Delhi: In a dramatic turn of events, the Congress party has made a bold move in the run-up to the Haryana Assembly elections, drawing attention and excitement by welcoming two of India’s most celebrated wrestlers, Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia, into its fold. The announcement, made on a Friday in New Delhi, saw the wrestlers join the Grand Old Party in a grand display of political maneuvering, with Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge and General Secretary KC Venugopal presiding over the occasion.
The induction of Phogat and Punia is being seen as a strategic maneuver by Congress to galvanize the youth and capture the electorate’s imagination. Both wrestlers, having recently resigned from their positions in Indian Railways—Phogat having been employed under the sports quota—are now set to launch their political careers. Their departure from their esteemed sports positions underscores their commitment to their new path, one that they hope will transform their popularity in the wrestling arena into political capital.
Their entry into Congress is not just about political debut; it carries with it a rich backdrop of recent activism. Both Phogat and Punia were prominent figures in the protests against Brijbhushan Sharan Singh, the former Wrestling Federation of India Chief and BJP MP, whom they accused of molestation. Their activism, which captured national attention and led to legal proceedings now ongoing in court, positions them as champions of justice and rights, a narrative Congress is keen to leverage.
Phogat is expected to contest from Badli, while Punia is eyeing either Julana or Badli—seats known for their significant Jat population, which could play a crucial role in their electoral prospects. The wrestlers’ recent show of support for protesting farmers further aligns them with grassroots issues, potentially endearing them to voters who have seen them advocate for critical causes.
Yet, the path to electoral success is fraught with challenges. The story of wrestlers in Haryana politics is mixed, with past figures like Yogeshwar Dutt and Babita Phogat struggling to make a significant impact despite being fielded by the BJP in 2019. Their experiences serve as a cautionary tale that not all sports icons translate their public adulation into political victories.
With the BJP grappling with anti-incumbency sentiments and Congress gaining momentum, the political landscape in Haryana is ripe for change. The question remains: can Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia defy the odds and turn their sports fame into electoral success? Only time will tell if their wrestling prowess will translate into political clout in Haryana’s turbulent political arena.
[dropcap]I[/dropcap] had stood last or second last in every class from Class 7 onward and had managed to fail in Class 8, necessitating a repeat of the year. The Headmaster of St Xavier’s seriously considered expelling me from school, but at my father’s fervent pleas, he gave me a last chance by shifting me from Science to Humanities. So, in 1967, I joined Class 10 in Humanities— which was the second year of our three-year ‘high school’ course.
The other ‘feathers’ in my cap were the several warnings I received for ‘poor conduct,’ mischief, and misbehavior. In other words, I was declared an ideal bad student when I joined, not without trepidation, on the first day in my new Humanities class—without knowing what had already been taught in Class 9. Everything was strange in this Class 10: the room, the boys, the subjects. No physics, chemistry, or maths—only vague subjects like history, geography, and literature.
But the strangest element was the class teacher, Father PY Gilson. I had seen this peculiar priest in the corridors and had always wondered how this placid Belgian missionary, with no noticeable chin and a peculiar French accent, survived the heat of India and the turmoil of unruly boys. Though he knew of my terrible reputation, he took no note and asked me to move to the first bench—something I had never done before. He then proceeded straight into the lessons, little realizing that I could hardly understand anything. Be that as it may, I was unconsciously drawn into his fascinating stories. Which child can resist a good story? Father Gilson seemed to weave tales with his magical voice and funny accent. His narrative was so life-like that I listened spellbound and gently stepped onto a magic carpet that carried me over fantasy lands. For the first time in my life, I was not bored in the classroom, and when the period ended, I could not believe it—I had actually enjoyed the literature!
More wonders followed as Father Gilson’s stories continued to flow from his magician’s hat. Soon, I started looking forward to his classes. Perhaps the greatest transformation he induced in me was not only a friendly attitude towards his subjects but towards studies in general. And that was just the beginning. Between classes and after classes, he encouraged me to meet him for extra lessons to make up for the year’s study that I had missed in Class 9. The special care he took with me had a soothing influence not only on my attitude towards studies but on the world at large.
