Muslim women in huge number take on to Jaipur streets to protest against Triple Talaq bill

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Jaipur: It seems the claims made by Narendra Modi led Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government while introducing “The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Bill 2017” or famously known as Triple Talaq Bill is falling flat. Contrary to the claims of Muslim women being favour of the bill, it is being seen that these declarations are far from reality.

An unprecedented mammoth and historic silent rally was taken out by Muslim women of Rajasthan in Jaipur on February 28 to protest against the bill. Earlier, such rallies were also organized in Kota, Bhopal and Kolkata.

On Wednesday a large number of Muslim women from across Rajasthan, came out of their houses to participate in a silent procession to express their angst against the centre’s Triple Talaq Bill, like other various cities of other states of India. The Pink City was virtually turned “black” albeit virtually, as a large number of Muslim women clad in black burqa thronged the streets.

Holding placards, with varies slogans written, they were seen rejecting the proposed bill and demanding no interference in Shariat (Islamic law) by the government. Some of the placards read  “Talaq Bill Wapas Lo Wapas Lo (Get back, triple talaq bill), Teen Talaq Bill Personal Law Mein Madakhlat hai (Triple Talaq Bill is interference in Personal Law)” among others.

This was one of the biggest gatherings staged by Muslim women in the country to raise their voice against the Triple Talaq Bill. The rally began at 10:00 a.m. from Char Darwaza, winding their way via Ghat Gate, Nawab Ka Chauraha, Moti Dogri Road they finally converged into a meeting point at the Muslim Musafir Khana.

triple talaq bill muslim women jaipur
The protest rally by Muslim women against Triple Talaq bill in Jaipur

Later the rally was addressed by the Women Members, in-charge of AIMPLB’s Women Wing and office bearers of AIMPLB, including AIMPLB secretaries –  Maulana Mohammad Fazlurrahim Mujaddidi and Maulana Mohammad Umrain Mahfooz Rahmani.

The Secretary Maulana Mohammad Fazlurrahim Mujaddidi described the defect of the proposed controversial Bill, popularly known as Triple Talaq Bill, and informed that the content of the Bill is a violation of Article 14 and 15 of the Constitution. “The Bill is anti-social as it converts a civil matter to a criminal offence. The Bill envisages to criminalise instant Talaq-e-Biddat (instant Triple Talaq), has been termed as ‘anti-Constitutional, anti-Shariah and anti-women’,” he said.

Another secretary Maulana Mohammad Umrain Mahfooz Rahmani took a jibe at the Prime Minister Narendra Modi for introducing the Bill. “If he (the PM) is pointing fingers towards us, then why he has deserted his wife?” he asked. “More than 22 lakh Hindu sisters have been deserted by their husbands but the government is not concerned about them,” he added.

Dr. Asma Zehra, AIMPLB’s Women Wing convener, said, “Muslim women have been holding protest march across the country demanding the bill to be rolled back, as they are happy with Shariah law.”

Highlighting the problems of women in the country, Dr Asma said, “Approximately, over 15 million girls are killed in the wombs and 28,000 are burnt to death for dowry every year. The government is least bothered about the real issues and has unnecessarily raked Triple Talaq issue. Muslim women are not unhappy with Triple Talaq,” she said.

AIMPLB member Yasmeen Farooqi said, “By taking on to the streets in huge numbers to voice their views against the Bill in several parts of the country, Muslim women have smashed the government’s claim that it wants to ‘liberate’ Muslim women.”

She also criticized the President of India mentioning about Muslim women in his addressed to the Joint session of the Parliament.

Among the women participants in the rally was 90-year-old lady, who is the mother of Maulana Mohammed Fazlurrahim Mujaddidi, the secretary of All India Muslim Personal Law Board, (AIMPLB).

.Later a delegation of AIMPLB’s women office-bearers and members called on Rajasthan Governor Kalyan Singh and apprised him about Muslim women’s views and emotions on Triple Talaq Bill. They also presented him a memorandum about the Triple Talaq Bill to be forwarded to the President and Prime Minister of India.

There are glaring Flaws in the proposed Bill on Divorce

Not has the Government forbidden the act of triple divorce and made it is punishable act through this Bill; the bill has been drafted with the aim of depriving Muslim husband and Muslim Women of his/her rights to the divorce and Khula. The drafted in such a way that it is not only banning Triple Talaq but against the all types of Talaq or Talaq System as a whole.

In the “Definitions” section, divorce has been defined as: “Talaq-e-Biddat” or any identical form of Talaq through which husband may pronounce immediate and irrevocable divorce.

