From Hatred to Hope: How Gujarat Spread Islamophobia While Bengal’s Umeed Lifted Tricolour with Drones

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Kolkata: It is no longer a secret that Gujarat—the land of Mahatma Gandhi, who gave the world the message of non-violence—has drifted far from the ideals of its own son of the soil. Today, the state is increasingly associated with blatant Islamophobia. This disturbing reality did not spare even the Independence Day celebrations inside a school. At Bhavnagar’s Kumbharwada School, during a play, hijab-wearing girls were portrayed as terrorists.

The act has drawn criticism from netizens for deepening prejudice against India’s largest minority community, who often find themselves at the receiving end of discrimination and hate. Yet, tellingly, there has been no news of any legal action against the school authorities so far.

Two Indias on Display: Demonisation in Gujarat, Innovation in Bengal

In stark contrast, while Bhavnagar’s school was maligning Muslim women on August 15, the hijab-wearing girls of Bengal’s Umeed Global School were writing a very different story of patriotism and innovation. On India’s 79th Independence Day, these students hoisted the Tricolour using a powerful hexacopter drone—an achievement that symbolized not just freedom, but also the spirit of possibility.

This was no ordinary drone. As the school’s statement highlighted, it was a 15-kg UAV (Unmanned Aerial Vehicle), the kind often used for operations such as agriculture and mapping, among others. The students themselves assembled the drone, programmed it, configured its flight system, and even built the payload along with the flag-hoisting and petal-shower mechanisms. The project involved a month of rigorous training under the guidance of a drone pilot and instructor.

When Classrooms Nurture Hope, Not Hate

“It was not a normal drone, but the kind used in industries for agriculture and mapping. It also took a month of training for the students to operate it,” said Wali Rahmani, the founder of Umeed Global School, speaking to eNewsroom.

The abaya-clad girls of Umeed Global School stand in stark contrast to the caricature painted in Gujarat’s classrooms. Their example reflects countless hijab-wearing women across India and the world who have reached the pinnacle of excellence in diverse fields.

islamophobia in gujarat schools umeed global school drone tricolour
Umeed Global School’s Founder Wali Rahmani with the students as Tricolour hoisted using drone | Umeed Global School

The Forgotten Heroes and the Manufactured Villains

And if the Bhavnagar school wanted to depict a Muslim woman in its Independence Day play, it could have looked no further than Colonel Sofiya Qureshi of Vadodara, Gujarat itself. A decorated Army officer, Colonel Sofiya became a household name during the India-Pakistan war and later commanded India’s Operation Sindoor. Her patriotism and service to the nation embody the spirit of sacrifice and courage that Independence Day is meant to celebrate.

Yet, in a state where Islamophobia runs deep, a Muslim Colonel who led a historic Indian Army operation was not considered worthy of portrayal. Instead, imaginary Muslim women terrorists were staged.

This contrast—between prejudice in Gujarat and promise in Bengal—reveals the choices India faces today: whether to nurture hate-filled stereotypes or to celebrate the real, inspiring stories of its people.

दिशोम गुरु की राह पर: हेमंत सोरेन और झारखंड का नया सफ़र

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नेमरा, रामगढ़: हर रोज़ नेमरा गाँव, रामगढ़ में लोग अपने अज़ीज़ रहनुमा शिबू सोरेन को याद करते नज़र आते हैं — कोई उनकी तस्वीर पर फूल चढ़ा रहा है, कोई शायरी पढ़ रहा है। झारखंड के मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन का पुश्तैनी घर रांची से 81 किलोमीटर दूर है, लेकिन 5 अगस्त — जिस दिन दिशोम गुरु की मिट्टी दी गई — से सारा रास्ता इसी हरियाली भरे गाँव की तरफ़ मुड़ गया है। यहाँ मुख्यमंत्री रुके हुए हैं, गाँववालों से मिल रहे हैं और वालिद की रूह के लिए रस्में अदा कर रहे हैं।

पिछले आठ दिन से हेमंत सोरेन उन्हीं तंग गलियों और खेतों से गुज़र रहे हैं, जहाँ उनके वालिद बरसों चला करते थे। किसानों से बातें कर रहे हैं, उनकी मुश्किलें सुन रहे हैं और उस खालीपन को भरने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं, जो झारखंड के ग़रीब और मज़लूम तबक़ों की आवाज़ रहे एक बड़े रहनुमा के जाने से पैदा हुआ है।

नेमरा का बेटा कैसे बना दिशोम गुरु

शिबू सोरेन की कहानी दर्दनाक वाक़िए से शुरू होती है। महज़ 13 साल की उम्र में उन्होंने अपने वालिद सोबरन मांझी को ज़मींदारों की गोलियों में खो दिया। वही लम्हा उन्हें जनता की जद्दोजहद में ले आया, जो आज़ाद हिंदुस्तान की बड़ी सामाजिक हलचल के साथ-साथ चली। धान कटनी आंदोलन उन्होंने नहीं चलाया, लेकिन उसके बाद उन्होंने और बड़ी लड़ाई छेड़ी — अलग झारखंड की तहरीक। 1973 में उन्होंने झारखंड मुक्ति मोर्चा की बुनियाद रखी, जो आदिवासियों और ग़रीब तबक़ों की तामन्नाओं का सियासी घर बना।

81 साल की उम्र में शिबू सोरेन ने कई ओहदे देखे — तीन बार मुख्यमंत्री, तीन बार यूनियन मिनिस्टर, आठ बार एमपी, राज्यसभा मेम्बर और एमएलए। लेकिन असल पहचान उन्हें कभी ओहदों ने नहीं दी। दिशोम गुरु वो बने, क्योंकि उनका रिश्ता हमेशा उस आख़िरी शख़्स से रहा, जो समाज की लाइन में सबसे पीछे खड़ा था — बेज़मीन किसान, जंगल में रहने वाला, या अपनी इज़्ज़त के लिए लड़ने वाला मज़दूर।

