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Challenging the Myth: Debunking Herzl’s ‘Land without People’ Narrative

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Glimpses of the history of Zionism

Unfortunately, very few Zionist leaders paid heed to anti-colonial and universalist-humanist voices like Tagore and chose to follow the footsteps of their European anti-semitic tormentors. Theodore Herzl an Austro-Hungarian intellectual and journalist of the late 19th Century was the father of Zionism or in today’s parlance, political Judaism, like political Islam. Officially known as the father of modern Israel, his fellow Zionists wanted Jews all over the world, particularly the European Jewish diaspora, to be not only a religious community but also a political nation with a long history of self-rule and independent states. He took the initiative to form the World Zionist Congress, in Vienna in 1887 to promote the idea of a political homeland for Jewish people as a sovereign nation, preferably in Palestine. But they were looking for a political homeland for European Jews primarily as their quest for a territorial Jewish nation-state had begun in the context of anti-semitism in Europe itself. Christianity, which was born from the womb of Judaism, treated Jews with hostility and distrust based on socio-religious as well as economic factors for two millennia.

Herzl noted in his pamphlet [originally in German, ‘The Judenstaat’], titled, the Jewish State, that despite the Renaissance and enlightenment that had heralded the modern industrial society in Europe, anti-semitism or anti-Jewish prejudices were rampant in one form or the other in Christian dominated countries even by the end of the 19th century.. Jews could not be assimilated into their respective nation-states of Germany, France, Italy, England, Russia et al. Herzl argued that all kinds of religious, political and social persecutions of Jews would end with the establishment of their political homeland out of Europe. Even if the early seekers of the homeland were considering the idea of establishing it in spacious and less populated Argentina or British-controlled East Africa, Zionists considered Palestine as the historic land of biblical Israel which the God of Abraham, the God of Moses– Yahweh or Jehovah– had promised to them from where they were forced to move out by the various ancient foreign powers, lastly by the Romans 2000 years back. Thus they legitimized their claim to the promised land of their forefathers, primarily based on religious scriptures which were touted as ‘written on stone’ historical accounts of antiquity, Herzl and his comrades thought that European anti-Semitic people and their leaders would facilitate the migration of European Jews to Palestine to get rid of Europe’s problem.

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Theodore Herzl

Herzl’s ‘Jewish state,’ soon became the manifesto for generations of Zionists even though he died in 1904. Historically or biblically, Zion is referred to as Mount Zion of Jerusalem in the days of the Biblical King, David. Later, the word Zion was extended to the entire city of Jerusalem, which is considered the Holy Land for all three Abrahamic religions— Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Later, the Zionist movement in the 19th century extended the nomenclature further to the entire land of Palestine.

Christian Zionists

In the late 19th century and early 20th century Western colonial powers, particularly the Protestant-dominated European countries like Britain and their settler colonial cousins in America, Canada and Australia were promoting Jewish migration to Palestine. They believed that the return of European Jews to Palestine would help them to hit two birds with one stone. First, they will get rid of the perennial ‘Jewish question’ which has haunted Europe for two millennia. Secondly Christian Zionists, particularly the Protestants, felt that the Jewish return to Palestine would facilitate the second coming of Christ to fulfil the New Testament prophecy– that Christ will come back and establish his rule of justice and love. Before that, there will be the apocalyptical fight between Antichrist and Christ. The Antichrist represents everything evil, wrong, animalistic and satanic and Christ represents justice and all other good humane virtues. So this final battle is revealed in the Bible; both in Old Testament/Hebrew Bible prophecies as well as in the New Testament.

Like the other two Abrahamic religions, Islam and its codified scripture Quran to some extent more or less believe in the biblical prophecies. Unlike orthodox Judaism (and many Jews) which considers Jesus Christ a false prophet, Islam (and most Muslims) honours Jesus as part of their traditions of prophets before Muhammad, the creator of the last Abrahamic faith. It too believes in the second coming of Christ in the Holy Land where Al-Mehdi or the guided one – the Islamic redeemer will join Christ and both will fight the Al Dajjal or the Quranic version of Antichrist. So these beliefs provoked European Christian Zionists to support, facilitate or pressurize their governments to help the European Jews colonize in Palestine long before the rise and fall of Hitler and his holocaust.

This helps to understand the theological roots of the bloody battles among these cousin faiths and internal squabbles over the control of Jerusalem since the days of the Crusades in the Middle Ages, if not the clashes in late antiquity. So these kinds of beliefs provoked European Christian Zionists to support, facilitate or pressurize their governments to help the European Jews’s colonization in Palestine long before the rise and fall of Hitler and his holocaust.

But what is more disturbing is that neither Theodor Herzl nor his fellow Zionists recognised the presence of the Arabs and other communities in the historical place whose ancestors had been there since antiquity or settled there during the middle and modern age after the last Jewish exodus. They did not bother to initiate institutionalized and destructured dialogues even with the local black Jews who along with Christian and Muslim Arabs, Druze, Aluites and many other mixed communities ( those who inherited some of the tenets of three major religions) had been staying in Palestine for generations. Historically, different groups of people migrated from various places all over the world and gradually settled in their current locations, either by conquest or assimilation or by mixed means. But no land in history, even the most barren one, remained desolate or uninhibited totally, especially since the age of colonial modernity.

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Mohammed bin-Salman and Benjamin Netanyahu | Courtesy: eurasiantimes.com

Ignoring all these historical realities, Herzl and his fellow Zionists, with their counterparts and mentors among Christian evangelicals and Missionaries of other denominations created and propagated a myth of Palestine being a Land without people waiting for colonization by a people without land. Historical records of early 20th Century Jewish migrants in Palestine showed they found not only the nomadic bedouin settlements, engaged primarily in animal husbandry In desert areas but also agriculture-based villages, even the city-based trade and business communities which had grown up along the Mediterranean coastline including Gaza and fertile areas around Jerusalem and larger West Bank of Jordan river since the middle ages to the Ottoman and British rules. But most of these early European settlers looked through the prisms of the White Western racist supremacists to the existing local population and considered Arabs and others as the barbaric savages of Asia, civilizational far inferior to be engaged in dialogue, let alone the possibility of equitable and honourable coexistence with them.

This mindset was very clear in Herzl’s writing onwards. Although he felt that Europe was pathologically antisemitic and Jews assimilation in their host countries would remain a chimaera, he asked for the support of Anti-Semitic Christian leaders and governments assuring them that the proposed Jewish State in Palestine would be a ‘rampart Of Western civilization’ at the gate of ‘Barbaric Asia’. He also promised them to secure the places of pilgrimage of the Christian world there is an oblique mention of the failed attempt of the Christian crusades against Muslim empires in and around Jerusalem. He even sought the support of the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire for their migration and colonization in Palestine offering him fabulous Jewish money to take care of Turkish finance which reminds the practice of the Rothchild family and other Jewish bankers who financed war funds across the European power blocs since the days of Napoleon and Bismarck and amassed their double fortunes over the ruins of Millions of lives and homes including poor Jews.

From the present continuous to a fractured future or a seemingly impossible idea worth trying?

Tagore may still help Gazans and the rest of the Palestinians and Israelis, except the rabid mass murderers across the walls, to find an end to what the UN Secretary-General called a ‘bottomless abyss’. Notwithstanding the follies of the Eurocentrism of Zionist colonizers and denialists of history among Arabs, Tagore’s idea of the Palestinian Commonwealth of Arabs and Jews is still pertinent for many who consider the ground reality in the long term. The repeated genocides in Gaza and Israel’s gradual expansion in the West Bank of the Jordan River have made the Two-State Solution in residual Palestine– which America and its allies are still touting, a pathetic caricature of the original partition plan and Palestinian rights to their homeland. In reality, Israel has grabbed 78% of land, much beyond the 56 per cent of the undivided Palestine sanctioned by the UN partition plan in 1948, making a free, geographically contiguous, socially and economically viable Palestine state impossible, except a ‘politically Bantustan’ for resident Arabs surrounded by old and new Jewish settler colonies, a la South African Apartheid regime under overarching Israeli political-military architecture as envisaged in US-promoted Oslo and Madrid plans.