This bill is marred by strange contradictions. For example, according to this law, divorce will not come into effect and yet the husband will be liable to pay a penalty and serve a 3-year-imprisonment.

Anti-Women

It is common knowledge for any student of Shariah that the above Definition forbids even Talaq bain as a cognizable act. For there is no room for revocation in this form of divorce and it is with immediate effect. Divorce arising out of Khula is forbidden according to this Bill. Its consequence will be that if a wife who is keen on seeking a separation from her husband will be forced into live with him, without her will.

Contradicts Supreme Court Judgment 2017

During the Triple Divorce case in Supreme Court, the attorney general had clearly stated that their objective is to put amend to the entire Talaq System. However, in view of the learned judges’ ruling that arguments will be restricted only to the lawfulness or otherwise of Triple Divorce, the attorney general focused only Instant Triple Divorce.

In its judgment Supreme Court recognized all forms of divorce other than Instant Triple Divorce as an essential part of Islam and Muslim Personal law and ruled out any change in these.

The Government introduced this Bill in the Parliament, which aims at demolishing the whole institution of Talaq. For misleading public, however, the Government strongly carried out the propaganda that its intention was to forbid only Instant Triple divorce.

Anti-Children:

This law takes away the right of child’s custody from husband and grants this responsibility to wife. At the same time, husband will bear the maintenance of wife and children. On the one hand, it insists that divorce does not come into effect and the marital tie remains intact, yet its consequences indicate the dissolution of the tie and the separation between husband and wife. For when a couple leads normal life, the need for a separate law for the custody of children and maintenance of husband and wife does not arise.

A major flaw in this law is that it vests women with the right of custody and bringing up of children. However, the prevalent Guardianship and ward, Act places premium on child’s interest. Husband or wife who ever can protect child’s interest better will have custody.

Anti-Social:

Another serious flaw in the law is that it deems the act of divorces as a non – bail able and cognizable crime. Police may arrest a husband even without a court warrant. Worse, police may initiate this action not only on wife’s complaint, but also on anyone’s complaints, even if his wife denies that no divorce ever took place

The Civil contract is penalized converting civil matter into criminal offence.

From Scooter to Steel Empire: Gunwant Singh Saluja, the Face of Mongia

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Giridih: A self-made industrialist and Chairman of the Mongia Group of Companies, Gunwant Singh Saluja also doubles up as the brand ambassador of his own company. He even sells mineral water just to publicize Mongia. But once upon a time, Gunwant Singh used to ferry wire nails on a scooter, traveling over 200 kilometers just to sell his product.

The ‘brand ambassador’ has faced more hardships than just ferrying wire nails on his scooter. During the 1984 riots, following the assassination of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Santpuria Steels—a steel plant set up by his father—was looted, and the entire family was left on the streets, literally.

But a new chapter began for the company when Gunwant Singh took complete charge of Santpuria Steel and founded the Mongia Group of Companies in 2003.

“Back then, our factory used to produce 30 tonnes of steel, but we were unable to market our products. I used to ponder ways to market our products creatively. In 2003, I saw a wall painter doing some work for his employer. I took him to my office and asked him to do some wall graffiti for our products. So, you see, the first advertisement of our product found its place on hundreds of walls across Jharkhand,” he said while speaking to eNewsroom.

However, he realized that mere product display wouldn’t do the trick—he needed a face to sell the product.

“I realized that to promote our products, we needed a face. But who would do the advertisement for us? We didn’t have enough money to hire a model to help us build our brand. At that time, I drew inspiration from an old man who used to promote his own brand of masala—the 95-year-old Dharampal Gulati, CEO of MDH Masala. I thought, if he could be the face of his brand, then why not me?” recalled the 56-year-old industrialist.

Gunwant Singh Saluja Mongia Iron & Steel Giridih Brand sponge factory pollution
Mongia’s advertisement at Howrah Railway Station

Elaborating on his key to success, he said, “I have never compromised on the quality of my product. My first tagline was, Jo Quality Ke Ghodey Pe Baitha Ho, Use Koi Hara Nahi Sakta (A man who rides high on quality will never be defeated), and this slogan is very close to my heart.”

Today, not only does his steel plant produce as much as 400 tonnes of steel a day, but he confidently adds that within a year, the company’s production will double. One thing that remains constant is the stream of innovative ideas he and his team keep implementing.

“Recently, we have supplied police barricades for cities like Ranchi and Jamshedpur. We gave 5,000 barricades to the police that carry advertisements for our brand Mongia, so that travelers can notice our brand while on the move,” he said.

These advertisements have had their impact. When Mahendra Singh Dhoni met Gunwant Singh in January, he mentioned having seen the barricades with Mongia’s advertisement in Ranchi.