However, my reverie was soon shattered by the reality of the first-class tests. I dreaded these approaching exams, convinced that I would never pass them, despite my brief flirtation with academics. “English Essay” was the first test, and I distinctly remember telling Father Gilson, with a choking voice, that I just could not write properly. His encouragement could hardly stop the streams of sweat that flowed endlessly during the exam.
When the results came out, you could have knocked me down with a feather. I had stood fourth in class! My parents were overjoyed, my friends pinched me, but nobody realized what it did to my confidence. The next surprise was a ‘first’ in Arithmetic. Coming from the Science stream to Humanities, it was not too difficult to score, and I had learned to dream. History, Geography, and other subjects followed, and I could not stop this new-found excitement for ‘topping’ in class. The rest was just crazy: one small success followed another, of course, with a lot of toil under Father Gilson’s constant guidance.
A few months later, we were all shocked to learn that Father Gilson was to leave for another school, and then, in a day or two, he was gone! I wept openly. Nobody had ever treated me like this before. Nobody else could turn around a sad case like mine into a fairy tale. And thanks to him, I am where I am today—there is no doubt about that.
A decade later, I was in the IAS and posted as Additional District Magistrate of Asansol and Durgapur in the Burdwan district of West Bengal. I was overjoyed to hear from a friend that Father Gilson was the Headmaster of St Xavier’s, Durgapur. I sought an immediate appointment and was eager to tell him that he was the teacher who had turned my life around. Would he recognize me? I could hardly wait!
The day finally arrived. A strange feeling of nostalgia overpowered me as the official car drove into the school with red lights, policemen, and the other unavoidable trappings of authority. I was ushered into Father Headmaster’s room, where a familiar scent greeted me. He was not there, as he had to take a class because some teacher was absent.
But he came in soon and shook my hand warmly. “I am proud of you,” he said. He was just the same, a trifle older. I was transformed—from a picture of confidence to a quivering, nervous ‘student’ groping for words. Even before I could frame my gratitude into proper sentences, the bell rang, and Father Gilson sprang up from his chair exclaiming: “Oh my God, there’s another class to attend. And the little boys are waiting. Naughty, you know. Like you were. I must go. God bless you, my son. Do well. But I must leave.” The good Jesuit teacher, whom I would never see alive again, had no time for my praises and my ever-lasting gratitude. He had other problems, children to tend to, to improve, to reform.
[dropcap]A[/dropcap] young boy called Aryan Mishra was killed by the cow terrorists in Haryana. The Times of India wrote that the boy was killed ‘mistakenly’. Why did the Jain paper say that it was a mistake and not a crime? Is it because the person was not Asif or Mohammad in place of Aryan Mishra?
Like bulldozer justice, Love Jihad and other issues, cow vigilantism too is deliberately made to criminalise Muslims. While it might be possible in the common parlance that communities and people have prejudices against each other when it becomes part of the rule book of the establishment then it will only bring disrepute and disaster. Law, say every good book of modern democracy, must remain neutral in all forms, gender, religion or region and must be committed to statute books and in layman’s language, as per the constitution.
What has happened in Haryana was bound to happen. One day the fire that you are putting on, will bring you too in its periphery.
The life of a human being is far less than that of a cow or bovine. Isn’t it a hypocrisy of how much noise we make on the ‘death’ of cows? All these bhakts have killed the entire cow market. Most of the farmers now avoid buying cows and after an age, they go to their ‘old age home’ or what is called gaushala. I can bet, none can run these gaushalas unless they get huge support. The governments are pumping money for it and ‘devotees’ make huge donations daily. So it is a lucrative business. It does not help the gaupalaks, those farmers who keep cows and equally respect them. Of course, they don’t do all dikhawa, and make loud noises about cows, ‘our mother’. If we all were concerned about it, they would not have been left to feed themselves and create a nuisance in open markets, eating polyethene.
The cow devotees or what is called gaubhakts have no time to fight against the owners of beef exporting companies, a majority of them hail from those jaatis who preach to us ‘save cows’. Have we ever heard of any demonstration, any letter written by the Sanghi moral police, their owners to the government of India to ban the beef companies? Why should beef be allowed to be exported? I am sure, the government has all the details and it must act against such companies if its policy is to protect cows and other such bovines.