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Orthodox Jews hold pro-Palestinian rally in Jerusalem (File photo) | Courtesy: aa.com

These are unacceptable to many conscience-keepers among Jews in Israel and outside, young and old, who are facing great personal perils for refusing to join or support the genocidal war on Gaza and hitting streets across the globe demanding the end of the Palestinian sufferings. They too are talking about fresh political imaginations, insights and initiatives for justice for the Palestinians including the refugees across the Arab lands who had been driven out of their homes since the ‘All Nakba’, Arabic for the Catastrophic ethnic cleansing in 1948 in order to ensure durable peace. In opposition to the plan for Greater Israel long being executed by Netanyahu and his likes, they are even favouring dismantling the Jewish majoritarian state of Zionist design. Instead, they are looking for a Greater Palestinian polity, either united under one State or in two States for Jews and Arabs with open borders for legitimate trade and cultural relations where demographics would not overrule democratic principles.

Neither the most rabid Zionists nor their Islamic counterparts will accept it. But those on both sides of the bloody divide are still willing to consider the temporal and spiritual histories of three Abrahamic religions and societies may find it worth trying. It has happened in modern history several times. During the heydays of pan-Arab nationalism under Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian president of the fifties and sixties, Egypt and Syria became one state with close ties with Iraq and Sudan. Later they disintegrated again. But the idea of forging multi-national identity and polity across a larger geographical area, which has common historical, cultural, linguistic, religious economic and political affinities is not new. Examples of many regional groupings of independent neighbouring countries, best known among them is the European Union, are also in vogue.

In the Indian subcontinent, the idea of the Indo-Pakistan confederation was tinkered with when prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru and chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah was alive, to end the Indo-Pak tussles over J&K. In his autobiography, Sheikh Abdullah referred to that idea. Nehru was sceptical but allowed Abdullah to try to sell it to Ayub Khan, the then Pakistani military ruler cum president. But unfortunately, Nehru died in Delhi when Abdullah was in Pakistan and the whole chapter was closed. Nevertheless, the idea was again revived decades later and supported by a few mainstream Indian politicians like Mulayam Singh Yadav, a former defence minister of India and chief minister of the UP, the most populous and politically central state in the Hindi Heartland. Similar ideas about cross-border brotherhood have cropped up over the divided Punjab and Bengal from time to time despite the increasing communal and fundamentalist influences across South Asia.

Tagore and his soulmates among great minds would find fulfilment if the current generation of incorrigible idealists in the Middle East, for whom another world is still possible, consider their ideas worth trying. They can also be the pathfinders for the realists among Jews and Arabs who are looking for new political-cultural imagination to end the bloody messes created by hegemonic global and local vested interests as well as the whirlpool of the sectarian, bigoted and vengeful propaganda on the mass psychology at both sides. Together they can flesh out actionable ideas for the future which are now seemingly impossible, even inconceivable and repugnant in the wake of insurmountable piles of dead bodies, devastated homes and fortified walls. Poets and philosophers, rather than politicians and policy mandarins, may become guides to find the proverbial Minerva’s Owl in the prevailing darkness for those who want to light up the flickers of hope for those millions whose lives are almost ruined under the cycles of violence. It will be our last tribute to those children of Gaza who have gone straight no graveyard from their cradles.

सांझा विरासत स्थल और सांप्रदायिक एजेंडा

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[dropcap]स[/dropcap]न 1992 के छह दिसंबर को भारत में किसी भी विरासत स्थल पर सबसे बड़ा संगठित हमला हुआ था. यह हमला राज्य और उसके बल की मौजूदगी में हुआ. रामलला की मूर्तियां बाहर निकाली गई और एक अस्थायी मंदिर में रख दी गईं. अब राम मंदिर का उद्घाटन हो रहा है. मगर इसमें भगवान राम की दूसरी मूर्ति रहेगी.

एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष देश के प्रधानमंत्री द्वारा एक मंदिर के उद्घाटन के नाम पर भारत के साथ-साथ दुनिया के करीब 50 देशों में जुनून पैदा किया जा रहा है. संघ परिवार के सभी सदस्य आव्हान कर रहे हैं कि अयोध्या में राम मंदिर के उद्घाटन के दिन लोग दिवाली मनाएं और अपने शहर या गाँव के मंदिरों में कार्यक्रमों का आयोजन करें. हिन्दू राष्ट्र के एजेंडा के पैरोकार संघ-भाजपा के लिए राम मंदिर बहुत फायदे का सौदा रहा है. बाबरी मस्जिद के ढहाए जाने से लेकर मंदिर के उद्घाटन तक – हर चरण से भाजपा को चुनावी लाभ हुआ है. मस्जिद का विध्वंस, जो कि एक आपराधिक कृत्या था, उसके बाद हुई हिंसा और फिर मंदिर का उद्घाटन – इस पूरी काल में समाज का धार्मिक आधार पर ध्रुवीकरण और मज़बूत होता गया है.

इसी तरह के प्रयोग अन्य स्थानों पर भी किये गए हैं. कर्नाटक में बाबा बुधनगिरी की मज़ार को मुद्दा बनाया गया. सूफी संतों की मज़ारों की तरह, वहां भी हिन्दू और मुसलमान दोनों मत्था टेकते थे. सन 1990 में सांप्रदायिक ताकतों ने एक अभियान शुरू किया. उन्होंने दावा किया कि यह मज़ार, दरअसल, हिन्दू पवित्रस्थल है जिस पर मुसलमानों ने कब्ज़ा कर लिया है. “सरकारी रिकार्ड में इस स्थल को श्री गुरु दत्तात्रेय बाबा बुधन स्वामी दरगाह कहा गया है… इसे बाबा बुधनगिरी और दत्तात्रेय पीठ भी कहा जाता है. सन 1964 के पहले तक इस तीर्थस्थल में हिन्दू और मुसलमान दोनों श्रद्धा रखते थे. वह सूफी संस्कृति और हिन्दू व इस्लामिक सांस्कृतिक एकता का प्रतीक थी. दो धर्मों का यह तीर्थस्थल अब हिन्दुओं और मुसलमानों के बीच विवाद का विषय बन गया है.” मामला अब अदालत में है मगर इस दौरान भाजपा, दक्षिण भारत में पहली बार कर्नाटक में अपनी स्थिति मज़बूत बनाने में सफल रही है. कर्नाटक में यह मसला ध्रुवीकरण का स्थाई कारण बन गया है.

इसी तर्ज पर हैदराबाद में चारमीनार की दीवार से सटे भाग्यलक्ष्मी मंदिर का धीरे-धीरे विस्तार किया जा रहा है ताकि विवाद और तनाव के बीज बोये जा सके. मंदिर के विस्तार से चारमीनार जो कि एक ऐतिहासिक इमारत है को नुकसान पहुँच रहा है. यह भारतीय पुरातत्व सर्वेक्षण (एएसआई) के नियमों का भी उल्लंघन है. एएसआई लगातार यह कह रही है कि मंदिर में मरम्मत और सुधार से चारमीनार को नुकसान हो सकता है. मगर एएसआई की सुनने को कोई तैयार नहीं है. सरकार चारमीनार को नुकसान होने दे रही है. इससे ऐतिहासिक चारमीनार इलाके और पुराने हैदराबाद में रहने वाले लोगों में ख़ासा आक्रोश है. इस मुद्दे को लेकर कुछ झड़पें भी हो चुकी हैं.

इस मामले में महाराष्ट्र भी पीछे नहीं है. मुंबई के नज़दीक हाजी मलंग दरगाह को लेकर विवाद खड़ा किया गया और अब मुख्यमंत्री एकनाथ शिंदे इस दरगाह को हिन्दू पूजा स्थल घोषित करने को लेकर आन्दोलन फिर से शुरू करना चाहते हैं. इस आंदोलन की शुरुआत शिंदे के राजनीतिक गुरु आनंद दिघे ने 1982 में की थी. “महाराष्ट्र की मिलीजुली संस्कृति के प्रतीक इस स्थल को लेकर सांप्रदायिक तनाव पहली बार सन 1980 के दशक में भड़का जब शिवसेना नेता दिघे ने यह दावा करने हुए आन्दोलन प्रारंभ कर दिया कि दरगाह उस स्थल पर बनाई गयी है जहाँ पहले नाथपंथ का पवित्र स्थल था.” द इंडियन एक्सप्रेस के अनुसार दिघे ने यह दावा भी किया कि मज़ार की ज़मीन हिन्दुओं की है क्योंकि वहां 700 साल पहले मछेन्द्रनाथ मंदिर था. शिवना के नेता उर्स के दिन वहां जाने लगे. इसके साथ ही तनाव की शुरुआत हुई. यह मामला भी अदालत में है.