शराब और गोश्त से परहेज़ करने वाले शिबू सोरेन सत्तर के दशक में रात को लालटेन की रौशनी में तालीम देते थे। जो शराब पीता, उसे सज़ा भी देते। उनकी सियासत उतनी ही उसूलों पर खड़ी थी, जितनी इख़्तियार (पावर) पर।

हेमंत की बारी

हेमंत सोरेन की सियासी ज़िंदगी भी नुक़सान के साये में शुरू हुई। 2009 में उनके बड़े भाई दुर्गा सोरेन का इंतिक़ाल महज़ 39 साल की उम्र में किडनी फ़ेल होने से हुआ। उस वक़्त इंजीनियरिंग पढ़ रहे हेमंत ने पढ़ाई छोड़ दी और सियासत में कदम रखा।

आज वो तीसरी बार मुख्यमंत्री हैं और जेएमएम के कारगुज़ार सदर। उनके सामने वही चुनौती है जो उनके वालिद पीछे छोड़ गए — जल, जंगल और ज़मीन की हिफ़ाज़त। शिबू सोरेन को जानने वाले कहते हैं कि नेमरा जैसे हज़ारों गाँव झारखंड में हैं — हुस्न और ख़ूबसूरती से भरे, जिनकी पहचान बचाना ज़रूरी है।

गाँवों में रोज़ाना जाती दफ़्तरियों और लोगों से मिलते वक़्त, हेमंत ने साफ़ कहा: “नेमरा, नेमरा ही रहेगा” — यानी गाँव अपनी असल पहचान संभाले रखेगा, लेकिन उसमें तमाम बुनियादी सहूलतें मौजूद होंगी।

रांची के सहाफ़ी विनोद कुमार, जिन्होंने “समर शेष है” किताब लिखी है, कहते हैं: “शिबू सोरेन ने जल, जंगल, ज़मीन के लिए लड़ाई लड़ी। अब हेमंत सोरेन को सचमुच वालिद के ख़्वाबों और तहरीक को पूरा करना होगा। PESA एक्ट का पूरा निफ़ाज़, जंगलों के हक़ की हिफ़ाज़त, लैंड बैंक को हटाना और मॉब-लिंचिंग ख़िलाफ़ क़ानून लाना उनकी हुकूमत की पहली तर्ज़ीह होनी चाहिए। झारखंड की माइनिंग को बेकाबू नहीं छोड़ा जा सकता।”

‘जब तक सूरज चाँद रहेगा…’

“मैं ब्राह्मण हूँ, मुझे तालीम से दिलचस्पी होनी चाहिए — लेकिन उन्हें मुझसे ज़्यादा थी,” नेमरा आए एक बुज़ुर्ग आगंतुक ने कहा। “वो सबको पढ़ाई की ताक़ीद करते थे। उनका यक़ीन था कि सिर्फ़ तालीम ही ज़िंदगी बदल सकती है, ख़ासकर आदिवासियों के लिए। और उन्होंने कभी किसी को भूखा घर से नहीं लौटाया। उन्होंने हज़ारों ज़िंदगियों को छुआ और बदला। इसलिए मैं कहता हूँ — जब तक सूरज चाँद रहेगा, शिबू तेरा नाम रहेगा।”

From Chavez to Modi: How India’s Democracy Risks a Venezuelan Fate

Leader of the Opposition Rahul Gandhi’s explosive press conference on 7th August presented conclusive evidence of the electoral fraud committed by India’s Election Commission. In his hour-long exposé, the Congress leader did not just give episodic or anecdotal evidence of electoral fraud; he laid bare a systemic attempt by the Commission to overturn the popular mandate.

Yes, Gandhi’s PowerPoint display exposed the bogus voting in just one assembly constituency in Karnataka, where more than one lakh votes had been fraudulently cast during the last Lok Sabha election. But that was a good enough snapshot to give us a glimpse of the dark underbelly of our once much-admired constitutional body.

As Rahul Gandhi said, his team took more than six months to complete this exercise, after meticulously poring through the booth-level data and travelling to remote parts of the constituency to expose the list of fake voters. As he affirmed, if a similar forensic exercise is done in assembly segments in Haryana and Maharashtra, where the BJP won last year — contrary to the prediction of the Exit Polls and most ground reports — it could be shown that the Election Commission of India indulged in outcome-determinative fraud there too.

Election Commission: From Pride to Partisan Tool

Why has our Election Commission, which was once hailed worldwide for undertaking a continental exercise smoothly and fairly— without fear or favour— stooped so low as to besmirch its formidable reputation? The answer is obvious: the government of the day has forced its hand. The retired officers helmed the Commission even in the Congress days, but there is a difference between then and now. The Congress regime allowed the Election Commission the autonomy guaranteed under the Constitution. Even Indira Gandhi did not interfere in its work when the parliamentary elections were held in 1977, with the official Emergency still in vogue. But the authoritarian Modi government has no such qualms; it wants to use the Election Commission as a handmaiden to perpetuate itself in power.

The Modi regime is clearly following the authoritarian playbook of Putin’s Russia or Chavez’s Venezuela. Russia anyway, had emerged from a totalitarian past; its tryst with democracy was short and tentative. But Venezuela, like India, had decades of democratic experiment before Hugo Chavez decided to upend it in the first decade of this century. Modi is following Chavez’s footsteps now.

Well, though both Modi and Chavez have been populist leaders, they are poles apart in their ideological zeitgeist; one is a rightist reactionary, but the other was a fire-breathing revolutionary. But both considered themselves indispensable for their respective countries. So both, formally or informally, tore apart the Constitution through which they had come to power in the first place in order to rule for life.

Rahul Gandhi Links Modi’s Tactics to Chavez’s Playbook

Eminent historian Ramachandra Guha once said: ‘Among the leftists in the JNU campus, Narendra Modi is a hate figure but Hugo Chavez is a hero; but they tend to forget that Chavez was a Modi on steroids’.