We expect too much from the political class which blatantly uses the language of a rigid person suffering from prejudices. When you are in power, you follow Rajdharma, as Atal Bihari Vajpayee once said. Perhaps, the Supreme Court can frame some guidelines in this regard and save people from getting slaughtered in the streets. Like bulldozer justice by the government, mob lynching or killings in the name of keeping beef or killing a cow have become India’s version of blasphemy laws which must be stopped at all costs.
The Constitution protects us all and gives equal treatment as per law. The executive has to implement it impartially. It is time for the Supreme Court to see whether the Constitution is not being violated. One is sure that theymust be aware of what is happening in India in the name of ‘protection of cows’. It is time we stand up and speak against such brutal murder in the name of cow protection. The track record of the government of Haryana is not great in this regard and only the Supreme Court can ask for a status report of other such cases already pending in the court. Time for monitoring this cow terrorism killing innocent people.
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here is a need to protect the land, identity, and interests of the people living in the hills of Uttarakhand. There is a demand by various groups to have a special land law that does not allow outsiders to buy or purchase land under any pretext. They want the government to bring a special domicile act with a baseline of 1950 so that the land is not transferred to outsiders as is being done these days.
Need for Special Land Laws: Protecting the Hills from Overexploitation, Not Targeting Communities
While these demands are genuine, there is also a campaign going on from various handles that are just pushing how the Muslim population is growing multifold in Uttarakhand. These handles always look for any issue concerning Muslims and make it a huge challenge. Unfortunately, many activists and intellectuals are also using this to push their argument to bring special land laws. Does Uttarakhand need a special land law to protect it from Muslims, or is the issue different and requires serious introspection?
Many of the leaders want ST status for the hill people, and numerous others are asking for the state to be put under Schedule V. Unfortunately, these are just wish lists without understanding or even seriously introspecting the things. The thing is that Uttarakhand hills are at unease because, in the coming years, they are going to reduce seats due to delimitation exercises. Hills will become a minority in the future, and the whole theory of a hills state will just end unless the government continues to consider the issue based on geographical location and not based on population.
Uttarakhand | Author
Reimagining Representation: Ensuring Political Voice for the Hill Communities
First, the Uttarakhand activist should know that it has never been an issue of Pahadi versus Muslims but the original thing was Pahadi versus Desi. The whole narrative of the Muslim population increasing is based on demographic profiles selectively being used from Manglaur and other bordering towns with Saharanpur districts, where Muslims have a sizable presence. It is a historical fact, and those who annexed these regions to Uttarakhand from Uttar Pradesh should have known these facts. A similar thing happened with Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar when Sikh groups protested against merging with the state. One must understand that when Uttarakhand state was being carved out, people opposed the merging of Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar and Haridwar in Uttarakhand. The political leaders of that time wanted many more places. Thank God, Saharanpur, Najibabad, or Muzaffarnagar were not included; otherwise, the whole meaning of a hill state meant to protect and preserve Uttarakhand and its hill identity would have been lost.
Simply, plains have bigger populations, and hills can accommodate so many people. Now, hills have lots of pressure, and there is almost a negative growth of population, while the population in plains is growing multifold. So not merely Muslims are growing, but the Hindus too are growing. A state can’t have two laws: one for the Pahadi people and the other for the Desi people. Uttarakhand’s laws for SC-ST are rarely implemented. The OBCs have not got their due, and the government has declared many areas as OBCs. Jaunsar is declared as an ST area, which is unconstitutional. Jaunsaris are not tribals. It is not a tribal identity but a regional identity where all Jaati people live, but Jaunsar’s ST status benefitted the Brahmins and Thakurs living in the area. Shockingly, the SC-ST act is not implementable as the entire region is declared ST. There is more violence against Dalits in Jaunsar than in any other region. Will the netas of the movement speak about this?
Author Vidya Bhushan Rawat in Uttarakhand
Beyond Pahadi versus Desi: Addressing Internal Inequalities and Misguided Campaigns
How can the entire state be declared as ST when they are not? Yes, the Chipko movement was that of the Scheduled Tribes, but how was this movement co-opted by the Brahmanical elite of the state, which carefully sidelined the tribal leadership and diverted the attention? New netas became bigger than the movement, and it lost its earlier shine. It was converted into a mere hugging tree movement, a romanticisation of the entire thing while ignoring the whole issue was access to forest produce when big companies were allowed to cut the trees and plunder the forests.