सेंटर फॉर स्टडी ऑफ़ सेकुलरिज्म एंड सोसाइटी, मुंबई, ने मामले की पड़ताल के लिए एक तथ्यान्वेषण समिति बनाई जिसने दरगाह के ट्रस्ट के ट्रस्टी काशीनाथ गोपाल केतकर से बात की. केतकर ने बताया, “उनके पास दस्तावेजी या कोई भी ऐसा दूसरा सुबूत नहीं है जिससे यह साबित होता हो कि यह नाथ पंथ का मंदिर था.” उन्होंने कहा कि “इस विवाद के कारण उर्स के दिन दरगाह पर आने वाले मुसलमानों की संख्या में कमी आई है – मगर वे अन्य दिनों में आते हैं, पूरे साल आते हैं.” जब उनसे पूछा गया कि वे दरगाह के नये नामकरण के बारे में क्या सोचते हैं तो उन्होंने कहाँ, “मुझे यह बिलकुल सही नहीं लगता बल्कि मुझे यह देख कर दुःख होता है कि इस तरह की चीज़ों को शह दी जा रही है. इसमें कोई संदेह नहीं कि यह स्थल मुस्लिम सूफियों का है और उनके भक्त सभी देशों में पाए जाते हैं.” उन्होंने आगे कहा, “इस पहाड़ी के चारों तरफ के 40 गाँवों के लोग इसे हाजी मलंग ही कहते रहेंगे क्योंकि उनकी इस दरगाह में गहरी श्रद्धा है. मगर जिनके इरादे गलत है, वे तो वही करेंगे जो उनके लिए फायदेमंद हो.” इस वंशानुगत ट्रस्ट ने यह भी कहा, “हमारा लक्ष्य यही है कि बाबा के भक्तों को अच्छी से अच्छी सेवा उपलब्ध करवाएं ताकि उन्हें कोई तकलीफ न हो.”

भारत की सांझा संस्कृति

रामा श्याम नामक एक शोध अध्येता, जिन्होंने इस दरगाह को फोकस में रखते हुए भारत की सांझा संस्कृति पर अपना डॉक्टरेट शोध प्रबंध प्रस्तुत किया है, ने ‘इंडियन एक्सप्रेस’ से एक साक्षात्कार (8 जनवरी 2024) में बताया कि केतकर परिवार के पास ऐसे दस्तावेज हैं जिनसे यह साबित होता है कि वे दरगाह से पिछले 360 सालों से जुड़े हुए हैं. जहाँ तक हाजी मलंग की दरगाह और पहाड़ी की तलहटी से लेकर उसकी चोटी तक स्थित कई पवित्र स्थलों का सवाल है, उनके बारे में कहानियां एक पीढ़ी से दूसरी पीढ़ी तक वाचिक परंपरा से पहुँचती रही हैं. ऐसा कहा जाता है कि बाबा मलंग, मदीना से इस स्थान तक आये थे. एंग्लो-मराठा युद्ध (1774) के समय से इस दरगाह की चर्चा मिलती है. सन 1882 का ठाणे गजेटियर कहता है कि मलंग गढ़ पहाड़ी पर बावा मलंग मेला भरता है.

विरासत स्थलों के लेकर जबरन विवाद खड़ा करना और उन्हें ऐसे हिन्दू स्थान बताना जिन पर मुसलमानों ने कब्ज़ा कर लिया है और जिन्हें मुसलमानों से छीना जाना चाहिए, सांप्रदायिक ताकतों की पुरानी तकनीक है.

भारत में अनेक पवित्र स्थल हैं, जहाँ सभी धर्मों के लोग पहुँचते हैं. यह दिलचस्प है कि सबरीमाला मंदिर जाने वाले तीर्थयात्री पहले सेंट सेबेस्टियन चर्च जाते हैं और फिर बाबरी मस्जिद में. यह है भारत की सांझा संस्कृति. यह संस्कृति सदियों से भारत में फलती-फूलती रही है.

अब तो सांप्रदायिक राष्ट्रवाद ने इतना भयावह स्वरूप अख्तियार कर लिया है कि ट्रैफिक जाम के बहाने सुनहरी बाग मस्जिद तक को निशाना बनाया जा रहा है. ऐसे पवित्र स्थल जहां सभी धर्मों के लोग आते हैं, भारत की धार्मिक परंपरा के आधार रहे हैं. साप्रदायिक राजनीति के परवान चढ़ने के साथ ही दरगाहों को निशाना बनाया जा रहा है और सूफियों का दानवीकरण हो रहा है. यह सचमुच दुखद है कि धर्मों के मेलजोल की परंपरा को ही नीची निगाहों से देखा जा रहा है.

(अंग्रेजी से रूपांतरण अमरीश हरदेनिया; लेखक आईआईटी मुंबई में पढ़ाते थे और सन 2007 के नेशनल कम्यूनल हार्मोनी एवार्ड से सम्मानित हैं)

What was Tagore’s Palestine Dream?

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he ongoing genocide in Gaza– aerial bombardment and ground invasion in the 17 sq. miles small strip of besieged land at the coast of the Mediterranean Sea and a smaller part of residual Palestine, long occupied by the Zionist Israeli State led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu– has already surpassed the horrors of Guernica, epitomized by Pablo Pissco in his 1937 oil painting. The pulverizing of the small Basque town by Fascist bombers in Republican Spain and the carpet bombing in the German city of Dresden by the Allied forces during the prelude and crescendo of the Second World War, respectively, have long been considered the ultimate symbols of the aerial pounding of urban civilian populations and destructions of their life-supporting infrastructure. In contrast, hourly rising tolls in Gaza today, both in terms of human lives including that of children and women as well as wanton destruction and devastation in one of the most densely populated urban settlements in the world for more than three months are unprecedented in the post-war history. With almost half of Gaza’s estimated 2.3 million population being under 18, children and women comprise a large share of the casualties. Even hospitals, schools, food and relief shelters run by the UN and other international agencies have not been spared.

On top of it, with the continued blockades by the Zionist war machine from the sea, land and air and no route to escape the bombardment, Gaza civilians are dying in hundreds like trapped rats. Contagious diseases are spreading fast and the spectre of famine is looming larger. For that matter, Gaza has been known as the largest and most overcrowded open-air jail in the world since the blockade from air, sea and land had begun 17 years back. Even in peacetime, its 2.3 million population survives mostly on international aid that comes through the Egyptian border under total Israeli control. The Jewish state controls supplies of water, electricity and other essentials to Gaza and turned off them many times to impose collective punishment on the civilians for the terrorist attacks by Hamas and other Islamic militant groups who have been fighting against the continued Israeli occupation of Palestinian land and denial of basic rights to Arabs under occupation. Every time, the collective punishment of the civilians has been harsher to extract the price of their defiance in blood and tears.

The retaliation after the Hamas attack inside Israel on October 7, 2023, claimed around 1200 casualties including a good number of civilians and 33 children as the UN secretary general put it while condemning Hamas brutality. At this point, we too condemn the Hamas killing of civilians, particularly Jewish children and women, both on moral and military-political grounds as it has only facilitated the genocidal revenge by Netanyahu’s far-right government and helped him to turn around the growing public opposition to his rule and whip up an existential angst and war hysteria. The Jewish state and an overwhelming part of its civil society now consider the Hamas rampage on October 7 to be the most deadly attack on the ethno-religious group turned nation after Hitler’s Holocaust but also it bludgeoned the pride of invincibility of its military might in the Middle East and impenetrability of the country’s defense system. The gravely injured collective male ego in a heavily militarized society has unleashed its century-old accumulated hatred, fears and wraths on Arabs as well as self-righteous historical victimhood on a besieged and unarmed Palestinian masses conflating them with the armed Islamic resistance groups, which the Israeli State itself had promoted to undermine secular and left-oriented Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) headed by late Yasser Arafat. The war, supposed to be restricted to finish off Hamas military wing, has been turned into a deliberate and uninhibited war of extinction of the enemy population.