However, now they no longer produce only steel. “We have diversified into producing mineral water. But it might surprise you to learn that we have done so solely to promote Mongia Steels,” he said with a laugh.

It cannot be denied that Mongia is the second-most recognized brand after Tata in the iron and steel industry—at least in Jharkhand. This man has also been the subject of research by the Department of Business Studies at Al Musana College of Technology in the Sultanate of Oman. And now comes the icing on the cake: an honorary doctorate degree from Ballsbridge University.

Amid all this, however, certain questions linger in the minds of locals. For instance, iron and steel factories operating in Giridih are often accused of not preferring local residents as employees. Clearing the air, he said, “Ninety-nine percent of my employees are local. I believe that those who work with you will not create problems. They need work too, so they won’t risk losing their jobs.”

The Mongia Group of Companies has around 400 employees contributing to its success.

When asked how he handles the pollution issue—given that most sponge iron factories and rolling mills openly violate pollution norms—he said, “I accept that our factories pollute the environment, as we use coal. But we try to lessen the impact by using a precipitator machine.”

Upon being reminded that many factory owners rarely use such machines despite having them, he added, “I was conferred with a doctorate not only for my industrial management, but also, I believe, for my CSR (Corporate Social Responsibility) work, which helped build my reputation.”

Saluja is also the President of Birhor Vikas Samiti (Birhor Development Committee). The Birhors are a primitive tribe, with a pan-India population of about 1,200, the highest number residing in Jharkhand.

“In collaboration with other industrialists, we take care of about 135 children from this tribe. We keep them in a hostel in the township area, where they attend school and learn other life skills,” he shared.

When asked about his relationship with banks, the brand ambassador of Mongia laughed and said, “We have a BBB+ grading, and it is from an external body—CRISIL.”

Jharkhand Government is treating poor people like guinea pigs—Jean Dreze

Kolkata: Developmental economist Jean Dreze, who is presently leading a campaign – Ration Bachao in Jharkhand, was in Kolkata to release the Bengali translation of his book Sense and Solidarity: Jholawala Economics for Everyone – Jholawala Arthaniti O Kandogyan. Using the opportunity to talk about his movement against the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) for food subsidy stated that the poor people of Jharkhand, were left with no option but to face the rotten system in Jharkhand.

“Poor people are being treated like guinea pigs by the state administration in Jharkhand. These people have to go to the banks to avail their subsidy. They have to endure hardships as there are no proper transport facilities and the banks are quite far away. Even if they reach, at times they are told that the money is yet to be credited. It is creating a lot of problems for these poor people,” said Jean Dreze while replying a question on the implementation of National Food Security Act in Jharkhand.

He then added, “They are spending a fortune to get rice from the fair price shops at a subsidised rate. And in case they buy from these shops then they are threatened with their names being struck out from the list.”

jean dreze sense solidarity bangla book
The cover of Arthaniti O Kandogyan

Speaking on the need for action driven research, Jean mentioned the fact that activism is important not just to know about the functioning of the democratic institutions but also to know how a society particularly those for whom, the activism is done, reacts to it.

Elaborating about his book, he said that the chapters have been divided chronologically so that readers do not have any problem in understanding its content. The book is divided into ten sections: drought and hunger, poverty, school meals, health care, child development, food security, employment guarantee, corporate power, war and peace and set of miscellaneous essays written at various times. “You can go to net and see the contents of the book. If you like it then buy,” said Dreze who has co-authored many books with Nobel Laureate Professor Amartya Sen.

When asked about the need for research in the era of Post Truth, Jean asserted and said, “Research is important, but along with it, speed is also important. Academic research take longer period and by the time it findings are out, the scenario changes. So research for action is the only way to counter false propaganda.”

Coming to the translation, particularly the use of English words for example ‘inclusiveness’ Anirban Chattopadhyay, editor of Ananda Bazaar Patrika said, “The word ‘inclusiveness’ in English has a universal meaning. But when it comes to Bangla, the meaning varies. As a result, more inputs had been given so that the readers get a feel of the actual word.”

Appreciating the writing style of the book, he said, “I would rather say that Dreze’s writings are deceptively simple. But in reality these simple sentences are not simple.”

At the interactive programme jointly organised by Institute of Development Studies and Pratichi Institute, he finally summed up by saying, “The outlook has to be quite liberal. Activism and academics must go side by side in a democratic manner.”