The only way for Uttarakhand hills to protect itself is by asking the government to declare districts of Pauri, Rudraprayag, Chamoli, Tihari, Uttarkashi, Nainital, Champawat, Bageshwar, and Pithaurgarh as special hill districts and ask the central government to put them under Schedule VI, as happens in the North East. Schedule VI is meant for the North East only, but the government can make laws for other states. None can stop them. Recently, even the tribal commission wanted Ladakh to be put under Schedule VI, which creates autonomous hill councils which have district councils with enough rights.
Uttarakhand state will have to follow what others do, hence at a certain point in time, the political representation for the plain people will increase and then there will be a crisis because the motive and philosophy of the hill state will be defeated. The only way is to make the hill districts protected areas under Schedule VI and create a hill council which is based on the political representation of the elected representative.
Uttarakhand government should also follow and implement Land Ceiling Laws in the Tarai and Haridwar-Dehradun districts. Get after the ceiling land and use it for public purposes. Land sales in the name of hotels, resorts, and any other commercial activities should completely be stopped in the hill regions. Anyway, who is trying to create a Muslim crisis in Uttarakhand is diverting the attention from the bigger issue, which is Pahad versus Maidan. Uttarakhand will have to handle it. Protect the hill regions and make specific laws so that the serenity and purity of our rivers and mountains remain intact. Uttarakhand needs stricter environmental laws so that our natural heritage is protected.
The issue of protection of hills is important as it is the lifeline of India’s biggest river system hence important that we ensure stricter laws but at the same point in time, we must not allow the crisis to be diverted to deliberately creating religious polarization. Uttarakhand government and political leaders must agree to a caste census and a broader socio-economic survey of the state which can reflect on ownership of land, jobs etc in government, farming communities and a categorical figure of SC, ST, OBC and different minorities in the state. Nobody should be allowed to spread hatred through rumour-mongering and creating fear psychosis. To stop all such dangerous campaigns, a socioeconomic survey and caste census are the only answers. I hope people and the political leadership of Uttarakhand listen to this and act.
Kolkata: Park Court is a prime property located in the heart of Kolkata. The four-storey building, located at the Park Circus seven point crossing houses the office of Kolkata’s Deputy Commissioner of Police, South East Division. The way Kolkata Police functions from here, it seems to be a government property, but in reality, Park Court is a Waqf property under Waqf-Al-Aulad. Seven percent of its earnings goes to the Waqf Board.
“Twelve flats of Park Court (almost half part of the building) were taken on rent by Britishers in 1942. When we got independence, the police occupied the palace and started giving us Rs 65 as rent. They never increased the rent and we went to Calcutta High Court, seeking its intervention to vacate the property. In 2001, we won the case. The court of Justice Amitava Lala in its order said, ‘to immediately vacate the building comprising 12000 square feet area,’ informed Abrarul Haque, a Mutawalli, whose forefathers had waqf properties through their children.
More than half of the building is occupied by the police, while tenants reside in the remaining part. The property is worth several crores according to market value, and the nature of the occupants clearly shows that government officials are misusing it.
“But instead of vacating the building, the police have fully occupied them. And now, not only do they not pay us any rent, but any maintenance too. There is an attitude of officials and politicians too, to take undue advantage of the waqf properties. And they give us step-motherly treatment,” the Mutawalli mentioned.
Haque’s case is still fighting a case for the eviction of his Waqf-Al-Aulad property at Calcutta High Court. This is just one example of thousands such cases across India related to waqf properties.
However, the proposed Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024, which should help the likes of Haque, who are long time sufferers, has not brought any hope for them, instead, most are fearing that if it gets implemented in its current form, then the District Magistrates (DM) will have more power to further use the properties for their work, instead of these properties being used for the betterment of the Muslim community.
Park Court,, a Waqf-Al-Aulad property in Kolkata
The Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024 was tabled during the Monsoon session of the parliament. Soon it was opposed by opposition members of parliaments in both houses- Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha. The bill was then sent to the Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC). The Government of India had made two teams of 10 members from Upper House and 21 from Lower in the committee.