So, this time, the ‘genocidal intent of Israel’, as the lawyers of South Africa and the Irish Republic at the International Court in Hague have put it in early January, is clearly manifested in the Zionist ‘state policy’, expressed in words and deeds of Israeli state leaders or politicians– the president, prime minister and defence minister, parliamentarians onwards as well as its armed forces chiefs. Their public pronouncements and religio-political extortions to all active soldiers and reservists either to ‘obliterate Gaza from the map’ or to wipe out the ‘human animals’ living there, drive them in the sea and desert – all are not just ‘wartime rhetorics’ to whip up retaliatory passions at home but meant for completion of the long-drawn ethnic cleansing project to incorporate the strip into Israel. Their repeated calls not to make any distinction between armed militants and ‘uninvolved civilians’, not even spare women and children since they represent the ‘seeds of Amalekites’ have amply demonstrated the Jewish state’s ‘genocidal intent’ and ‘irreparable prejudices’ to the Palestinians, the lawyers pointed out.

Amaleks were one of the Biblical enemy communities of the ancient Israelites in Cannan, a part of Palestine in antiquity– whose total extermination and destruction of homes and domestic animals before complete colonization by the conquerors– was depicted in detail as part of the fulfilment of Divine commandment in the Hebrew Bible. The relentless air and ground attacks on civilians along with systemic denial of water, food, medicines and other basics have already exhibited, that the Israelis might do ‘irreparable harm’ to the Palestinian people. The Irish representative has demanded immediate and provisional intervention of the IC to stop the Israeli juggernaut pending the full hearing and its verdict before it is too late.

Denying the charge of genocidal intent and provocations, Israeli lawyers defended its right to retaliate against Hamas and its allied terrorists while calling the death of civilians tragic but incidental. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken called the International Court of Justice (ICJ) proceedings a ‘distraction’ from Israel’s efforts to finish off Hamas. But at the same time, admitted that 90% of the Gaza population is now facing starvation.

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Palestinians conduct a search and rescue operation after the second bombardment by the Israeli army at Jabalia refugee camp in Gaza City, Gaza | Courtesy: GettyImages

Netanyahu: Hitler’s apprentice

The irony of the history is unmistakable as the perpetrators’ method of madness reminds us of Hitler’s Holocaust– the deliberate campaigns of genocides and other violence aimed at the planned ethnic cleansing of European Jews by Nazi Germany. Following the hellish ‘final solution’ executed by Hitler, the victorious allied powers found a solution to the vexed ‘Jewish Question’ that had tormented Christian-dominated Europe for over a millennium and triggered periodic murderous pogroms against the Jews in between everyday bouts of anti-semitisms. They forced the people of the East to pay for the sins of the West and dumped the European Jews in Palestine by creating the modern state of Israel in 1948.

Thereafter, the largest community of victims of Hitler’s frenzy, by a queer turn of history have been turned into the grossest victimisers of Palestinian Arabs, both Muslims, Christians and others of mixed faiths, by a self-righteous extension of their historical victimhood in the last 75 years. The national unity government of Israel today is now enacting the latest imitation of the demonic dance of death by the mad Fuhrer. Their word and deeds echo that apostle of racial self-superiority, his hatred and fear of ‘sub-human’ communities, ultra chauvinist ethno-religious nationalism as well as the ruthless championing of military might, technological power and propaganda machine in complete disregard to the UN and other forums of world opinion.

The dual support of the United States and Great Britain– the two global powers that had created the Zionist state to continue their ‘divide and rule’ policy in the Middle East, a la the partitioned Indian subcontinent even after the formal end of colonial- imperial era— are the primary enablers of Israel’s role as a regional bully. They are still the main protectors of Israel’s apartheid regime which has continued illegal occupation of residual Palestinian land– the two ever-shrinking enclaves on the West Bank of the Jordan River and Gaza by the sea despite repeated censures from the UN and other world bodies. Even after Israel controls 78 percent of historic Palestine today as against the 56 per cent of the land allocated to it by the allied-controlled UN in 1948, they still tout the ‘two-state solution’ – the creation of independent Palestinians alongside the Jewish state. Nevertheless, they hardly moved substantially to restrain the bully to ensure an equitable and durable sovereignty for the Palestinian Arabs. Instead, they have been trying to impose one or two political ‘Bantustan’, a la separate, large ghettos for blacks surrounded by white settlements in South Africa during its white supremacist rule.

They are supporting Israel’s continued genocidal killing of thousands of Arab civilians in Gaza in the pretext of its right to self-defence in retaliation to the deadly terrorist attack by Hamas and Islamic Jihad militants inside the occupied areas that had killed around 1200 Israelis including some children and women. Washington and London have ignored the repeated urging for a durable ceasefire to stop the three months-long ‘spiralling humanitarian nightmare’ by the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.

The former socialist prime minister of Portugal repeatedly condemned the Hamas terror attack and demanded the immediate release of the hostages. But he incurred the wrath of Netanyahu and his mentors in the West when he reminded that the terror attack ‘did not happen in a vacuum’ and should be put in the perspective of the misdeeds of Israel in the occupied areas and people there in deliberate disregard to the UN cautions and censures. The UN chief and his principal aides among hosts of UN agencies have become the prime target of Israeli slander campaigns and cyber-attacks since then.

History seems to have come to a full circle after South Africa, the former apartheid state, went to the IC at the Hague accusing Israel of perpetuating a genocidal war on Gaza. The Republic of Ireland is the only European country with it history of anti-colonial struggle against British rule that has sided with post-colonial South Africa while France, a former imperial power has apparently chosen to be the fence-sitter among the permanent members of the UN security council after calling for a ‘humanitarian ceasefire’ in Gaza against the American veto and British abstention.

Meanwhile, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees as well as the head of its Human Rights Commission, hinted at the applicability of charges of War Crimes as well as Crimes against Humanity; all legal concepts according to the international covenants including genocide conventions and Geneva Conventions and other humanitarian laws which try to minimize the sufferings of the civilian population in war zones and occupied territories. Earlier this decade, the Gambia, a West African small country, took the military Junta of Myanmar to the international court on the same charge after the genocide of Rohingyas in Myanmar. America and its Nato allies were instrumental in putting up the Serbian militia leaders of Bosnia-Herzegovina on the dock at Hague for their genocidal crimes aimed at ethnic cleansing of unarmed Muslims and Croat civilians during the Yugoslav civil war in the late nineties. But they also took the initiative to punish Russia for civilian casualties in its war on Georgia and Ukraine. But they hindered every effort to punish Netanyahu and his colleagues for the same crimes in Gaza and other parts of occupied Palestine. This time it would not be different. Such is the universality of Western notions of Human Rights and Rule of Law under the self-proclaimed Guardians of the International community!

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Wounded Palestinian child arrive at the al-Aqsa Hospital after an Israeli strike on a house in Deir el-Balah in the central Gaza Strip on January 11, 2024 | Courtesy: Twitter/@EyeonPalestine

Tagore’s Palestine Dream

Against this backdrop, we are discussing the relevance of the views and ideas of Rabindranath Tagore, the poet and philosopher of universal brotherhood and exponent of the Religion of humanity, on Jewish- Arab relationship in Palestine. He articulated and expressed it way back in the late 1920s and 30s when the Zionist movement or the organized migration of European Jews to Palestine was gradually becoming a flow from a trickle in the early period of the 20th Century. In a nutshell, Tagore’s understanding of human history and worldview was always focused on an intrinsic harmony between the part and the whole, local and global, immediate and ultimate, spiritual and material, past and present, and short and long-term interests of different human groups. He was in favour of the right to self -determination of all oppressed people, and all communities in social-cultural as well as economic-political spheres. But he was against prevailing religio-cultural hatred and fear, chauvinistic pride in communities, ideologies and politics of Narcissistic hyper-nationalism, self-aggrandizement and coercive hegemony both at home and the world. For him, no culture, no religion, no community, no race, no nation is superior to others. As long as they tolerate, honour, understand and are ready to coexist with each other, even assimilate and develop a kind of syncretic living, he stood for them.

He decried not only Western imperialism and militarism even before the First World War of 1914-17 but also its Asian varieties like the Japanese invasions and its brutal rule in China and Korea. Never being politically correct, he blasted the imperial Japanese government and military leaders during his visit to Japan without bothering their coldness to him in its aftermath decades before its eastern Blitzkrieg and eventual devastation by American nuclear bombs. He reminded them of the teachings of Buddha which led to a cultural confluence across the Himalayas binding the undivided Indian subcontinent to Afghanistan, Tibet, China, Japan, Korea and Mongolia.

