as Rajya Sabha MP and sacked him from the party. Thus, the BJP’s efforts to engineer a split in the JDU failed.

Recently, fresh attempts were made to split the 45 MLA-strong JD(U) in Bihar. Many TV channels began running a story about rumblings in the JD(U) and a likely split in it around the time of Ajit Pawar’s rebellion. In the meantime, Harivansh Narayan Singh – deputy chairman of the Rajya Sabha and a JD(U) MP who is believed to have shifted his loyalty to the BJP – met Nitish at Patna on July 3, fuelling speculations of a split in the party.

While TV channels spoke of an hour-and-half-long meeting between Harivansh and Nitish, the meeting between the two lasted only for 15 minutes. The JD(U) has virtually disowned him after he attended the inauguration of the new parliament last month and praised the prime minister. But he is the deputy chairman in the Rajya Sabha with the BJP’s support. The JDU can’t initiate anti-party activities against a person holding the constitutional position. 

Nitish, on his part, has begun meeting all his MLAs, MLCs and MPs of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. The meeting with Harivansh was part of this series of meetings, which started on June 30, party insiders maintain.

Most JD(U) leaders who met Nitish individually and who this writer spoke to, said that the CM was keen on getting news from the ground level from them. This, they said, would help the party fight the BJP in the 2024 general elections. Nitish has also been advising his party’s lawmakers on how to explain to the people why the JD(U) had parted ways with the BJP and “how the Hindutva party was dangerous for the democracy and constitution.”

In a way, Nitish has succeeded where Sharad Pawar failed. The BJP requires over 30 MLAs to split the JD(U). Such a thing looks impossible, given Nitish’s control over his party.

Ten years imprisonment for 10 killers of Tabrez Ansari

Ranchi: After four years of waiting, Shaista Perween, the wife of Tabrez Ansari, whose WhatsApp DP still has the marriage picture with her husband, is disappointed and sad. Today, a session court in Jharkhand has sentenced ten years imprisonment to 10 murderers of her husband. Unlike two other previous judgments in the mob lynching cases, in the lynching of Tabrez Ansari, the court only awarded ten years imprisonment.

On June 17, 2019, 25-year-old Ansari, a resident of Saraikela-Kharsawan district was lynched by a mob. He was not only mercilessly beaten for allegedly stealing a bike but forced to chant Jai Shree Ram. The mob lynching was widely protested across India and the issue was raised in the United Nations too.

There were 13 accused in the lynching. One accused died during trial and except Prakash Mandal alias Pappu Mandal, all were on bail.

On June 27, this year, the court of first additional session judge Saraikela Amit Shekhar acquitted two accused and ten were held guilty under sections 304, 295, 147, 148, 149 and 34 of Indian Penal Code (IPC).

Not a single killer of Ansari, whose marriage was solemnised only 57 days back, was given life imprisonment.

“It is not justice for me. I had always wanted my husband’s killer to be hanged. When the conviction order came, I had thought at least life imprisonment will be given to the convicts but the court did not award it to a single killer. Not even to the one who was in the jail for the last four years,” Shaista told eNewsroom over phone.

23-year-old Shaista, was pregnant and after the death of Tabrez, in miscarriage she lost her child.

Even after losing everything, she did not lose hope for justice. The widow met chief minister of Jharkhand Hemant Soren four times in the last four years to request speedy trial of the case. She wanted her husband’s case to be tried in fast track court. But it did not happen. She also attended many court hearings just to know the progress of her husband’s case.

Altaf Hussain, advocate of Tabrez told eNewsroom after the sentence, “We are not satisfied with the judgment and we will go to high court after going through court order.”

The killers who got ten years imprisonment are- Pappu Mandal, Bhimsen Mandal, Kamal Mandal, Sumanto Pradhan, Premchand Mahli, Mahesh Mahli, Khusal Mahli and two others while Sumanto Mahto and Satnaryan Nayak have acquitted.

Earlier, in two mob lynching related cases— Ramgarh’s Alimuddin Ansari and Latehar’s Imtiaz Khan and Mazloom Ansari, life imprisonment were awarded to the killers.

However, all killers got bail from Ranchi High Court. The killers of Alimuddin Ansari were even garlanded by Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Hazaribagh MP Jayant Sinha after getting out of the prison. 