Though the nationwide survey of waqf property has not been fully done, it is believed that after Indian Railway and Defense, the third largest property belongs to Waqf in India. There was churning within the Muslim community in India as to how to better use the waqf properties and help the community grow, the main purpose of the waqf, ironically, the proposed amendments in the 1995 Waqf Act are further weakening the community’s hold on it.
How is the bill unconstitutional in many ways?
The Waqf (Amendment) Bill 2024 violates not only one but several Articles of the Indian Constitution including Article 14 (Equality Before the Law), Article 25 (Freedom of Religion), Article 26 (Freedom to Manage Religious Affairs) and Article 300A (Right to Property).
Violations of Article 14: The creation of separate Waqf Boards for different sects, the inclusion of non-Muslims in the Waqf Boards, and the requirement that only practising Muslims for at least five years can create a waqf, impose discriminatory requirements on the Muslim community, creating unequal standards that other religion communities in India do not face.
Violations of Article 25: The bill proposes arbitrary restrictions on who can create a waqf, mandates that all waqf must be created through written deeds and limits the ability of new converts to establish waqf, infringing on the religious freedom to practice and propagate Islam as guaranteed by the Article 25.
Violations of Article 26: The bill’s provisions allowing the government to change the purpose of a waqf, eliminating the ‘waqf by user’ clause and weakening the Waqf Tribunal directly interfere with the community’s constitutional right to manage its own religious institutions.
ViolationsofArticle 300A: The amendments, particularly those that permit the government to seize waqf properties, threaten the constitutional protection of property rights, undermining the ownership and management of religious endowments.
Just like that, it violates the Legal Framework including Supreme Court Rulings such as Shirur Mutt Case (1954), Union of India versus R Gandhi (2010) and L Chandra Kumar versus Union of India (1997).
And Legal Principles and Customs. The proposed bill disregards long-established legal principles and customs like Article 13(3)(a) of the Indian Constitution. And Principle of Non-Discrimination.
It also violates Islamic Law and Muslim Customs. The bill proposes several restrictions that conflict with Islamic law and established customs within the Muslim community, such as Oral Waqf and Mutawalliship, Masha of Waqif, Sectarian Divisions and Discrimination against new converts.
The bill will also impact on the non-Muslim religious communities. While the amendments primarily target Muslim Waqf properties, they set a dangerous precedent that could impact all religious communities in India.
Outrage in community over proposed bill
Recently, the CEO of Rahmani 30, Wali Fahad Rahmani, who is reaching out to stakeholders and making them aware community people of the unconstitutionality of the bill held a Round Table meeting in Kolkata. “We have met Joint Parliamentary Committee members, opposition leaders as well as the allies of the ruling National Democratic Alliance and informed them about the evil intent in the bill. We have even met Lallan Singh (JDU), who was in favour of the bill in the parliament. And also Chirag Paswen of LJP promised to oppose the bill.One major visible problem is the proposed new board members, out of eleven members, 7 can be from government and non-Muslims too. So how will it remain a religious community affair?” mentioned Fahad Rahmani to the gathered community people.
A memorandum in this regard, in the name of Ahmad Wali Faisal Rahmani, Ameer Shariat (Head) of Bihar, Odisha and Jharkhand has been given to Bengal’s Urban Development Minister Firhad Hakim on the occasion.
“In Bengal, we are making a core committee to reject the bill and highlight this issue before concerning authorities in the state,” Rafay Siddique, who organized the Round Table meeting informed eNewsroom.
Meanwhile, senior advocate Mahmood Pracha also held a press conference in Delhi and asked people to outright reject the bill.
Concerned citizens have also started a campaign to email their objections to the bill. Recently the JPC has also sought public suggestions.
“Misinformation has been propagated against waqf properties like any government property declared waqf. While the case is reversed. It is the waqf property which has been acquired by the governments and administrations. The bill should give special executive power to boards so that they can evict buildings like Park Court, where the court gave its verdict,” Asif Ali, a chartered accountant and concerned citizen, who has written to many higher authorities rejecting the bill told eNewsroom.