The globe-trotting bard of Bengal visited many countries closer home too and his sojourns from Egypt, Iran Indonesia and Malaysia brought him closer to the spiritual-cultural bonds among eastern civilizations from the Indian Ocean to the Arabian Sea from the days of Ramayana and Mahabharata. He always acknowledged the mutual impacts of Hindu and Hellenic, Zorathrustian and Islamic sciences and knowledge systems, faiths and cultures since the days of Alexander the Great to Akbar the Great, Rumi, Hafez and Iban Buttuta to Darah Shiko. He constantly reminded people of all these places about our historical ties and urged them to preserve our core humane values amid the vicissitudes of modern-day politics and economics.

Whatever may be the achievement of any civilization, he felt that we must not miss the wood while appreciating a tree. A tree may be gorgeous but its beauty cannot be appreciated properly without placing it in the context of a larger wood. For Tagore, the historical dynamics of all civilizations underlined the fact that they got nourishment and grew healthy only when they interacted and enriched each other. This understanding is integral to his idea of the religion of man or the universal human brotherhood which can’t be attained as long as the big and powerful nations or their power-hungry, megalomaniac leaders pursue their selfish, egoist and materialist goals at the cost of the neighbours and rest of the humanity.

Unlike the major leaders of the Indian Freedom Struggle, Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Nehru, Tagore sympathized with the Zionist project for a Jewish political homeland in Palestine. But Tagore warned against unilateral imposition of the Zionist project which was supported by the colonial powers on the Arabs. Instead, he insisted on Arab-Jewish mutual understanding at the grassroots and long-term coexistence based on the shared history of the geographical neighbours and religio-cultural cousins in the region. He even called for a ‘Palestinian commonwealth’ between the Arabs and Jews while leaving the structures of the shared polity to the two stakeholders on the ground.

The champion of Hindu-Muslim unity in the Indian subcontinent and its syncretic cultures stood for the rights of self-determination by all oppressed nations and the preservation of all cultures. As an Indian under the foreign yoke, he valued political independence and religio-cultural diversities but strongly opposed narrow nationalism and stressed more on the civilizational confluences at the home and the world beyond. He cautioned the Zionists against the colonial game of ‘divide and rule’ in general and British-American plans in particular to divide Palestine arbitrarily. His deep understanding of history and the basic maladies of the contemporary world; torn by wars and civil wars under the Western hegemony prompted him to decry the Western notions of nationalism that promote artificially constructed national identity, exclusionary and majoritarian nation-states and arbitrary territorial boundaries to suit political and geo-strategic exigencies of colonial powers and native elites. He was against the imposition of a culture of forced homogeneity, chauvinist self-pride within and xenophobic hatred and fear of people outside that undermined or ignored civilisational plurality, and geographical and historical continuity of the lived lives of neighbours of many generations.

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A child’s hand coming out of rabble in a building bombed on January 13 in Rafa | Courtesy: Twitter

Tagore’s Interview with the Jewish Telegraphic Agency

Tagore knew about the Palestine situation as he was in contact with both Zionist and Arab intellectuals who were keen to have his views in the wake of the gathering storm in Palestine following increased Jewish migration facilitated by the British and American governments. The holy land was put under the Raj mandate after the victorious allied powers divided the Ottoman Empire including the Arab peninsula among them either directly or as suzerines. Particularly, Jewish intellectuals including Martin Buber and settler chroniclers like Shalomit Flaum were in communication with him and wanted him to appreciate the Zionist colonization or Jewish migration to historic Palestine in the early years of early decades of the 20th century. In 1926, the Jewish Telegraphic Agency interviewed Tagore before his proposed visit to Palestine. According to its dispatch on June 20, 1926, the poet was supposed to visit Palestine on September 15 of the same year. However, it did not materialize as the poet had other preoccupations.

Nevertheless, he later sent his close aides from Shantiniketan and Kolkata to Palestine for an on-spot report.
He told the agency: “I have for a long time been following with great interest and anxiety the Jewish colonization development in Palestine. I recently received from my Zionist friends in Palestine literature which draws attention to the tremendous problem of the Jewish pioneers and, the difficulties which they must overcome for the welfare of humanity. In Palestine, I will lecture at the Hebrew University which has the great task of developing Eastern civilization.” Further, he said he appreciated the ‘distinct features of each culture’. For this reason, he valued the Zionist efforts because ‘they are awakening the Jewish distinctiveness even though some difficulties and failures will at first occur.’

So in this context, he was appreciating the Jewish pioneers in Palestine but also cautioned them not to imitate the European Christian colonists in their search for a homeland. This was a prophetic one in subsequent contexts, particularly in the context of ongoing genocide, and repeated ethnic cleansing of the Arab populations since 1948.

As he was following European history, he knew the Jews in their effort to become more European than their host nations in the continent, sometimes became hyper-patriotic, which didn’t do well for them. So he told the agency interviewer that you should not imitate your European neighbors. “Recently I had the uncomfortable experience of engaging such a type when one of the great French Indologists of Russian origin visited me at Calcutta. He displayed tremendous French chauvinism. Would Anatole France have found it necessary to declare his love for France? It is bad for a people [person] when he has to submerge his individuality.” In contrast, he reminded us that ‘the Jewish spirit is highly individuality. Its chief characteristic is universality.

Interview with The Jewish Standard: On The Palestinian Problem

Four years later, in 1930 the poet was again interviewed by a liberal news outlet named ‘Jewish Standard. “I respect the Zionist ideal and admire the selflessness of those who work for it.’ Tagore replied when I asked whether he was a pro-Zionist. “I have followed as closely as I can the steady and continuous progress of the transformation of your ideal into reality. You have made an extraordinary headway,” Tagore said.

Nevertheless, he again warned against following the colonial template. “But now your political orientation is leading you into a blind alley, a path without issue. Even if England wanted to bring about an Arab-Jewish partnership she could not do so. Arab-Jewish harmony must be achieved in Palestine.’ How can this harmony be achieved? The interviewer asked. “I am not a statesman, nor do I pretend to know the answer to your query,” wearily countered the poet. “I do know the Arabs, and I believe that I know the Jews. And that is why I feel that political and economic cooperation between them can be achieved. The Jews are an old people. They have withstood persecution, and torture, and have refused to lose their identity. Their strength lies in their culture and religion. Yours is a spiritual heritage that grows stronger with age and cannot be assimilated or absorbed.

Reflecting on the shared religio-cultural history of the Arabs and Jews, Tagore said: “Also Arabs are an endurable people. Their religion and culture come from the same mould as those of the Jews. Spiritually the Arabs have borrowed much from the Jews. Viewed fundamentally, you and they are one family—yes, one great family. Family quarrels are always virulent’—the philosopher smiled— “But they are adjustable. You have learned to live among people much further from you than the Arabs, people foreign to you in every respect. Even in America, the land of machine culture, you have managed to be both Jews and Americans. Can you not manage to be Jews and Palestinians at the same time?”.

The interviewer noted that ‘an almost supernatural calm came over Tagore’s face as he leaned back and listened to the echo which his own words had awakened.’ “Hesitantly I disturbed his peaceful repose: ‘But Zionism, Dr Tagore, is trying to find an escape from this dual life of the Jew. It is intended for those who cannot or do not want to assimilate with other nations. If Jews have to differentiate between Jewish nationalism and Palestinism, as you suggest, then Palestine will be merely another America, France or Germany as far as the Jews are concerned.” Pointing to the ‘rhythmic voice that gives a poetic flavour even to his conversation’, the Standard journalist here noted Tagore’s answer in which he referred to legendary physicist Albert Einstein. “I understand Zionism in the same sense as my great friend Einstein. I regard Jewish nationalism as an effort to preserve and enrich Jewish culture and tradition. In today’s world, this program requires a national home. It also implies appropriate physical surroundings as well as favourable political and economic conditions.”
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But again came his caveat loaded with the bard’s worries of colonial traps around the Zionist project and his dream based on the civilizational history and possibilities of the peoples in the most contested land under the Sun.

“I realize this. Palestine, however, can provide these only if the Jews will include the Arabs in their political and economic program. Your spiritual and cultural programs do not need to sacrifice anything to obtain this political cooperation. I visualize a Palestine Commonwealth in which the Arabs will live their own religious life and the Jews will revive their religion and culture, but both will be united as one political and economic unit.”