 

Nagri residents take on to the streets of Ranchi demanding the removal of DBT

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Ranchi:Rupaya Nahi, Ration Chahiye… DBT Hatao, Ration Bachao (We do not want money but ration.. Remove DBT, save ration),”  was the collective chant of women carrying placards, including the likes of Rashmi Tirkey, Neelu Tigga, and Hindiya Oraon. These women marched from Nagri block’s Kathal More to the residence of Jharkhand’s Chief Minister Raghubar Das, on Monday afternoon, to mark their protest against DBT.

The full form of DBT is, Direct Benefit Transfer.

The march included men and women residents of Nagri, the area where DBT has been introduced as pilot project. Representatives of five political parties of Jharkhand and at least ten civil society organizations assembled together to protest against it. However, the protestors were stopped much ahead of the CM’s residence, following which they diverted the protest procession to the residence of Draupadi Murmu, the Governor of Jharkhand.

As per DBT, the food subsidy is credited to beneficiary’s bank account, so that they can use the money to buy rice at the ration shop at a rate of Rs 32 per kilogram. Earlier, they were able to buy rice from the same shop at a subsidized rate of Re 1 per kg. DBT was launched in October 2017 at Nagri.

But, thereafter, the residents of Nagri have had to face a lot of difficulties in getting the ration, for now they have to first collect the money from the bank or Pragya Kendra and then queue at the ration shops to collect the food grain. Even in normal condition they have to spend at least 12 hours and in some cases, 15 hours to get ration. But several villagers have to face bigger problems like not getting money credited into their accounts. They were also not entertained by bank officials as amount remained very small.

A survey conducted by Ration Bachao Manch has also narrated the same by documenting several villager’s plight in their study.

Nagri DBT Ranchi Jharkhand Ration Bachao
The large number of people gathered for the protest against DBT for food subsidy

On these issues, in last four months, the residents of Nagri have demonstrated many a time at both the block and district headquarters, but the protests have gone unheard.

In Monday’s march, Prem Prakash Shahdeo, Congress leader said, “DBT system forces people to make repeated trips to the bank, often foregoing their wages or spending on transport.”

While Nand Kishore Mehta of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha said, “If the Jharkhand government does not withdraw the DBT system, Ration Bachao Manch will intensify its agitation.”

Afzal Anil of United Mili Forum mentioned that in the past six months, at least seven persons in Jharkhand had died due to starvation.

Nadeem Khan of All India People’s Forum Jharkhand condemned the Food Minister’s allegation that the rally organisers were playing politics. He said, “If defending people’s rights is politics then we stand for such politics.”

However amid all these, Raghubar Das government has claimed – against all evidence – that the pilot project at Nagri has been a success and should be implemented across the state. The civil right activists fear that this could exacerbate the number of deaths due to hunger and malnutrition in Jharkhand.

Government’s fantasy healthcare programme with negligible funds

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Union Budget for 2018-2019 has promised a National Health Protection Scheme (NHPS), a publicly funded health insurance programme for half a billion citizens of the country. But no sufficient funds have been allocated for what Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said would be the world’s largest government-funded healthcare programme.

In the first phase, 1.5 lakh health and wellness centres are proposed to be set up across the country to provide comprehensive healthcare including free medicines and diagnostic services. But the Budget allocation for this is only Rs 1,200 crore. This works out to about Rs 80,000 per centre. If a centre receives 100 patients on weekdays which will make around 25,000 in a year, the average allocation per patient would be a little over Rs 3 which is much too insufficient even to cover the medicines and diagnostic services, leave aside the overhead expenses on running a centre.

It’s not that the government woke up only recently to the health problems of the people. Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh had observed in December 2014 — a few months after the present NDA government took office — that a major change in the health care system of India was needed. The country, he said, was at present having a fragmented healthcare system which was not at all enough to cater to the needs of the people, particularly the poorer sections of the society.

Addressing the 10th convocation of King George’s Medical University (KGMU) at Lucknow, he said, ‘if the primary healthcare centres are strengthened, almost 85 per cent of the burden on the major institutes like All India Institute of Medical Sciences, Sanjay Gandhi Post Graduate Institute of Medical Sciences and King George’s Medical University can be brought down.’ he added that the Government of India was working to bring about this change.

But the Government had, apparently, other priorities more pressing than the poor man’s health. A parliamentary panel report on health and family welfare released last year pointed out that in India there is just one government doctor for every 10,189 people, one government hospital bed for every 2,046 people and one State-run hospital for every 90,343 people. (Needless to say that most of these facilities are concentrated in urban areas.) With a doctor-patient population ratio worse than Vietnam, Algeria and Pakistan, the shortage of doctors is one of the biggest ailments afflicting the country’s health management system, the panel noted.