Just a year after coming to power through legitimate means in 1998, Chavez discarded the Constitution, extended his term as president to six years, vastly widened his own executive power, dissolved the bicameral legislature, packed the National Electoral Council ( the body that conducts elections), the Supreme Tribunal of Justice ( the apex judiciary) and the National Armed Forces with Chavistas (supporters of Chavez’s left-wing populism).

What followed was that an immensely popular leader became the invincible leader; till his death in 2013, he ruled Venezuela with an iron hand. To his credit, despite his strong-arm methods, Chavez tried to keep the symbolism of a popular mandate intact. However, after him, his designated successor, Nicolas Maduro, has dispensed with that symbolic deference to optics as well. He clearly lost the election to a united opposition candidate in the presidential vote in July last year — all international observers vouched for it — but he stayed in power, thanks to the backing of the Armed Forces of Venezuela.

Democracy Under Siege: Institutions Captured, Opposition Cornered

Had Narendra Modi had his way, he would have followed Chavez’s footsteps by quickly shredding the Constitution and packing the Election Commission, the Supreme Court of India, and the Indian defence forces with Hindutva-spouting party men. But India has stronger roots of democracy that can withstand such assaults; he is, therefore, following the footprint of Chavez steadily, but slowly. He is taking every step to break free from any institutional constraint: he got the rules changed so that the Chief Justice of India is not involved in the selection of the members of the Election Commission. He is making desperate efforts to snatch the power to select judges of the higher judiciary from the domain of the judicial collegium; he wants to make it a close preserve of the executive machinery. He has weaponised the investigative agencies to silence opponents and the critics of the regime.

The aim is clear: how to stifle the opposition and remain in power in perpetuity. Chavez had succeeded in his game plan. He strode like a colossus till his death. However, the sad truth is that both Chavez and his chosen successor have led the once prosperous country to being an economic basket case in the last quarter century.

As Rahul Gandhi exposed last Thursday, Narendra Modi is bent on harnessing the pivotal institutions of the country to ensure that he is in the driver’s seat till he breathes his last; he would like to see his designated successor — be it Amit Shah or Yogi Adityanath — carry on his legacy after him.

It’s now left to the united opposition parties in the country ( they all met last Thursday to demonstrate their opposition to the diabolical SIR exercise being conducted by the Election Commission in Bihar) and all truly patriotic Indians — professionals, students and activists — to foil the machinations of the current regime and protect the foundations of our cherished democracy. India must not turn into another Venezuela.

Beyond 15 August: The Fight for Dignity, Equality, and True Freedom

[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n this auspicious occasion of the 79th Indian Independence Day Celebration, as our tricolour flutters proudly in the sky, we gather not only to rejoice in our political freedom but also to reflect on the deeper meaning of independence — the independence of thought, of dignity, and from oppression.

History reminds us that independence is not an end in itself; it is the beginning of a longer and more challenging journey. A flag may be raised in a single day, but the values it stands for take generations of courage, sacrifice, and relentless effort to realise. The sacrifices of our forefathers paved the way for us and for generations yet to come. Some of these sacrifices remain alive in our collective memory; others have been pushed into the shadows of history.

One such forgotten name is Sher Ali Afridi, the man who assassinated the Viceroy of British India, Lord Mayo, on 8 February 1872. The killing of the Viceroy — the supreme official in India appointed by the British Crown — sent shockwaves through Britain and its colonial administration. British sources described Sher Ali as “a fearless soldier and one who would have been selected for any service of danger.” Yet his memory, like that of many freedom fighters, has been deliberately erased from our historical narrative.

The story of independence across the world shows us a simple truth: formal freedom is not enough — it must be nurtured, defended, and expanded to reach all citizens equally. Take the United States of America, one of the oldest democracies, which declared independence in 1776 with the ringing words, “All men are created equal.” Yet, it took nearly a century for Arabella Mansfield to become the first woman lawyer in 1869 — and only because she challenged a law that excluded women. Women in the USA had to wait until 1920, almost 150 years after independence, for the right to vote.

For African Americans, the road was even longer. It took nearly two centuries and the 1954 landmark judgment in Brown vs Board of Education to end legal segregation in schools. Before that, in Plessy vs Ferguson (1896), the US Supreme Court had upheld racial segregation — a reminder that courts, too, can become instruments of injustice.

The United States is not alone in such contradictions. Many nations have passed laws that were once enforced with full authority but now stand exposed as morally bankrupt:

  • Apartheid laws in South Africa, enforcing racial segregation for decades until the 1990s.
  • The Rowlatt Act in colonial India, which curtailed basic freedoms and allowed detention without trial.
  • The “Bloody Code” in 18th-century Britain, which imposed the death penalty for over 200 offences, many of them minor.

The lesson is clear: Independence does not guarantee equality, and laws do not guarantee justice. Sometimes injustice is not committed in defiance of the law, but in obedience to it. Correcting such wrongs demands moral courage, societal will, and years — even decades — of struggle.

Even in independent India, the battle is far from over. Untouchability, though abolished by the Constitution, persists in practice. A new form of untouchability now targets Muslims, with many such acts going unchecked, creating the impression that parts of the state machinery are complicit. Women remain underrepresented in many professions, often requiring judicial intervention to secure equality.

The incarceration of human rights defenders — Umar Khalid, jailed for over five years without trial; Father Stan Swamy, who died in custody; MF Husain, who lived in exile — marks a collective failure of the state, judiciary, and society. Victims of modern-day genocide have neither received reparation nor been spared continued persecution. Thousands have been detained in camps as “non-citizens,” with some dying in custody. Rahim Ali died with the tag of “foreigner” two and a half years before the Supreme Court declared him an Indian citizen. Citizens have been pushed into foreign territories on the false pretext of being foreigners, yet no official has been held accountable. And if tomorrow Umar Khalid is declared innocent, no functionary of the state will be punished — but “we, the people” will continue to pay the price.