[dropcap]S[/dropcap]anjeev Khudshah was born on 12 February 1973 in Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh. He is counted among the top Dalit writers in the country. His works have been published in almost all the leading newspapers and magazines of the country. His Safai Kamgar Samudaya from Radhakrishna Prakashan and Adhunik Bharat Mein Pichda Varg from Shilpayan, Dalit Chetna Aur Kuch Zaroori Sawaal from Shilpayan are among his popular works. Sanjeev Khudshah is the editor-in-chief of the YouTube channel DMAindia online. Currently, Sanjeev is doing PhD in the Journalism Department. He has also studied law and the important point is that he hails from the most deprived sections among the historically neglected and oppressed sections therefore this conversation becomes even more important. Sanjeev who joined the Ambedkar movement years ago and talked about awakening the entire Dalit society through his writing, is feeling hurt today because he welcomed the Supreme Court’s verdict on the classification of Scheduled Castes. Vidya Bhushan Rawat had a detailed conversation with Sanjeev Khudshah on his struggles and the social crisis created by this classification question and why he supported the Supreme Court verdict.
VBR:You have been an integral part of the Ambedkarite movement and have always been active in Baba Saheb’s mission. You have talked about Dalit unity on your platforms and others’ platforms too. Still, today you are being attacked because you have supported the Supreme Court’s verdict on reservation for the most marginalized among Dalits. First of all, tell us what kind of attack is being made on you and who is behind it.
Sanjeev: Actually, I am not supporting the extreme Dalits. I am helping those who are deprived and remain backward among Dalits, who can also be called Mahadalit or extremely Dalits. They are very backward and the government resources and welfare measures have not yet reached them. At this time, it is my responsibility to stick to my views as a thinker and intellectual and I did that. I am saying on various platforms that both the forward Dalit and backward Dalit castes should sit together and talk. Why is there backwardness? This should be seriously discussed. No one can deny the fact that a large number of Dalit castes are victims of backwardness. I am being called foolish. It is being said that I am an agent of RSS or BJP. My understanding is also being questioned and this is being done by those people who have been very close to me., with whom I have participated in movements. This has also saddened me because they are not ready to understand and listen to me.
VBR: After being active for so many years, do you think that our leaders and intellectuals have not been able to move beyond the framework or framework of their castes?
Sanjeev: The 21st August call for Bharat Bandh proved that the Dalit movement is a movement of some castes. These castes are only concerned about their interests. They are not even ready to think or listen to the rest of the Dalit castes. If you want to see an example of this, you can see it in the Ambedkar Jayanti program. It is normally mentioned that it is a public programme of Ambedkar Jayanti celebration, but from its president to all the officials are from the same caste. These people divide the money received from the government. They do not give a share to anyone else and today these people are talking big that the Dalits have been divided. They are the ones who are dividing it. The same is the condition of the Buddha Vihars across the country, which are not just Buddha Vihars but are the den of caste panchayats.
VBR: You have declared the Buddha Vihars as the den of caste panchayats. Is this not too much? Today, not only the Dalit community but also the backward class people are coming to Buddhism across the country and the monks and bhikkhus hail from different communities. After all, why did you feel that they have become the den of caste panchayats?
Sanjeev: Budh Vihar should have been a part of Dr Ambedkar’s dream project. Dr Ambedkar had many dreams but only two of his dreams are called his dream projects. First, eradication of caste and second, representation for all. People who came to Budh Vihar stopped eradicating caste and Budh Vihar is locked for outsiders. By looking at Budh Vihar, you can easily tell which Budh Vihar belongs to which caste.
VBR: Did you feel that the questions raised by you were justified when you were being criticized?
Sanjeev: I am trying to understand these criticisms and when I think about them, I understand that the questions I have raised or the stand I have taken are correct.
VBR: What is your opinion on the order given by the Supreme Court on the question of classification?
Sanjeev: Two issues were raised in the Supreme Court, first the issue of creamy layer and the issue of classification. I do not agree with the issue of the creamy layer because the problems of Dalits are related to caste discrimination and untouchability. Reservation is not a poverty alleviation program; it is a representation which should continue as long as inequality exists.
But I look at classification from a positive perspective. I belong to a very backward Dalit caste like Domar and I see that other sanitation workers including Valmiki are still working in adverse conditions. But they are not getting jobs according to their population. The backward among scheduled castes will benefit from the classification of reservation. The powerful castes among Dalits are alleging that this will divide the Dalits. The same thing has been said by the upper caste (upper caste) against Baba Saheb Ambedkar also when the Communal Award came.