Meagre budgetary allocation for health services is the major factor affecting healthcare system, particularly in the rural and suburban areas. But more than that it is the mismanagement born out of indifference of the ruling classes that is plaguing the health delivery system. According to the findings of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) in his report on reproductive and child health under the National Rural Health Mission for the year ended March 2016, the picture that emerges in several States is one of inability to absorb the funds allocated, shortage of staff at Primary Health Centres (PHCs), Community Health Centres (CHCs) and district hospitals, lack of essential medicines, broken-down equipment and unfilled doctor vacancies. In the case of Uttar Pradesh, the CAG found that about 50 per cent of PHCs it audited did not have a doctor, while 13 States had significant levels of vacancies.

A serious effort in this direction has of late been made by the Delhi Government by opening ‘Mohalla Clinics’ for providing free primary healthcare services to the people in the capital. The effort has been lauded by former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan. In a letter to Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, Annan wrote, ‘we understand that this initiative is proving very successful and we commend you on this impressive achievement.’ Annan wrote the letter in his capacity as the Chair of ‘The Elders’, an organisation of independent global leaders founded by anti-apartheid icon and former President of South Africa Nelson Mandela. Dr Kenneth E Thorpe, Chair of Department of Health Policy at the Rollins School of Public Health, USA, remarked after visiting ‘Mohalla Clinics’ during one of his visits to India that these Mohalla Clinics ‘are definitely an important addition to India’s health sector.’

Politicians in power and government servants mostly patronise private nursing homes even for minor and routine ailments. Services in government-run hospitals, dispensaries and health centres will improve substantially if the government stops, by enacting a law or by evolving a convention, reimbursement of expenses incurred by these classes on meeting their health needs in private nursing homes. But the health insurance programme enunciated in the budget is only meant to help further private operators because there is nothing the budget to strengthen government-run hospitals and dispensaries.

No difference between Angrej rule and present BJP government: Anna Hazare

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Jaipur: Social activist and the  leader of India Against Corruption (IAC) campaign, Anna Hazare, criticized Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) led Vasundhara Raje government in Rajasthan for its anti-farmer acts.

“The farmers of Nindar are protesting as their lands are being forcibly acquiredby the government. What is the difference between the British rulers and them (BJP)?” he questioned, and added, “During the British regime, it was the same, land used to be taken away from the farmers forcibly. Last time when we had protested, the government had agreed to not resorting to forceful land acquisition.” Hazare, had stopped at Nindar during his journey to Jaipur.

The 80-year-old social activist reached Govindgarh, Jaipur to get support, for his proposed Satyagrah, which he will begin from March 23. Through this movement he will be demanding an effective Lokpal in the center and Lokayuktas at every state.

Watch Anna Hazare's video:

 

Lokpal bill was passed in 2013 itself. But Anna and his team members had been claiming that the bill is a weak one, however, Narendra Modi government too did little to strengthen it.

In Govindgarh, the anti-corruption crusader was more vocal and said that people will teach BJP government a lesson both at the center and state. He expressed serious concern on the treatment being meted out to the farmers in India, specially in Rajasthan.

“People have the key and they need to understand its importance, for this key is capable enough of bring in or throwing out any government,” PTI quoted Hazare.

Earlier in Kota, the senior activist had attacked the center, stating that the Modi government is anti-farmers and cares only for industries.

Hazare will soon be visiting Lucknow, seeking support from the people of Uttar Pradesh for his agitation.

The crusader’s anti-corruption movement in 2011 was a massive hit and gave birth of many activist turned politicians in India, right from Arvind Kejriwal, Kumar Vishwas to VK Singh and Kiran Bedi. It will be interesting to watch how, his agitation at the time of Narendra Modi government takes shape.

Post DBT implementation at Nagri many beneficiaries spend two working days time to get rice from PDS shop

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Nagri/Ranchi: Aychi Nagduwar, is a 85-year-old widow with a 40-year-old son mentally challenged son. They are beneficiaries of the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT), residing at Singhpur village. However, for unknown reasons, no DBT money is being credited to her account.

Meanwhile, Somari Mundain’s son and daughter-in- law live in the city, while she takes care of her grandson residing with her at Kenke. But the couple is no longer in touch with Somari. Earlier, her grandson used to get the ration for her. But now, he is unable to work his way out in the bank, while she is too old to make multiple visits to the bank and wait in queues. So, far no DBT fund has been credited to her account and she is availing her widow pension to buy food grains.

Another old lady residing all by herself at Piska village, has been able to buy food grains only once, since the implementation of DBT. Her rough and worn out palms is making it difficult for the Point of Sale (PoS) machine to recognize her fingerprints. The only time she was able to avail the benefit was when her name was on the exemption list.