The fear of being branded a “foreigner” has cost many their lives. This fear is enabled by the misuse of law and the silence of watchdogs like the judiciary and human rights bodies.

Our forefathers dreamed not just of an independent India, but of a just India — where dignity is universal, where opportunity is not limited by birth, gender, or belief, and where the law shields the weak rather than serving as a weapon for the strong.

Laws alone cannot ensure justice. Wielded with prejudice, they become instruments of oppression; guided by fairness, they become guardians of liberty. Similarly, independence is not a static possession but a living, breathing promise.

Let us cherish our freedom, but let us also recognise that freedom without justice is hollow. Our task is to ensure that when future generations gather under this flag, they inherit not only a free India but an India that has fulfilled the ideals for which our forefathers sacrificed everything.

Jai Hind!

 

This is an expanded version of the lecture delivered on 79th Independence Day at WBNUJS and Qutub-Ul-Mashaikh Trust. The views expressed in the article are personal.

From Nemra’s Soil to Jharkhand’s Future: Dishom Guru’s Legacy and Hemant Soren’s Path Ahead

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Nemra, Ramgarh: Garlanding, reciting poetry, and displaying pictures of their beloved leader, Shibu Soren, have become an everyday sight in Nemra village, Ramgarh. The ancestral home of Jharkhand’s Chief Minister Hemant Soren lies 81 kilometers from Ranchi, but since August 5 — the day Dishom Guru was cremated — all roads have led to this lush green hamlet. Here, the chief minister has been staying, meeting villagers, and performing rituals for his father’s departed soul.

For the past eight days, Hemant Soren has walked the narrow village paths his father once knew so well, talking to farmers, listening to grievances, and quietly filling the void left by a leader who, for decades, was the voice of Jharkhand’s marginalized.

How Nemra’s Son Became Dishom Guru

Shibu Soren’s story began with tragedy. At just 13, he lost his father, Sobran Manjhi, a teacher, to the bullets of zamindars. That moment propelled him into public life, a journey that ran parallel to the great social churn of post-Independence India. While he did not lead the Dhaan Katni Andolan, he later spearheaded a far greater struggle — the movement for a separate Jharkhand. In 1973, he founded the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, a political home for the aspirations of Adivasis and other marginalized communities.

In his 81 years, Shibu Soren wore many hats — three-time chief minister, three-time Union minister, eight-time MP, Rajya Sabha member, and MLA. Yet titles and power were never what defined him. What made him Dishom Guru was his unwavering connection with the last person in society’s line — the landless farmer, the forest dweller, the worker fighting for his dignity.

A teetotaler and vegetarian, he often held night classes in the 1970s, teaching by lantern light, and was known to punish those who drank. His politics was as much about principles as it was about power.

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Hemant Soren meeting with visitors at Nemra on August 13 | eNewsroom

Hemant’s Turn at the Helm

Hemant Soren’s own political journey, like his father’s, began in the shadow of loss. In 2009, his elder brother, Durga Soren, passed away at just 39 from kidney failure. Then an engineering student, Hemant abandoned his studies and stepped into public life.

Today, serving his third term as chief minister and as JMM’s executive president, Hemant faces the challenge of carrying forward his father’s unfinished battles — for Jal, Jungle, Zameen. Those who knew Shibu Soren say there are thousands of villages like Nemra in Jharkhand — places of extraordinary beauty whose identity must be preserved.

During his daily visits to villages around Nemra, Hemant has made his intention clear: “Nemra will remain Nemra,” he told the media, meaning the village will retain its essence, though equipped with all basic amenities.

“Shibu Soren fought for Jal, Jungle, Zameen (water, forest, and land). Now Hemant Soren must truly work on his father’s ideals and vision. Full implementation of the PESA Act, protection of forest rights, removal of the land bank, and enactment of the anti-mob lynching law should be his government’s priorities. Mining in Jharkhand must not be left uncontrolled,” writes Ranchi-based journalist Vinod Kumar, author of Samar Shesh Hai — a book on Shibu Soren.

‘Jab Tak Suraj Chand Rahega…’

“I am a Brahmin, and I should have an interest in education — but he had more interest than I did,” said a septuagenarian visitor at Nemra. “He told everyone to study. He believed only education could improve lives, especially for Adivasis. And he never let anyone leave his home hungry. He has touched and changed thousands of lives. That’s why I say — jab tak suraj chand rahega, Shibu tera naam rahega.”

When Home Undoes School: The Unspoken Crisis in Our Community’s Education

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n my earlier column, Illusions of Progress, I explored how many Muslim-managed schools in Kolkata and its neighbouring districts have traded purpose for power — valuing control, prestige, and mimicry over real learning. But there is another side to the story, one that is less comfortable to discuss and even harder to confront. Schools are not failing in isolation; a significant part of the problem lies in our own homes — in the attitudes, priorities, and financial habits of parents and guardians.

In many Muslim households across this part of India, a troubling but often unspoken reality shapes children’s academic performance — the casual attitude towards schooling. Once a child is admitted, whether in a Muslim-managed school, a Christian missionary institution, or any other setup, many parents believe their role is complete. The day-to-day environment at home — bedtimes, distractions, and priorities — becomes a blind spot. A late-night wedding, an extended visit from relatives, or an unplanned amusement outing might seem harmless, but its impact is visible in the classroom the next morning. Students arrive underprepared, homework incomplete, revision neglected, and in some cases, still struggling to shake off sleep. This is not an isolated pattern; it is a structural issue that erodes the benefits of schooling, no matter how dedicated the teachers or well-resourced the institution.

We are quick to criticise school management for underpaying teachers, imposing monopolies on books and uniforms, or reducing education to optics. But we seldom ask: are we, as a community, doing our part? Or are we silently contributing to the same decay we lament? Many parents demand “world-class” education but refuse to cooperate with schools on the basics — attendance, homework, discipline, and respectful communication with teachers and management.