Watch the conversation
VBR: Today the Dalit movement or Ambedkarite movement seems completely divided on this issue. Those who are criticizing the order of the Supreme Court are alleging that their castes are being accused of usurping their rights which is wrong but it is also not wise to completely ignore the question of the identities of our other brothers and sisters. Have you ever felt that the people of these marginalized communities among the scheduled castes are not able to become a part of Ambedkarite politics and philosophy because of no efforts being made to reach out to them by the leading communities in the movement?
Sanjeev: It is indeed wrong to say that your rights are being violated or someone is snatching your rights. But the backwardness of these castes cannot be denied. Just like earlier, the untouchables were backward, after the introduction of reservation they have progressed. Similarly, if the backward untouchables get separate reservations, they will also progress.
Surprisingly, the upper Dalits are not even ready to listen to the voices of the weaker and deprived, let alone agreeing to it. They cannot be Ambedkarite as they are against the Constitution. Because the Constitution says that the last person should get its benefit. They are creating obstacles in this. Indeed, the demands of the backward Dalits and their problems are not able to become a part of Ambedkarite politics and philosophy because their issues are ignored by the leading Dalits. Marginalised among Dalits remains neglected. They become victims of discrimination. Bahujan Samaj Party never raised the problems of people working in sewers.
VBR: You are a writer about whom it is said that he gives a new direction to society and stands for justice even amid a crowd, even if he is alone. Is literature unable to break the caste structure now? It is said that intellectuals give direction to their movements and politics, but today they are perhaps following the parties and movements rather than leading them.
Sanjeev: I feel that at this time my responsibility is that I stand for the welfare of the deprived, even if I am left alone. Many people among the deprived Dalits are also getting misled by the words of the upper Dalits and they feel that they should stay with them. They are also becoming victims of emotional blackmail. Upper Dalits are also partners in our movement. We are also troubled and worried by their attitude. Even today it is hard to believe that they will protest against the backward Dalits in this manner.
VBR: Years ago, you wrote a book Safai Kamgar Samuday or simply ‘sanitation workers communities. Has anyone written anything about the condition of these communities before you? If not, why?
Sanjeev: The problem is that these people in the Dalit movement neither tried to read nor try to know the problems of the sanitation workers community. Writing on them is a far cry. That is why even today they are unaware of those problems and do not want to know. Agitating against backward Dalits is a big example of this.
They did not write about the sanitation workers’ community because there has been a difference between these two classes for a long time. The Supreme Court has only highlighted these differences. This difference is visible in the programs organized by various Buddha Viharas and different celebrations on Ambedkar Jayanti.
VBR: Allegations are being made that the Swachhkar Samaj did not come with Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Many people are saying that they are Hindus and vote for the BJP, so they should be taken out of the reservation for Scheduled Castes and put in EWS. How will you answer such questions?
Sanjeev: Only those who have not read Dr Ambedkar can say that this society did not come with Ambedkar. Please learn about Ramratan Janorkar as well as Advocate Bhagwan Das. There are many such names. All these people walked hand in hand with Baba Saheb from the beginning. People should read Advocate Bhagwan Das’s book Baba Saheb Aur Bhangi Jaatiyan.
If you discriminate against your brother, or insult your brother, then that brother will be forced to go to those who do not discriminate against them and who love and care. RSS people have reached out to them and tried to understand their problems. Even if their motive was something else, what did the upper Dalits do for these deprived brothers? Apart from protesting against them. The protest on the 21st has only widened this gap.
It is very wrong to talk about voting for RSS and BJP. You can guess who votes for whom by looking at the caste of RSS and BJP MPs who have come from Scheduled Caste reserved seats. All of them belong to upper caste Dalits and not to deprived Dalits.
VBR: After being associated with the Ambedkarite movement for such a long time, do you think that intellectuals lost a big opportunity through which the entire Dalit society could have been united?
Sanjeev: You are right. Upper Dalit intellectuals lost a big opportunity. After this verdict of the Supreme Court, they should have talked to the representatives of backward Dalit castes and intellectuals. They should have been taken into confidence but they lost this opportunity. In social media, deprived Dalit castes are being abused so much, they are being insulted so much that even upper castes do not insult them so much. Look at the way abuses are being hurled at Ramesh Bhangi on his Facebook post, is this not an atrocity?