There were thirty mob lynching incidents took place between 2016 to 2020 and it is still continued in the state. Seeing the large number of cases, Jharkhand assembly had passed an anti-mob lynching bill but it could not see light of the day as the bill was returned by the former Governor Ramesh Bais.

স্ট্যান স্বামী: ঝাড়খণ্ডের আদিবাসীদের জন্য একজন পথপ্রদর্শক ব্যক্তিত্ব

পিতা স্ট্যান স্বামীকে তাঁর দ্বিতীয় মৃত্যুবার্ষিকীতে স্মরণ করছি। এই কথোপকথনটি প্রায় তিন বছর আগে ফাদার স্ট্যান স্বামীর রাঁচি অফিসে রেকর্ড করা হয়েছিল যখন আমি ঝাড়খণ্ডে গিয়েছিলাম। তামিলনাড়ুর ত্রিচি জেলার বাসিন্দা, বাবা দেশের বিভিন্ন প্রান্তে আদিবাসীদের জন্য অক্লান্ত পরিশ্রম করেছিলেন। তিনি ইন্ডিয়ান সোশ্যাল ইনস্টিটিউট, ব্যাঙ্গালোরের সাথেও যুক্ত ছিলেন কিন্তু তার প্রেম ছিল ঝাড়খন্ড যেখানে তিনি 1990 এর দশক থেকে তার পুরো জীবন কাটিয়েছেন।

একজন মৃদুভাষী, ভদ্র এবং সম্পূর্ণরূপে নিবেদিতপ্রাণ ব্যক্তি, ফাদার স্ট্যান স্বামী ছিলেন ঝাড়খণ্ডের আদিবাসীদের জন্য একজন পথপ্রদর্শক ব্যক্তিত্ব। কথোপকথনটি বিগত সরকারের সময়ে হয়েছিল এবং তার বিরুদ্ধে কোনও মামলা ছিল না যদিও তিনি বলেছিলেন যে তিনি এর মুখোমুখি হবেন। দেশের গণতান্ত্রিক চেতনার একজন নিবেদিতপ্রাণ সৈনিক। সাক্ষাত্কারটি এমন এক সময়ে পরিচালিত হয়েছিল যখন আদিবাসীরা ঝাড়খণ্ডের দুটি গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমি আইনের পরিবর্তন সম্পর্কে বিরক্ত হয়েছিল এবং অবশেষে রাজ্যপাল তার সম্মতি দিতে অস্বীকার করেছিলেন।

ফাদার স্ট্যান স্বামীর মতো মানুষ যারা দলিত ও আদিবাসীদের উন্নতির জন্য নিঃস্বার্থভাবে তাদের জীবন উৎসর্গ করেছেন তারা রাষ্ট্রের কাছ থেকে উন্নত চিকিৎসার দাবিদার।

এই কথোপকথনটি আগস্ট 2017 সালে রাঁচির বাগাইচায় তাঁর অফিসে রেকর্ড করা হয়েছিল।

রিমেম্বারিং ফাদার স্ট্যান স্বামী ভিডিও দেখুন।

সৌজন্যে: লোকায়ত

Stan Swamy: A guiding figure for the Adivasis of Jharkhand

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Remembering Father Stan Swamy on his second death anniversary. This conversation was recorded about three years back at the Ranchi office of Father Stan Swamy when I visited Jharkhand. Hailing from Trichy district in Tamilnadu, Father worked tirelessly for the Adivasis in different parts of the country. He was also associated with Indian Social Institute, Banglore but his love was Jharkhand where he spent his entire life since the 1990s.

A soft spoken, gentle and completely dedicated man, Father Stan Swamy was a guiding figure for the Adivasis of Jharkhand. The conversation happened at the time of the previous government and he had no cases against him though he said that he would face it. A dedicated soldier to democratic spirit of the country. The interview was conducted at a time when Adivasis were disturbed about the changes in two important land laws of Jharkhand and finally the governor refused to give it her consent.

People like Father Stan Swamy who have dedicated their lives for the uplift of the Dalits and Adivasis selflessly deserve better treatment from the state.

This conversation was recorded at his office in Bagaicha, Ranchi in August 2017.

Watch Remembering Father Stan Swamy video.