In recent years, many school founders in our community have stepped forward with rare courage — determined to offer mainstream, modern education blended with an Islamic identity that is fully protected under the Constitution of India. This model aims to give children both the academic tools to thrive in a competitive world and the moral grounding of their faith.

When Parents Overstep: The Erosion of Boundaries

From my sessions with teachers and school management, I have heard sincere concerns. Parents today often have little regard for the privacy of teachers and management. They call or WhatsApp at any hour — early morning, late night — demanding immediate responses. If monsoon rains cause waterlogging in the entire neighbourhood, they still expect the school to “fix” it instantly, as if the campus were somehow immune to geography.

Even school calendars become points of endless dispute. If a school operates Monday to Friday, some parents insist on Saturday classes, while others pull their children out for the wedding of a distant cousin, a family gathering, or an unplanned outing. The message is clear: flexibility is demanded from the school, but rarely reciprocated at home.

Skipping the Bridge: The Neglect of PTMs

And then there are Parent-Teacher Meetings (PTMs) — designed to bridge the gap between home and school. Many parents wilfully skip them, citing “work pressure” or “no time,” yet these same parents manage to attend social events, shopping trips, or ceremonies. They forget that PTMs are not a favour to the school but an investment in their child’s progress. The schools I have observed charge between Rs 800 and Rs 2,500 a month. For many families, this is seen as a heavy expense, yet spending on weddings, festive wardrobes, frequent dining out, and the latest smartphones is rarely questioned. The issue is not simply a lack of resources; it is misplaced priorities.

Another damaging trend is the “I pay, therefore I own” mentality. In many private schools, fee payment creates a sense of entitlement, where teachers are treated as service providers rather than partners in a child’s development. If a child performs poorly, parents rarely ask, “What more can we do from our side?” Instead, they demand that the school “fix” the problem. This transactional view strips education of its ethical dimension.
The parental race to “stay ahead” has reached toxic levels. Even four-year-olds are now expected to “master everything” in school and return home with piles of homework, as though childhood were an entrance exam. This, too, is tied to a deeper social problem: the inability of adults to detach from mobile screens. If a child does not have homework, then the easiest “solution” for a restless child becomes handing over a phone or tablet — effectively outsourcing parenting to algorithms. In the long run, both curiosity and discipline suffer. A recurring theme in my interactions with school leaders is that many parents prioritise their comfort over the needs of the school and teachers.

From Community Lifeline to Costly Commitment

A century ago, Muslim educational pioneers in Bengal did not build schools to compete with elite institutions or to advertise on billboards. They built them as community lifelines — funded, managed, and morally supported by the neighbourhood. Now, many guardians fail to grasp a simple truth: running a school is not a charity project anymore; it is a constant financial commitment. Quality education costs money because it demands real investment — safe buildings, proper facilities, reliable utilities, and above all, fair salaries for qualified teachers. The Constitution’s Article 21A makes elementary education the State’s duty, but when the State fails, others must step in. And when they do, they deserve our support, not our suspicion.

Yet school managements often feel helpless when parents delay paying fees — sometimes for as long as six months. Those from business backgrounds, in particular, often treat school fees like business transactions, settling them only when their clients pay. Some guardians who once helped in setting up the school feel entitled to bend the rules, using that “past favour” as leverage. When the management tries to enforce discipline or implement policies, such guardians are quick to threaten, boasting that they can “bring the school to its knees.”

The school can succeed only if parents treat education as a shared responsibility and not as a purchased service. Teachers can inspire, guide, and discipline, but they cannot replace the influence of home. Without parental involvement, even the best schools will become day-care centres with textbooks.

 

How the Sports Bill Was Bent to Please the BCCI

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[dropcap]A [/dropcap]new law is about to be passed in India for sports administration. The word “Governance” has been added to its name, raising hopes of good governance. But even before the law is enacted, “sports governance” has been killed in the womb. The original bill brought bodies like the BCCI under the ambit of the Right to Information (RTI) Act. But suddenly, an amendment was introduced to keep organisations like the BCCI out of the RTI’s scope. The Sports Ministry seems to have forgotten that without transparency, governance is impossible. The bill never directly mentions the BCCI, but everyone understood why this amendment was made before the law could even be passed.

Union Sports Minister Mansukh Mandaviya presented the “National Sports Governance Bill, 2025” in the Lok Sabha on 23 July. The bill will grant recognition to national sports bodies and regulate their functioning. Its aim is to ensure that sports organisations operate in a rules-based, transparent, and accountable manner. It proposes setting up a National Sports Governance Body, a National Sports Board, a National Sports Election Panel, and a National Sports Tribunal for the development of sports. There are provisions for a National Olympic Committee, a National Paralympic Committee, and national and regional federations for each sport, linked to their respective international bodies, with affiliated units at state and district levels.

How a Last-Minute Amendment Shielded the BCCI from RTI

The original bill stated that all recognised sports organisations would come under the RTI. Clause 15(2) of the bill tabled in the Lok Sabha on 23 July said: “All recognised sports organisations shall be deemed public authorities under the RTI Act.” This meant they would have to appoint Public Information Officers and provide information to citizens. Under this provision, the BCCI would have been covered by the RTI. But on 4 August, before any debate in the Lok Sabha, an amendment was made saying only sports bodies receiving government financial assistance would be deemed public authorities under the RTI Act.

Since the BCCI does not take any grants from the Sports Ministry or the government, it will not fall under the RTI because of this clause. However, it is important to note that this does not change the provisions of the original RTI Act. Under the RTI Act 2005, the BCCI is still considered a public https://biodiversityweek.ie/ authority and is bound to provide information. This has been made clear by the Central Information Commission (CIC). But using a stay order from the Madras High Court, the BCCI has so far refused to provide information, blocking the CIC’s decision. The fact is, the Board of Control for Cricket in India behaves as if it is above the country itself. The RTI, for it, is of no consequence.