The reason for the inconvenience caused to the mentioned three along with many others is an experimentation introduced by the government of Jharkhand in October 2017. Under this experimentation the residents of Nagri block of Ranchi have their DBT and food subsidy schemes linked – the beneficiaries now have to collect money from the bank and buy rice from PDS centre at a rate of Rs 32 per kilo.

dbt-nagri-pds-ranchi
Somari Mundain and her grandchild

Towards the end of January 2018, student volunteers of Ration Bachao Manch, which has development economist like Jean Dreze, conducted a survey of 244 households in randomly selected 13 villages of Nagri. It revealed that the DBT system is causing huge inconvenience  to the poor. On average, respondents admitted to having received only 2 out of 4 DBT installments in the preceding 4 months.

And in cases where the families are being able to avail DBT benefits, 28 percent of the beneficiaries admitted to spend 15 hours (two work days time) to collect their PDS rice. The survey indicates that each respondent has to spend about 12 hours on the average just to visit and queue at the bank, Pragya Kendra and ration shop in a bid to avail the benefits on offer by the government.

According to the survey, banks often refuse to handover smaller amount of cash to these people. As a consequence they are often asked to collect the money in cash from Pragya Kendra to reduce over-crowding of bank premises.

The survey concludes that 97 per cent of the respondents interviews have opposed the DBT system. Significantly, in 2015, a letter from the Food Ministry (Delhi), had discouraged states from adopting the DBT model for the PDS. Despite this, Jharkhand went ahead. And now, not just it gets implemented but dealers also reprimand those beneficiaries who avail the DBT cash and failed to purchase from PDS shops.

Five political parties including Congress, JMM, JVM and CPI-ML and several non-government organization (NGO)s will hold a march upto Jharkhand Chief Minister Raghubar Das’ residence on Monday to register their protest against the DBT for food subsidies.

Nagri Survey, January-February 2018

Main Findings

Mean number of bank accounts per household 3.4
Proportion (%) of respondents who said that

 

No-one told them which account would be used for DBT credits

Going to bank is the only way to know whether DTB money has come

They used the DBT money last time they purchased rice from the PDS

 

 

95

70

77

Mean distance from home to the bank (km) 4.5
Mean distance from home to Pragya Kendra (km) 4.3
Mean number of monthly DBT instalments received in the last 4 months 2.1
Mean number of monthly rice rations purchased from PDS in the last 4 months 2.5
Mean number of person-hours spent on collecting PDS ration, last timea 12
Percentage distribution of respondents by number of person-hours spent collecting PDS ration (last time)a

 

Less than 5 hours

5 to 10 hours

10 to 15 hours

More than 15 hrs

 

 

 

18

35

19

28

Percentage distribution of respondents according to the collection point they used for DBT money, last time

 

Bank

Pragya Kendra

Other (e.g. ATM)

Not applicable (did not collect DBT money)

 

 

 

37

41 5

17

Proportion of respondents who prefer the old system to the DBT system 97

 

Lessons from Baba Bulle Shah’s kalaam, crow and dog at India-Pakistan borders

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A crow flew off from the flag atop a pole at the security post in Pakistan’s side of Punjab and, covering a few yards in the sky, came to sit on the Indian flag at Dera Baba Nanak —a village on Indian side of Punjab. Standing just near the Radcliffe line, I watched the crow with envy—Alas, I was not as lucky as the feathered denizen to crisscross the borders at will.

I was among the visitors who had gone at the India-Pakistan borders to see Pakistan, its farm-fields full with green wheat crops, farmers and the Gurudwara at Kartarpur in Punjab side of Pakistan. Guru Nanak had settled and mingled with the Almighty near the village Pakhoke, opposite to Kartarpur — a town which lies over the border in Pakistan. From Dera Baba Nanak, we could easily see across the border into Pakistan and Gurudwara across the river Ravi at Kartarpur.

Four farmers were driving tractor to spray some insecticide in their wheat filled farm on Pakistan side. The sprawling farm ended at the no man’s land, just 10 yards away from the pedestal we had stood on, at Dera Baba Nanak on the Indian side. On our side of the no man’s land was spread the farm field—filled with similar wheat crops—belonging to the Indian farmers. Incidentally, no farmer was there on the Indian side when I visited the borders on February 11, 2018.