“Einstein’s religion—with which I agree fundamentally though we differ in some minor aspects—is opposed to petty chauvinism, to rigid political nationalism. His cosmic faith cannot be disturbed by White Papers or other instruments of European diplomacy. It is such faith which will lead you to that broad nationalism which you can establish in Palestine as an example to the whole of humanity. Don’t become enmeshed in paragraphs and clauses. The Jews of all nations know that political protection means nothing. Treaties have never saved you from persecution. They never will. ‘Come to your co-Palestinians in a free spirit and tell them; “You and we are both old races. We are both stubborn races. You cannot subdue us, and we will not try to change you. But we can both be ourselves, retain our identity and still be united in the political aims of Palestine, the Commonwealth of Jews and Arabs.”

Even in those times, Tagore was aware that his ideas would be considered a Utopian dream by a politically naive poet. It has found resonance in contemporary great minds like Albert Einstein to Roman Rolland as well as successive generations. “I see that there is scepticism in your eyes and you think these are the ramblings of a naive poet. You wonder how it can be done. I do not doubt the abilities and special gifts of the Jewish people. If you will set your heart upon convincing the Arabs that their political and economic interests are identical to yours if you will show them that by your work in Palestine, you are building for Arabs and Jews alike, without regard for your cultural differences, the Arabs will in time become your most loyal allies.”

The interviewer humbly submitted that this was what the Zionists had been doing in the past. “And yet, in August of last year… . ‘ [Arab attacks on Jews in Palestine, following disputes over Jewish use of the Wailing Wall, Jerusalem. ] Rabindranath Tagore did not let me conclude the sentence. A shadow flitted over his beautiful countenance: ‘Don’t speak about those ugly incidents now. It is because of what happened that I speak as I do.”

Nevertheless, the poet patiently delved into Arab politics and mass mindset in the context of European colonial games. “Until recently Arab nationalism was primarily spiritual, though different in aspect from the Jewish. For centuries the Arabs have neglected their land because spiritually they were above political nationalism. Western civilization calls this state primitive and uncivilized. In any case, the Arabs are newcomers to the Western game of political nationalism and their minds can easily be confused—~as they have been confused. They got the idea that their spiritual or religious life was endangered by the Jewish homeland. The intensive integration of the Jewish people into Palestine was misinterpreted by them. Demagogic leadership helped this along.

“Zionism, which well-trained Western diplomatic minds sometimes find hard to understand, was altogether new and strange to Arab primitiveness. I am trying to explain that the Arabs’ psychological adjustment to a Jewish homeland must necessarily be a gradual process. Jews must have patience and resourcefulness in dealing with the Arabs. You who are a blending of Western and Eastern civilization must be indulgent teachers. Despite political obstacles, you must keep your spiritual heritage intact. Notwithstanding sacrifices, you must plod along on the road to an understanding with your co-nationalists of Palestine.”

The great friend of both Jews and Arabs continued: “I know that you will not be understood at your first approach. Forget the Western conception of prestige and pride and keep on working with this end in view: A Palestine Commonwealth in which Arabs and Jews will live their own distinct cultural and spiritual lives. Then you will, you must succeed,’ Tagore leaned back exhausted. Speaking almost to himself, he added, in a low whisper: ‘The Palestine problem cannot be solved in London by any negotiations between the British Government and the Zionist leaders, the success of Zionism depends entirely upon Arab-Jewish cooperation. This can be obtained in Palestine only by means of a direct understanding between the Arabs and the Jews. If the Zionist leadership will insist on separating Jewish political and economic interests in Palestine from those of the Arabs ugly eruptions will occur in the Holy Land.”

Closing his eyes, Rabindranath Tagore murmured softly: “What we poets have dreamt the Jews can create in Palestine if they free themselves of the Western concept of nationalism.”

[Source: ENGLISH WRITINGS OF TAGORE, CONVERSATIONS AND INTERVIEWS page 940-942 , volume 8]

Imagine when you hear a message from people sitting and waiting for their term to die- Palestinian Farmer Leader

আরও একটা ব্যর্থ রিমেক প্রসঙ্গে বাংলা ছবি নিয়ে কিছু কথা

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[dropcap]স[/dropcap]ন্দীপ রায়, সাংবাদিক রশ্মিলা ভট্টাচার্য আর আমি রায়বাড়িতে বসে বাংলা ছবি নিয়ে আলোচনা করছিলাম। আমি ওঁদের বললাম যে সুমন ঘোষের কাবুলিওয়ালা দেখে আমি মোটেই সন্তুষ্ট হইনি, কারণ তপন সিংহ আর হেমেন গুপ্ত ওই গল্প নিয়ে যথাক্রমে বাংলা আর হিন্দিতে যে ছবি দুটো করেছিলেন এটা তার ধারেকাছে পৌঁছতে পারেনি। সন্দীপ কখনো কারোর কড়া সমালোচনা করেন না। তিনি কেবল মৃদু হেসে বললেন “কোনো ক্লাসিক নিয়ে একবার কাজ হয়ে যাওয়ার পরে আর রিমেক করা উচিত নয়।”

আমার কথা বলতে গেলে বলতে হয়, আমি মিঠুন চক্রবর্তীকে রবীন্দ্রনাথের অমর গল্পটার কাবুলিওয়ালা হিসাবে একেবারেই হজম করতে পারিনি। তপন সিংহের ছবিতে ছবি বিশ্বাস নাম ভূমিকায় অভিনয় করেছিলেন এবং জীবনের অন্যতম সেরা কাজ করেছিলেন। পণ্ডিত রবিশঙ্করের অসামান্য আবহসঙ্গীতে আফগানিস্তানের প্রতিধ্বনি ছিল। সেই ছবি বার্লিন চলচ্চিত্র উৎসবে একটা পুরস্কারও জিতেছিল। কিংবদন্তি অভিনেতা ছবির শিশুশিল্পী টিঙ্কু ঠাকুরের (মিনি) সঙ্গে যে দৃশ্যগুলো ছিল, সেগুলো রীতিমত অভিনয়ের পাঠ বলা যায়। সত্যজিৎ রায় বলেছেন, ছবি বা বলরাজ সাহনির মত করে আর কোনো অভিনেতা কাবুলিওয়ালাকে অমর করে দিতে পারতেন না।

বিমল রায় প্রযোজিত হিন্দি ছবিটায় তাঁর নিজের নির্দেশনার কিছু বৈশিষ্ট্য রয়েছে যা হেমেন অনুসরণ করেছিলেন। অশোককুমার একবার আমাকে বলেছিলেন যে বলরাজকে তিনি শ্রদ্ধা করেন কারণ ওই একটা চরিত্রের জন্যে তিনি কাবুলিওয়ালাদের সঙ্গে মেলামেশা করেছিলেন এবং মনোযোগ দিয়ে তাদের জীবনযাত্রা লক্ষ করেছিলেন। ছবিতে মিনির সেরে ওঠার জন্যে বলরাজের প্রার্থনার দৃশ্য অতুলনীয়। তপন সিংহ তো বলেছিলেন বলরাজের অভিনয় নাকি ছবি বিশ্বাসের চেয়েও ভাল হয়েছিল। সলিল চৌধুরীর মনে থেকে যাওয়ার মত সুরে ‘অ্যায় মেরে পেয়ারে ওয়াতন’ আর ‘গঙ্গা আয়ে কহাঁ সে’ ছবির সঙ্গীতকেও অন্য উচ্চতায় নিয়ে গিয়েছে।

সুমন ঘোষের ছবিতে কাবুলিওয়ালার চরিত্রে মিঠুনকে কিন্তু একেবারেই মানায়নি। মিঠুন মৃণাল সেনের আবিষ্কার হলেও ছবি বিশ্বাস বা বলরাজের মত অভিনয় ক্ষমতা তাঁর নেই। মিঠুনের ক্ষমতা সীমিত। নির্দেশক সুমন কাবুলিওয়ালা রিমেক করার প্রচেষ্টায় ব্যর্থ হয়েছেন। রবীন্দ্রনাথের ধ্রুপদী সাহিত্যের যে মর্মবস্তু তা তাঁর ছবিতে আদৌ ধরা পড়েনি। মৃণাল সেন যে বলেছিলেন বাংলা ছবির আধুনিক নির্দেশকদের চিত্রনাট্য তৈরির ক্ষমতা নেই, সেটা যে একেবারেই ভুল নয় তা বোঝা যায়।