Venkatesh Nayak, Director of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in New Delhi, who has been promoting awareness about RTI since it came into force, called the 4 August amendment to the “National Sports Governance Bill, 2025” unfortunate. He said that despite the recommendations of the Lodha Committee, appointed by the Supreme Court, and the Law Commission of India, the BCCI is being given an escape route from the RTI. But this will not be so easy.

Courts Have Already Said: The Right to Know Trumps Private Power

In the Kaushal Kishor vs UP Government case in January 2023, the Supreme Court said that the protection of fundamental rights to life and liberty also applies against private institutions. In two earlier cases, in 1988 and 2004, the Court recognised that the citizen’s right to know is part of Article 21 of the Constitution. Therefore, if the central government amends the sports governance bill in this way, affected citizens can file petitions in the High Courts to defend their right to know. The government will have to justify why such an amendment was necessary.

The BCCI’s refusal to provide information has been controversial for a long time. On 21 April 2010, the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports declared all recognised national sports https://rju.parco.gov.ba/ federations to be public authorities under the RTI Act. But the BCCI never even took recognition from the ministry as a national sports federation. This meant the ministry’s order did not apply to it. For reasons unknown, the Sports Ministry remained passive.

On 1 October 2018, the CIC, in an important ruling, declared that the BCCI falls under the RTI Act. It directed the BCCI to appoint Public Information Officers and provide information online and offline. The commission also asked the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports to ensure compliance. But the BCCI challenged the CIC’s order in the Madras High Court, which stayed the order, preventing its implementation.

CIC Exposed the BCCI’s Public Nature — But the Courts Hit Pause

What did the CIC’s order say?

Applicant Geeta Rani had sought several pieces of information from the Sports Ministry about the BCCI. She asked: If the BCCI is a private body, on what basis does it represent India in domestic and international cricket? Who gave it the right to select players for the country? Is it “Team India” or “Team BCCI”? What benefit does the Government of India get from it?

When she received no information, the matter went to the CIC. The commission sought a reply from the ministry and clarified several points. For example, the Supreme Court and several High Courts have recognised the BCCI’s activities as public in nature, meaning it should be transparent and accountable to citizens. The CIC also cited the 275th report of the Law Commission of India, which said the BCCI’s functioning is of a public nature.

It regulates and manages cricket in India much like a government body would. Therefore, it should be brought under the RTI, even if it does not receive direct government grants, since it gets other forms of financial benefits such as income tax and customs duty exemptions, subsidised land, and use of government infrastructure. Without these concessions, the government would have earned significant revenue. The Law Commission also noted that BCCI-selected players use the national flag and emblem and that the BCCI nominates cricketers for the Arjuna Awards.

On this basis, the CIC ruled that the BCCI should be under the RTI and ordered it to provide the applicant with all requested information within ten days. Central Information Commissioner Sridhar Acharyulu also directed the Sports Ministry to ensure compliance. But the Madras High Court stayed the order.

Cricket is linked to billions in business. How can such a massive enterprise be controlled by a private body? Why doesn’t the government set up its own national cricket board? If a new Indian cricket body represented the country at home and abroad, what status would the BCCI have left? Why is the Government of India bowing before a private organisation?

Beyond Gaza: ‘Apartheid in Delhi, Housing Apartheid in South Kolkata,’ Says Saira Shah Halim

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Kolkata: There is apartheid going on not only by Israel in Gaza but also in India’s own national capital Delhi and in West Bengal’s capital Kolkata, claimed activist and CPM leader Saira Shah Halim.

Speaking at the launch of Indian Muslims’ Tryst with Democracy: Challenges and Opportunities, Saira — considered a moderate voice in political circles — spoke at length about the challenges Muslims face in Bengal, across India, and globally.

Saira Shah is the wife of doctor and politician Fuad Halim, daughter and sister of army veterans Zamiruddin Shah and Mohammed Ali Shah, and niece of acclaimed actor Naseeruddin Shah. A well-known face on television news debates, she has fought two elections on the CPM ticket — one for the Lok Sabha and another for the West Bengal Assembly, where she contested against Babul Supriyo.

Homogeneity is a Big Fallacy

She began by dismantling what she called the “myth of Muslim brotherhood.”

“The ongoing genocide in Palestine and Gaza has made it clear that there is no brotherhood among Muslims, as it would have not gone so far,” she said.

Bringing the point home to India, she added, “Indian Muslims are divided by language, sub-sects, and castes as well. There is no Ummah (Muslim brotherhood) existing in practice among Muslims today. There is no homogenization either. Indian Muslims are divided on caste lines like Hindus, and also along sectarian lines.”

Housing Apartheid in South Kolkata

The “moderate” leader then took a firm stand on discrimination in housing.

“People say about Israel’s apartheid, but there is apartheid in Delhi. It is not so much in Kolkata. But there is housing apartheid in South Kolkata. Be a Muslim and try to get a house in South Kolkata, you will not get it. People say Muslims are getting ghettoized, but do Muslims have a choice? We are still facing the ghost of partition of 1947,” she said.

Saira was equally clear about why she is outspoken.

“People also say, why are you so political? Point is, is there any choice? Today, if a Muslim does not raise the voice, he or she is being complicit in the crime against Muslims — not only in India but globally.”

Her more than half-hour-long speech touched on Umar Khalid still being in jail, the lynching of Muslims, and arrests over tweets. She also criticised MPs elected on minority votes but silent on critical issues:

“Muslims are almost 30 percent in Bengal, but do we ever think that our representing MPs — who may not be Muslim but secular — are remaining absent when the Anti-CAA Bill was debated, when Article 370 was revoked?” she asked, hinting at TMC MPs who skipped key sessions on Muslim concerns.

Education and Healthcare Neglect

Professor Abdul Matin of Jadavpur University drew attention to how micro-level changes could uplift Muslims and other marginalised groups.

“It is often said that Muslims are lagging behind in education. And it should improve. But how will it be improved? When Muslims are earning 8 to 10 thousand a month, how will they send their sons and daughters to private schools? They will go to government schools — and these have deteriorated so much that, after studying there, the community’s children will not rise,” he said.