One of the Pakistan farmers—clad in black salwar-kamij or Pathan suit—was strolling, carrying a gunny bag in his field, barely a few yards from us. A carrot colour dog negotiated through the gap of barbed wire on the Indian side and went running to the Pakistan farmer. I vividly saw the canine wagging his tail near the Pakistan’s farmer and trying to knock his mouth in the bag the farmer was holding. The farmer brought out some eatables from his bag and lobbed it at the dog which began merrily eating it.

Gajjan Singh, a Dera Baba Nanak villager, explained, “The dog, which usually loiters around the Gurudwara at Dera Baba Nanak, crosses the barbed wire whenever it sees that farmer. The farmer brings some pieces of meat/chicken which the carnivorous dog relishes”.

Another old man, standing near Gajjan and caressing his fingers through his moustache and beards casually said, “The dog does not relish poori, halwa and sweets served in the Gurudwara’s langar. He crosses the border as soon as he sees that farmer coming in at his field”.

Tell it my foolish emotion or my inability to see the things in a “pragmatic” manner that a journalist is supposed to see, I turned envious to the dog and even complained to the Almighty why did he not make me that dog and the crow who were enjoying their freedom of movement through the “farce” of the man made borders.

I felt like breaking all the laws that prohibited me from going to the farm and its owners across the border and talking to them in Punjabi or Urdu. After all, they looked like me. Their forefathers must have talked animatedly, played together, shared their grief and happiness for decades or centuries on what is now a no man’s land—barely 10 yards away from the place I was standing.

The progenies are supposed to inherit the legacy, heritage and property of their ancestors. Why have we—on both the sides of the divide—been denied of the legacy to live together for centuries till 70 years ago? I felt the crow and the dog have better understanding, defying the farcical geographical divide for all these 70 years. I found the dog and crow wiser than us on that day.

On my return journey to Lovely Professional University, Jalandhar—my present place of posting—I was engrossed in the thought of getting born as a crow or dog in my next birth. My colleague at LPU, Anupam Kumar was driving the car. I was thankful to Anupam for not disturbing me through my melancholic thought while driving. My wife, Manju was looking for some farm fresh vegetables on the way flanked by cauliflowers. She was getting upset at my silence.

For some moments, I thought the so called “greats”—Mahatma Gandhi, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Jawaharlal Nehru, Liyakat Ali Khan and also the mandarins of the present governments on both the sides of the divide—as “selfish” or “insensitive” souls.  Did they consult the people in Kartarpur and Dera Baba Nanak to separate them forever and leave their progenies to turn enemies?

We stopped at a dhaba near Gurdaspur to have some snacks and tea. My eyes fell on a newspaper which showed that “infiltrators” of Pakistan had crossed the LoC in Kashmir, killing a few Indian jawans and Indian jawans had retaliated, killing some Pakistani jawans. I also heard some “knowledgeable” people talking about how China was “helping” Pakistan to settle score with India and how India was morphing itself into a “tough” state from a “soft” one against Pakistan. I preferred to pose as a fool, keeping out from such conversation.

When I was back at LPU, my friend and learned colleague in Film Production department, Simran S Kaler shared with me Baba Bulle Shah’s kalaam: “You pray in the day, but sleep at night.

During the night, dogs are awake. They are better.

They cannot stop barking at night while during the day they  sleep at stones. They are better”.

Despite my melancholy and despondence, I am a diehard optimist. I believe that someday—may not be in my lifetime—the people on both the sides of divide will start loving and living together without sacrificing on their sovereignty and cultural and religious identity. I chant zindabad to the people of both the countries—India and Pakistan and wish for their salamati. Let us sing: Hum Hongein Kamyab ek Din

Dastangoi of an Indo-Canadian: Migrant’s tales in multiple Indian languages

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Kolkata: If you thought that dastangoi (dastan: tale; goi: narrating/telling) was all about fairies, demons, jinns, magic and Urdu then you are highly mistaken. For this Indian-origin author and theatre-artiste, is giving a beautiful spin to the existing format of the long forgotten art of telling tales. The dastans of Jawaid Danish revolve around the tales of immigrants, five characters to be precise. And instead of having two or three dastangos,  Jawaid gives solo performances and narrates the tales in impeccable Urdu, which  swiftly changes to Bengali, Gujarati or even the UP and Mumbaiya boli, which he terms as boli-tholi. Jawaid, is the first dastango of the west and currently is in India as part of his four month world tour of his dastangoi. Following are excerpts:

eN: Tell us something about yourself?

Jawaid: I was born and brought up in a Kolkata-based family. I did my schooling from St Anthony High School and then my Bachelors in English from Aligarh Muslim University (AMU).

eN: But you are a convent educated and you write in Urdu?