Courtesy: Lokayat

Is Government cheating poor villagers through Central Sector Scheme for promotion of 10000 new FPOs?

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সাভারকর-নেতাজি-সুভাষ-চন্দ্র-বোস-ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতা

কলকাতা: নেতাজি সুভাষ চন্দ্র বসু, ভারতের অন্যতম লম্বা স্বাধীনতা সংগ্রামী, ভারতীয় মুসলমানদের সাথে একটি বিশেষ সম্পর্ক এবং ধর্মনিরপেক্ষতায় কট্টর বিশ্বাসী ছিলেন। ভারতের জন্য তার দৃষ্টি ছিল, যা ছিল ধর্মনিরপেক্ষ ও গণতান্ত্রিক। ভারত সম্পর্কে তাঁর দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি ছিল সাভারকারের থেকে সম্পূর্ণ ভিন্ন, যিনি এমন একটি ভারত চেয়েছিলেন যেখানে একটি নির্দিষ্ট জাতির আধিপত্য ছিল।

গবেষক বিদ্যা ভূষণ রাওয়াত, নেতাজি সুভাষ চন্দ্র বসুর উপর একটি বই লিখছেন। ভারতীয় মুসলমানদের সঙ্গে তার সম্পর্ক। এটি পন্ডিত জওহর লাল নেহেরু, আজাদ হিন্দ ফৌজ, আজাদ হিন্দ পত্রিকার সাথে তার সম্পর্ক এবং নেহেরু কীভাবে নেতাজির মৃত্যুর পর তার পরিবারের দেখাশোনা করতেন তার উপরও আলোকপাত করবে।

পডকাস্ট রণদীপ হুদ্দার দাবিকেও অস্বীকার করে, যিনি আসন্ন মুভিতে সাভারকরের চরিত্রে অভিনয় করছেন যে ডানপন্থী নেতা নেতাজির অনুপ্রেরণা।

ভারতীয় জাতীয় কংগ্রেস নেতাদের সাথে বোসের মতপার্থক্য ছিল এমন বেশ কিছু কাহিনি শোনা যায়, কিন্তু রাওয়াত দাবি করেন, তিনি কখনই কোনো নেতা সম্পর্কে খারাপ কথা বলেননি এবং সবাই বুঝতে পারেন যে– গান্ধীজি, নেহরি, আজাদ, সর্দার প্যাটেলের স্বাধীনতা আন্দোলনে ভূমিকা। তার পত্রিকা আজাদ হিন্দ এই নেতাদের বিরুদ্ধে একটি নিবন্ধও ছিল না।

আজাদ হিন্দ পত্রিকা পসমন্দা মুসলমানদের নিয়ে রিপোর্ট করত, যাদের নামে আজ রাজনীতি চলছে।

এই পডকাস্টে, বিদ্যা ভূষণ নেতাজি সম্পর্কে দীর্ঘ কথা বলেছেন। পর্বটি শুনুন– সুভাষ চন্দ্র বসু সম্পর্কে সমস্ত কিছু।

Savarkar could not be inspiration for Subhash Chandra Bose, his vision about India was a secular nation

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Kolkata: Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose, one of the tallest freedom fighters of India, had a special relation with Indian Muslims and a staunch believer in secularism. He had a vision for India, which was secular and democratic. His vision of India was completely different from Savarkar’s who wanted an India which had a supremacy of a particular race.

Researcher Vidya Bhushan Rawat, is writing a book on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. His relation with Indian Muslims. It will also shed light on his relationship with Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, Azad Hind Fauz, the Azad Hind newspaper and how Nehru looked after Netaji’s family after his death.

The Podcast also debunks the claim of Randeep Hudda, who is also acting as Savarkar in the forthcoming movie that the right wing leader was inspiration for Netaji.

There are several hearsay stories that Bose had differences with Indian National Congress leaders, but Rawat claims, he never talked ill about any leader and understood that everyone– Gandhi ji, Nehri, Azad, Sardar Patel’s role in the freedom movement. His newspaper Azad Hind had not a single article against those leaders.

Azad Hind paper used to report about Pasmanda Muslims, on whose name politics are being played today.

In this Podcast, Vidya Bhushan talked at length about Netaji. Listen to the episode– All About Subhash Chandra Bose.