Matin added that the problem is not confined to rural Bengal but also exists in major Muslim areas of Kolkata — Metiabruz, Khidirpur, Topsia, Park Circus, and Raja Bazar.

“Kolkata Municipal Corporation used to run schools, which no longer function,” he noted.

The public education system in Bengal, he said, has not been strengthened, affecting all low-income groups — with Muslims among the worst hit. Political interference, past and present, compounds the problem: “If you are not part of this or that political party, it will…” he left the sentence hanging, implying systemic bias.

Healthcare, he added, is equally grim. “People from rural Bengal travel from far away and queue from midnight to see a doctor or get admitted. We should stress on local mohalla schools and clinics.”

‘Jo BJP Nahi Kar Paya, Wo TMC Ne Kar Dikhaya’

Prof Matin also accused so-called secular parties of fusing politics and religion.

“I am against any government dole for religious activities. But now Mamata Banerjee’s government has not only built a temple in Digha with government funds but spent billions on its advertisement to invite devotees. The government even used the Public Distribution System (PDS) to distribute Prasad. This has not even been done by any BJP government so far,” he remarked.

Education Over Religion

Former Rajya Sabha member and bureaucrat Jawhar Sircar stressed that education — not religious symbolism — was the path to advancement for Muslims.

“Muslims must not be allowed to be used as vote banks and must boldly join the democratic, secular forces who are fighting to restore the plural India we were born into,” Sircar said.

He also urged patience over the caste census. “Caste Census can be a game changer for Muslims too, so wait for 2026 and let the Census report get released,” he advised.

Declining Representation

Prof Maidul Islam of CSSSC (Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta) noted that Muslims are democratically conscious due to their vulnerability but face systemic barriers. He pointed to a sharp decline of Muslim representation in Lok Sabha started from 1980 and in Bengal assembly from 2011, saying political parties deliberately exclude them from candidacy — a practice Ambedkar had warned about.

He also linked the lack of progressive leadership to the community’s woes and criticised Hindi cinema for stereotyping Muslims as gangsters with clichéd appearances.

Why This Book Matters

The book’s author, Prof Syed Ali Mujtaba, explained why he felt compelled to write it and said the future actions outlined were grounded in solid research.

Activists Imran Zaki and Manzar Jameel also offered their insights, while Humaira Jawed moderated the session.

Illusions of Progress: How Kolkata’s Muslim Schools Traded Purpose for Power

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n the lanes of Topsia, Rajarhat, Howrah, Mallickpur, and Baruipur, imposing school buildings have emerged—some with glass facades and fancy gates. To the casual observer, these structures reflect the progress of the Muslim community. On social media and in community meetings, they’re flaunted as symbols of “moving forward.” But behind these walls lies a troubling story: a drift away from educational purpose, masking itself as “world-class education.” The illusion of empowerment is, in fact, detrimental to the community—especially when it is financially unsustainable, pedagogically shallow, and ethically questionable.

A few years ago, a reputed English-medium Muslim-managed school in Kolkata invited a senior academic—formerly from La Martiniere—to serve as Principal. During his visit to the office, he noticed two chairs placed behind the desk. When he asked why, the management replied, “One is for the Principal, one for our representative. Both work together.” The academic quietly walked away. “If even the chair must be shared, the leadership is hollow,” he told a colleague. This wasn’t an isolated case. It reflects a widespread issue in Howrah, Garden Reach, Khidderpore, and Belgachia—where professional autonomy https://linklist.bio/slot88ku/ is eroded in the name of “community ownership.”

Power Without Pedagogy

Muslim-managed schools around Kolkata generally fall into three types:

  1. Aided Schools: Usually Urdu-medium, affiliated with state or madrasa boards, government-aided but community-managed.
  2. Unaided English-Medium Private Schools: Often newer institutions, sometimes affiliated with national or international boards, or none at all.
  3. Unrecognised Community Schools: Typically pre-primary or feeder setups, operating on donations and located in underserved localities.

Despite these structural differences, a common thread runs through them—centralised managerial control, often by a single family or trust. Professional educators are consulted during setup, but later sidelined. Decision-making becomes opaque.

In the pursuit of modernity, schools invest in branding—air-conditioned classrooms, smart boards, digital attendance, and CCTV surveillance. Yet these investments rarely extend to pedagogy, teacher welfare, or student support. Basic, foundational learning is neglected.

Many schools outsource their vision to consultants from Southern India, who offer NEP-aligned content and free “academic services”—with a catch: schools must purchase their books and digital material. In one such partnership across Kolkata and South 24 Parganas, madarsa students were shifted to the NIOS curriculum under a grand plan. Teachers were well-paid, yet the initiative collapsed within a year. The local partner schools bore the financial fallout, scrambling to retain both students and staff.

Some institutions claim to be “community funded.” And indeed, they are—land is donated, buildings financed through zakat, sadaqah, or crowdfunding. Parents pay modest fees. Local entrepreneurs support them. Yet genuine community ownership is absent. Parents are excluded from School Management Committees. Teachers are kept on insecure one-year contracts. Senior staff have little say in academic matters. Exploitation thrives in this opacity.

Parents are often forced to buy books, uniforms, and even shoes from https://psiapps.medialabufrj.net/ a single, school-approved vendor. “My daughter’s annual books cost Rs 5,200,” said a father in Tiljala. “The same books cost Rs 3,000 in the local market—but the school didn’t allow outside purchase.” These monopolies are defended as “quality control,” but more often serve private gain.

Teachers Underpaid, Overworked, Undervalued

In several schools across Kolkata, Hooghly, Howrah, and North and South 24 Parganas, teachers are fined for late arrivals, tracked obsessively through biometric systems, and burdened with hours of unpaid overtime. Meetings spill into weekends. Academic planning is often done after school hours. Yet most teachers earn between Rs 5,000 and Rs 15,000 per month—less than what a rickshaw-puller earns on good days. This skewed structure breeds silent resentment.