Jawaid: (Laughs) Urdu is my mother language. And like Rabindranath Tagore said, a person who doesn’t know his mother tongue knows nothing. On a lighter note, I guess it’s the AMU connect which made me write in Urdu. To be honest, I never thought that I would be writing books or doing theatre or indulging a bit in dastangoi.

I took my first plunge into writing with my first Urdu Travelogue – Awargi, it was way back in the eighties. This travelogue covered Europe and America. It did well. But I had more important things to do in life – take care of my family’s finances as my father had passed away. So, there I put the author and traveler in me on hold and immigrated to Canada kept doing one or more odd jobs to keep things moving and in between somehow Mazeed Awargi (Travelogue on Japan) and Ek Aur Awargi happened. Post that there has been no looking back for me. I have written almost 12 books in Urdu, most of which are about travel, immigrants and their problems. At present I am writing a novel which is about immigrants again, but it also touches upon Autism.

eN: What makes you write about immigrants?

Jawaid: Migration is close to my heart. And it’s obvious why? I myself have migrated from Kolkata to Canada, where I have met so many expats, who too have travelled all the way from their nation in search of a better livelihood. Being an immigrant let me tell you, it’s not an easy task to settle down in another country. Some might be lucky, but for many it is a combination of many trials and tribulations.

I know so many tales, some I have experienced myself, some I have witnessed my friends undergoing, and nothing could be better than sharing these tales with my readers. To answer your question, I write about migration as I am an immigrant.

eN: Unlike other Urdu writers, you write homosexuality, AIDS or Autism?

Jawaid: Well, I write books for a global market. I write stories that need to be told. I don’t write with a myopic ideology. Sadly, enough Urdu authors back in India, are not ready to experiment or write on burning issues. They are stick stuck in the time warp, where Urdu means poems and romance. Well, there is definitely more to the language. The fact that I am multi-lingual and have read literary works in other languages that give me the strength to experiment. Hence my plays or books addresses issues like rape, mercy killing, homosexuality, the third gender and more.

eN: From writing to dastangoi, how did this transition happen?

Jawaid: Before dastangoi, I was a playwright. I am the founder of Rangmanch Canada and have performed plays in Hindi, Gujarati and even Sanskrit not just in Canada but across the globe. Once I got an invitation, seeking a performance from our group. But they had some restrictions on the number of participants. They could arrange the travel and accommodation of only three participants. It was then that we decided to do a dastangoi. And boy! It was a hit. People have enjoyed my “Dastangoi of Hijrat or Tales of Travel.

eN: And now, a twist to dastangoi, why?

Jawaid: (Laughs) There can be no play, novel or dastan for me minus travel. I love travelling, I am an immigrant, so my tales will have to be about travel or migration. Believe me my audience loves these tales more than those of jinns and fairies.

From Selling Vegetables to Building a Hospital: The Padma Shri-Winning Journey of Subasini Mistry

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Kolkata: The Humanity Hospital in Haspukur village stands taller than any government hospital in India. Its foundation was laid not by a politician, leader, or business tycoon but by a visionary woman who vowed never to let a poor person from her village die without treatment.

Meet 75-year-old Padma Shri Subasini Mistry, born into a poor farmer’s family. Married off at the tender age of 12, she was widowed just 12 years later. Her husband, Sadhan Chandra Mistry, died of gastroenteritis at the age of only 34. “It was way back in 1971 that we lost him to a very common ailment. Back then, we had no money to take him to the doctor. This incident moved me and made me promise myself to make healthcare facilities available to the poor,” said Subasini.

With four children to fend for, life was not a cakewalk. She first placed her eldest son in an orphanage and kept the remaining three with her. She then moved to Dhapa and began working as a domestic help in the Park Circus area. To supplement her income and save money for the hospital she aspired to build, she also started selling vegetables under the Park Circus bridge.

She began saving money, using a portion to fund the education of her son, Ajoy, who is now a doctor. The rest she used to buy a plot of land in Haspukur, where she built Humanity Hospital, which was inaugurated on March 9, 1996.

“I have heard that the government is honoring me. It feels nice. If you have a clean heart and a vision to do something worthwhile, God will definitely stand by you,” said the 75-year-old to eNewsroom.

Subasini was one of two recipients of the prestigious Padma Shri award from Bengal in 2018.

“We have 35 beds in our hospital and treat all disorders except for open-heart surgery and neurosurgery. On average, we treat about 150 people in the outpatient department daily. Though we charge OPD patients ₹50, we often waive the fee for those who are truly poor,” said her son, Ajoy, who is also the administrative head of the hospital.

They have also set up another unit at Gosaba in the Sundarbans to provide medical facilities to villagers in remote areas of Bengal.