এদিক থেকে অপর্ণা সেন অবশ্যই সৃজিত মুখার্জি বা সুমন ঘোষের চেয়ে উন্নত। তবে থার্টি সিক্স চৌরঙ্গি লেন আর মিস্টার অ্যান্ড মিসেস আয়ার বাদে অপর্ণার অন্য ছবিগুলো কিন্তু অজয় কর, অসিত সেন, বিজয় বোসদের ছবির মত কালজয়ী হয়ে উঠতে পারেনি। এই নির্দেশকরা বাণিজ্যিক ছবি বা বাণিজ্যিক ছবি আর আর্ট ফিল্মের মাঝের পথ ধরেছিলেন, অথচ রসসমৃদ্ধ চিত্রনাট্য তৈরি করেছেন। সাত পাকে বাঁধাদীপ জ্বেলে যাই আর আরোগ্য নিকেতন দেখলেই তা স্পষ্ট হয়।

বর্তমান প্রজন্মের সবচেয়ে প্রতিশ্রুতিমান নির্দেশক কৌশিক গাঙ্গুলি খারিজ ছবির সিকুয়েল হিসাবে সম্প্রতি পালান নামে একটি ছবি করেছেন। তিনি স্বীকার করেছেন যে “মূলধারার বাংলা ছবির ধারণায় বিরাট পরিবর্তন এসেছে।” পালান কিন্তু খারিজের সঙ্গে কোনো আলোচনাতেই আসতে পারবে না। গৌতম ঘোষ বললেন “আমার আবার অরণ্যে ছিল অরণ্যের দিনরাত্রি-র এক ধরনের সম্প্রসারণ। ওটা লেখক সুনীল গঙ্গোপাধ্যায় আর নির্দেশক সত্যজিতের প্রতি আমার শ্রদ্ধাঞ্জলি।” তিনি স্বীকার করলেন যে তাঁর ছবি সত্যজিতের ছবির ধারেকাছে পৌঁছতে পারেনি এবং ক্লাসিকগুলোর রিমেক না করাই উচিত।

রশ্মিলা উল্লেখ করেছিলেন যে সৃজিতের শাহজাহান রিজেন্সি-রও ১৯৬৮ সালের চৌরঙ্গি  ছবিটার সঙ্গে কোনো তুলনাই চলে না। আমি একমত হলাম, কারণ আমিও ছবিটা দেখে অত্যন্ত হতাশ হয়েছিলাম এবং মমতাশংকরকে বলেছিলাম যে ওই ছবিতে তাঁর অভিনয় কতটা বিস্মরণযোগ্য। উনি জবাবে কিছু বলতে পারেননি। আমি নিশ্চিত যে কথাটা ওঁর পছন্দ হয়নি।

আসলে আজকের বাংলা সিনেমা ছবি তৈরির সমস্ত ক্ষেত্রে প্রতিভার ভীষণ অভাবে ধুঁকছে। মুক্তি পাওয়া বেশিরভাগ ছবি দ্রুত সকলে ভুলে যায়। আজকের ছবি নির্মাতাদের কঠোরভাবে কনটেন্ট, সিনেম্যাটিক ন্যারেটিভি এবং মৌলিকত্বের উপর মনোযোগ দেওয়া দরকার। মনে পড়ে, সত্যজিৎ তিন দশকেরও বেশি আগে আমাকে বলেছিলেন যে ভবিষ্যতে বাংলা ছবিতে সৃজনশীলতার প্রবল সংকট দেখা দেবে। তাঁর কথা একেবারে অক্ষরে অক্ষরে ফলে গেছে।

স্টিভেন স্পিলবার্গ যদি ডায়রি অফ অ্যান ফ্র্যাঙ্ক নিয়ে ছবি করার লোভ সামলাতে পারেন, তাহলে লম্বা চওড়া কথা বলা মধ্যমেধার বাঙালি নির্দেশকরা কেন পারবেন না? সিনেমাবেত্তা সঞ্জয় মুখোপাধ্যায় বললেন “অতীতের স্মরণীয় ছবি আবার তৈরি না করে আজকের প্রজন্মের নির্দেশকদের নতুন, সমসাময়িক বিষয়ে মন দেওয়া উচিত, যার আবেদন দর্শকের বুদ্ধিবৃত্তি আর হৃদয়, দুটোর কাছেই।”

 

Mithun Chakraborty as Kabuliwala: A Misfit in the Tapestry of Tagore’s Timeless Tale

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[dropcap]S[/dropcap]andip Ray, eminent journalist Roshmila Bhattacharya, and I were discussing Bengali cinema at the Ray residence. I informed them that I was unhappy with Suman Ghosh’s Kabuliwala as it was no match for the former Bengali and Hindi adaptations by Tapan Sinha and Heman Gupta. Sandip Ray never point-blank criticizes anyone. He simply smiled and said, ‘Classics, once created, should not be remade.’ Roshmila agreed with him.

I could not digest Mithun Chakraborty as the benevolent Kabuliwala based on Tagore’s immortal story. The first Bengali Kabuliwala had Chabi Biswas in the title role deliver a performance of a lifetime. The background musical score by Pandit Ravi Shankar with an echo of Afghanistan, Ya Muistana, was mind-blowing. Kabuliwala did win an award at the Berlin Film Festival. The master actor’s interactions with child artist Tinku Tagore (Mini) were lessons in acting. As Satyajit Ray rightly mentioned, no other actor could immortalize Kabuliwala like Chabi Biswas or Balraj Sahni.

The Hindi adaptation produced by Bimal Ray had his directional touches followed well by Hemen Gupta. Ashok Kumar once told me that he gave admirable marks to Balraj Sahni as he sat with Kabuliwalas and meticulously observed their ways of life. In the film, as Balraj Sahni prays for Mini to recover from ill health, he was unmatched. According to Tapan Sinha, Balraj Sahni was a better Kabuliwala than Chabi Biswas. Salil Chowdhury’s haunting melodies, ‘Aye Mere Pyare Watan’ and ‘Ganga Aye Kahan Se,’ added to the film’s musical genre.

Mithun Chakraborty appears as a miscast Kabuliwala. Though a Mrinal Sen discovery, he is no match for the acting calibers of Chabi Biswas or Balraj Sahni. His histrionic abilities are too limited. Director Suman Ghosh went wrong in his attempt to remake Kabuliwala. The essence of Tagore’s classic literature is missing in his script. No wonder Mrinal Sen was correct in saying modern Bengali directors lack the ability of script narration.

Aparna Sen is certainly better in this aspect compared to Srijit Mukherjee or Suman Ghosh. However, with the exceptions of ’36 Chowringhee Lane’ and ‘Mr. & Mrs. Iyer,’ none of her other films have stood the test of time like earlier films by Ajay Kar, Asit Sen, and Bijay Bose. Though these directors followed the path of middle or commercial cinema, they penned aesthetically rich scripts as evident from ‘Saat Pake Bandha,’ ‘Deep Jwele Jai,’ and ‘Arogya Niketan.’

Kaushik Ganguly, the most promising director of this generation, attempted ‘Palan,’ a sequel to ‘Khanij.’ He admits, ‘The concept of mainstream Bengali cinema has undergone a big change.’ ‘Palan’ is nowhere compared to ‘Kharij.’ Goutam Ghose states, ‘My ‘Abar Aranaye’ was a continuation of ‘Aranayer Din Ratri.’ It was my tribute to author Sunil Gangopadhyay and director Satyajit Ray.’ Though ‘Abar Aranye’ is nowhere compared to Ray’s ‘Aranayer Din Ratri,’ Goutam Ghosh confesses that classics created earlier should not be remade.

Roshmila Bhattacharya pointed out, ‘Srijit Mukherjee’s ‘Hotel Shahjahan’ was no comparison to its original ‘Chowringhee’ in 1969.’ I agreed, as I also was frustrated viewing ‘Hotel Shahjahan’ and did directly tell actress and danseuse Mamata Shankar how forgettable she was in the film. She had no answer, and I am sure she did not appreciate my comment.

Contemporary Bengali cinema, as I have often said, dangerously lacks talent in every department of filmmaking. The majority of the films released pale into oblivion quickly. The present filmmakers need to strictly concentrate on content, cinematic narrative, and originality. I remember Satyajit Ray telling me more than three decades ago that, in the future, Bengali cinema will face a severe creative crisis. This saying has proved prophetic.