Perhaps the most tragic outcome of this model is cultural alienation. In trying to become “modern,” some schools in Kolkata’s Muslim belts have ended up mimicking elite Christian institutions—without understanding their deeper purpose. The adapted version of the Lord’s Prayer is recited in morning assemblies. Singing, dancing, and drama classes are introduced without cultural relevance. This isn’t modernisation—it’s mimicry. Imitation without critical thought leads to loss of cultural identity and confidence.

We must ask: What is the purpose of our schools? Is it merely to produce English-speaking clerks, or to nurture confident, ethical citizens rooted in their identity? While private schools burn holes in pockets, government-aided Muslim schools—especially in areas like Garden Reach, Zakaria Street, Belgachia, and Park Circus—continue to offer free education. These institutions are lifelines for the poorest families. However, they too face crises. With poor infrastructure, a shortage of teachers, and declining prestige, they are steadily losing students to nearby English-medium private schools—even when the latter charge far beyond what families can realistically afford.

Losing Identity, Losing Purpose

The question looms large: How long will they survive in the shadow of private giants?

This article is not a condemnation. It is an invitation to pause, to reflect, and to reimagine. Kolkata and its neighbouring districts carry a proud legacy of Muslim educational activism. From the pioneering madrasas of Park Circus to the quietly determined reformist schools of Garden Reach, the region once echoed with a deep commitment to upliftment through learning. But somewhere along the journey, purpose gave way to power, and sincerity was eclipsed by spectacle. It is time we return to the roots—not just to celebrate them, but to rebuild from them.

We don’t need fancy chairs — we need firm backbones. We don’t need supply shops wrapped in monopoly and kickbacks — we need transparent, community-driven systems that prioritise affordability over commissions. And above all, we don’t need institutions that mimic someone else’s model — we need schools that emerge from our realities, rooted in integrity, justice, and the collective aspirations of the community they serve.

But before we rebuild, we must confront uncomfortable questions. As we pass the shiny facades and scripted school assemblies, can we honestly say we are solving the problem of educational deprivation — or merely disguising it? Are we offering children a meaningful future — or just air-conditioned illusions of progress? Are we empowering the community — or pacifying it with appearances? Until we find answers rooted not in branding but in values, these schools will remain buildings of hope — but not yet homes of learning.


Rahul Gandhi Warns of ‘Digital Dacoity’; Is the ECI Failing India’s Democracy?

[dropcap]R[/dropcap]ahul Gandhi’s exposé of electoral malpractices demands serious answers from the Election Commission of India. It is rare for a mainstream Indian politician to present such painstakingly gathered evidence and explain it in detail at a press conference. The questions he has raised on duplicate voters and other discrepancies—termed “Vote Chori” by the Leader of Opposition—cannot be dismissed as mere allegations.

This is the kind of work the media should have been doing persistently, on a campaign basis. Unfortunately, much of the media has been reduced to a public relations arm for Hindutva politics in India. It has become a caricature of journalism, with most so-called anchors and reporters content to magnify the BJP’s PR work.

Voter lists have always been manipulated. This is not new — but now it is the work of an organised “management.” In the past, we heard of “booth capturing.” Today, it is “digital dacoity.” With data at their fingertips, entire communities can be shifted from one constituency to another. Constituency boundaries have been changed many times without voters even knowing.

The Congress Party and the INDIA block must approach the Election Commission formally. They can also move the Supreme Court, though I have little faith in it so far. Perhaps public pressure is the only real answer. Everyone must be vigilant at polling booths and counting centres. Even there, booth agents of many parties are absent. Congress today lacks enough volunteers to monitor every booth across the country. The assault on the democratic process comes from multiple sides, and the entire opposition must join hands to protect it.

I do not believe in electoral boycotts. They achieve nothing unless they become a nationwide outcry. The BJP still commands a significant vote share — not everything is due to manipulation. Frankly, our minds are being manipulated. Political leaders have no ideological commitment; they can shift to the BJP overnight. And we cannot ignore the deep polarisation across the country.

The opposition must fight the Bihar elections with full strength and engage in sustained political dialogue among all INDIA bloc partners. This is a political battle, and Rahul Gandhi must engage politically as well as through research. He also needs to be extremely careful with his words, because his opponents — within his party, outside it, in government, in the bureaucracy, and in industry — will try to trap him. Already, there are a large number of cases against him in various courts, and the BJP has found ways to tie him up in legal battles. There is no doubt Rahul Gandhi is, at present, the only politician who fully understands the Narendra Modi government’s economic mismanagement. He remains a thinking leader, but his delivery is not always effective, and he must guard against avoidable missteps.

The election study Rahul Gandhi has conducted should be examined and verified by the Election Commission of India. The Congress Party should take it to the Commission officially and also file a case in the Supreme Court. Civil society organisations such as ADR could also use the data to petition the court.

As for speaking on affidavit, Rahul Gandhi rightly noted that politicians do not do this — otherwise, the BJP would have to file affidavits for everything it has said about Nehru, Gandhi, Indira Gandhi, and other opponents. No politician would have dared to challenge Rajiv Gandhi had the government made it mandatory to speak on oath.

In fairness to Rahul Gandhi, he made this courageous intervention on a day of historic significance. August 7, 2025, marked the 35th anniversary of the acceptance of the Mandal Commission Report in Parliament by then Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh. Today, few remember VP Singh and his monumental work, which gave millions of marginalised citizens a voice in Indian politics. In his own way, Rahul Gandhi reaffirmed that democracy is by the people, for the people, and of the people — and Mandal redefined who those “people” were, and how they should share in power.

Sadly, political parties have forgotten these milestones. Most now only celebrate their own mahapurush and neglect people’s real issues. Perhaps the people themselves have forgotten too — but this is not a healthy sign for democracy.

We now await the responses of political parties, Rahul Gandhi’s colleagues in the INDIA bloc, and our institutions. The issues he has raised deserve answers.