If Steven Spielberg could refrain from recreating ‘Diary of Anne Frank,’ why not loud-mouthed, mediocre Bengali directors? Noted film academician Sanjay Mukhopadhyay says, ‘Instead of recreating earlier memorable films, present-generation directors should concentrate on fresh, well-timed themes that appeal both to a viewer’s intelligence and heart.

Jharkhand Police Bust Major Drug Ring Smuggling Doda to Punjab

Ranchi: For years, the rampant drug addiction plaguing Punjab’s youth has been an open secret. But the recent seizure of a staggering 1500 kilograms of Doda drug by Jharkhand police has ripped open a shocking new chapter – revealing a deep-rooted drug trafficking network with tentacles reaching across state borders.

Lohardaga police seized 1500 kilogram of Doda kept in 74 sacks (worth Rs 30 lakhs) from a truck heading to Punjab.

This massive haul, intercepted in Lohardaga, wasn’t just a local bust. It was a window into a much larger interstate operation, meticulously smuggling contraband across vast distances. The Doda, hidden behind sacks of rice in a Punjab-registered truck, originated in Khunti, Jharkhand, and was destined for an insatiable market across the border.

“We received intel about a Punjab truck carrying a significant amount of Doda,” informed Superintendent of Police Haris Bin Zaman. “Our team swiftly intercepted the vehicle at Henzala Picket, unearthing this elaborate cross-state smuggling ring.”

Listen to Lohardaga SP Haris Bin Zaman speaking about the haul

This seizure wasn’t a mere one-off incident. It exposed a well-oiled machinery, meticulously transporting addictive substances through multiple districts and states. The truck’s journey, Zaman pointed out, “crossed several districts and states before reaching its intended destination.”

The operation also led to the arrest of two key individuals – owner-driver Ramsesh Paswan from Fatehgarh, Punjab, and his helper Indrajit Kumar from Jharkhand’s Latehar district. These arrests, however, are just the tip of the iceberg. Zaman hinted at crucial leads on the network’s masterminds, promising further crackdowns and seizures.

“We recovered several phones and documents, revealing a vast network,” said Zaman and added, “The brains behind this operation are believed to be Jai Kishore Gupta alias Pintu from Latehar and Sunil Kumar Singh alias Sonu from Ludhiana.”

Last year in August, a large quantity of Doda was also seized in Saharanpur, which was supposed to reach Punjab.

जब फिलिस्तीनियों की बात आती है तो अधिकार क्यों अंधे हो जाते हैं, पूछ रहें फिलिस्तीनी किसान संघ के निदेशक

अब्बास मिल्हेम फिलिस्तीनी किसान संघ के कार्यकारी निदेशक हैं और अब रामल्ला, वेस्ट बैंक में स्थित हैं। उन्होंने फ़िलिस्तीनी लोगों की दुर्दशा के ख़िलाफ़ लगातार बात की है, ख़ासकर उन किसानों की जिनकी ज़मीन पर इज़रायली निवासियों ने कब्ज़ा कर लिया है।

उन्होंने गाजा में अपने करीबी परिवार के सदस्यों (अपनी पत्नी के परिवार के सदस्यों) को खो दिया। वह कहते हैं, लोगों से यह पूछना बहुत मुश्किल है कि ‘आप कैसे हैं’। चीज़ों को समझाना बेहद मुश्किल है, लोग ख़ासकर बच्चों और महिलाओं को किस भयावहता से गुज़रना पड़ा है।

वह शांति और लोकतांत्रिक आंदोलन में सक्रिय रहे हैं और विभिन्न राष्ट्रीय और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय संगठनों के साथ काम किया है।

यह बातचीत 4 जनवरी, 2024 को ऑनलाइन रिकॉर्ड की गई थी और अब इसे जानकारी और उन सभी लोगों के हित में रखा जा रहा है जो यह समझना चाहते हैं कि फिलिस्तीन के अंदर क्या हो रहा है और फिलिस्तीन में संकट और उसके भविष्य से संबंधित फिलिस्तीनी दृष्टिकोण क्या है। .

लेखक और वरिष्ठ पत्रकार विद्या भूषण रावत ने फिलिस्तीन और खासकर गाजा में इजराइल द्वारा जारी नरसंहार पर कई लेख लिखे हैं। उन्होंने इसराइल पर हमास के हमले के अगले दिन एक लेख लिखा था. इज़राइल और फ़िलिस्तीन के बीच गंभीर ऐतिहासिक स्थिति को समझते हुए, लेखक ने दोनों पक्षों के बीच बातचीत की मांग की थी।

7 अक्टूबर के बाद इस्राइल के फिलिस्तीन में हो रहे लगातार बमबारी से अब तक 22000 से ज्यादा लोग मारे गए हैं और जीने आधे से ज्यादा, 12000 सिर्फ बच्चे हैं

 

ফিলিস্তিনিদের অধিকার লঙ্ঘন কেন দেখতে পায় না মানবাধিকার সংগঠনগুলো, প্রশ্ন ফিলিস্তিনের কৃষক সংগঠনের প্রধানের

আব্বাস মিলহেম ফিলিস্তিনি কৃষক ইউনিয়নের নির্বাহী পরিচালক এবং এখন পশ্চিম তীরের রামাল্লায় অবস্থিত। তিনি ক্রমাগতভাবে ফিলিস্তিনি জনগণের দুর্দশার বিরুদ্ধে কথা বলেছেন, বিশেষ করে কৃষকদের যাদের জমি ইসরায়েলি বসতি স্থাপনকারীরা দখল করেছে।

তিনি গাজায় তার ঘনিষ্ঠ পরিবারের সদস্যদের (তার স্ত্রীর পরিবারের সদস্যদের) হারিয়েছেন। তিনি বলেন, ‘কেমন আছেন’ লোকেদের জিজ্ঞাসা করা খুব কঠিন। জিনিসগুলি ব্যাখ্যা করা অত্যন্ত কঠিন, মানুষ বিশেষ করে শিশু এবং মহিলারা যে ভয়াবহতার মধ্য দিয়ে গেছে।

তিনি শান্তি ও গণতান্ত্রিক আন্দোলনে সক্রিয় ছিলেন এবং বিভিন্ন জাতীয় ও আন্তর্জাতিক সংস্থার সাথে কাজ করেছেন।

এই কথোপকথনটি 4 ঠা জানুয়ারী, 2024 অনলাইনে রেকর্ড করা হয়েছিল এবং এখন তথ্যের বৃহত্তর স্বার্থে এবং যারা প্যালেস্টাইনের অভ্যন্তরে কী ঘটছে এবং প্যালেস্টাইনের সঙ্কট এবং এর ভবিষ্যত সম্পর্কিত ফিলিস্তিনি দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি কী তা বুঝতে ইচ্ছুক সবার স্বার্থে রাখা হয়েছে।

বিদ্যা ভূষণ রাওয়াত, লেখক এবং সিনিয়র সাংবাদিক ফিলিস্তিনে এবং বিশেষ করে গাজায় ইসরায়েল কর্তৃক চলমান গণহত্যা নিয়ে অনেক লেখা লিখেছেন। ইসরায়েলে হামাসের হামলার পরদিন তিনি একটি লেখা লিখেছিলেন। ইসরায়েল এবং ফিলিস্তিনের মধ্যে গুরুতর ঐতিহাসিক পরিস্থিতি বুঝে লেখক দুই পক্ষের মধ্যে সংলাপ চেয়েছিলেন।

Why Rights Get Blind When It Comes To Palestinians asks Director of Palestinian Farmers Union

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Abbas Milhem is the Executive Director of the Palestinian Farmers Union and is now based in Ramallah, West Bank. He has persistently spoken against the plight of the Palestinian people, particularly farmers whose land has been occupied by the Israeli settlers.

He lost his close family members (family members of his wife) in Gaza. It is very difficult to ask people ‘how are you’, he says. Extremely difficult to explain things, the horrors that people particularly children and women have gone through.

He has been active in the Peace and Democratic movement and worked with various national and international organisations.

This conversation was recorded on January 4th, 2024 online and is now being placed in the greater interest of information and all those who wish to understand what is happening inside Palestine and what is a Palestinian point of view related to the crisis in Palestine and its future.

Vidya Bhushan Rawat, author and senior journalist has written many pieces on the ongoing genocide in Palestine and particularly in Gaza by Israel. He wrote a piece on the next day of the Hamas attack on Israel. Understanding the grave historics situation between Israel and Palestine, the author had sought dialogue between the two sides.