VBR: Do you think that in this era of social media, many people took it as an ‘opportunity in disaster’ and increased animosity between communities because instead of bringing two different communities together, the entire debate was about ending reservation, whereas reservation has been under attack since 1990, but most of them were silent since that time and some were even calling privatization a good thing?
Sanjeev: The upper caste society has taken advantage of this and has contributed a lot in increasing the animosity between the two communities. In this work, the upper caste Dalits have added fuel to the fire.
VBR: Your own life has also come out of difficult circumstances. Tell us about your family background.
Sanjeev: Because we and our family were living with caste identity. That is why we had to face discrimination since childhood. Life moved forward from poverty and helplessness. Education played a very important role in emerging. Especially after getting inspiration from Dr Ambedkar, I learnt to differentiate between exploiters and saviours and after this, I devoted my life to introducing people to Baba Saheb.
VBR: How and when did you come in contact with Ambedkarism?
Sanjeev: My maternal uncle Pramod Khurshil Ji used to work with Kanshiram Saheb. When he formed BAMCEF, it was my maternal uncle who brought me a book which had the biography of Dr Ambedkar. I must have been 10-12 years old at that time. He was a staunch Ambedkarite. My father also told me that because of Dr Ambedkar, we are enjoying some comforts today. But after reading the biography, there was a change in me and I also got the inspiration to get educated like Baba Saheb. With the help of education, I kept moving ahead.
VBR: In the present circumstances, when the distance between different communities has increased, how will we bridge it? Who will take the initiative and why?
Sanjeev: There is only one way to bridge the gap. “Baat” I believe that “if we talk, things will work out”. Conversations should continue between each other. Only then will the distance end and this gap can be bridged. It is the responsibility of the upper caste Dalits to understand the problems of the backward Dalits and try to solve them. In this, they will have to forget their selfishness.
VBR: During this period, did you ever feel that you were in the wrong place when the question of caste interests arose, instead of standing with the most marginalized people, people started blaming them.
Sanjeev: I agree that when such an opportunity came that the marginalized backward Dalits should have been supported, then the so-called Ambedkarite upper caste Dalits started cursing them instead of helping them. Because their caste interests were clashing. Ambedkarism and the Constitution do not teach this. The Constitution says that the last person should get resources, facilities and justice.
VBR: Is classifying reservations dividing castes?
Sanjeev: I disagree with this. Dr Ambedkar had classified castes earlier too. Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Backward Classes. Did he divide them? This is wrong. Classification shows how much work needs to be done and on whom. If a society considers itself capable, then it should support this classification and not get scared. If the classification was wrong, would you also hold Dr Ambedkar wrong?
VBR: What will you say to the comrades of the Ambedkarite movement, especially intellectuals and litterateurs?
Sanjeev: I would expect from fellow intellectuals and writers of the Ambedkar movement that they should not abandon each other in such difficult times. They should not insult each other. They should understand the problems of deprived Dalits and stand by them. There may be differences of opinion but there should be no animosity in the minds. Just now the news has come that people of the Bhim Army have beaten up some members of the Valmiki caste over this order of the Supreme Court. In such times, Ambedkarites and intellectuals will have to come forward to reduce animosity.
Kolkata: Advocate Noor Mahvish, Editor Mahasweta Samajdar, and Professor Nousheen Baba Khan have one thing in common: along with their professions, they are activists who have taken to the streets multiple times seeking justice for the raped and murdered trainee doctor from RG Kar Medical College. They have unequivocally condemned the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its affiliates for their violent protests and bandhs, believing that the saffron brigade has undermined their nationwide efforts against crime against women.
On Tuesday, August 27, Student Samaj, a right-wing student union backed by the BJP, organized the Nabanna Chalo Abhiyan to demand justice in the RG Kar rape and murder case. The BJP-supported student wing demanded the resignation of Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and marched to Nabanna, the Bengal government’s secretariat. When stopped, the protesters attacked policemen with stones and vandalized government property. The violence resulted in serious injuries, including the permanent loss of eyesight for young Kolkata Police officer Debasish Chakraborty, and several others were critically injured. Consequently, the protesting junior doctors at RG Kar Medical College condemned the violence and clarified that they did not want the Chief Minister to resign.
However, BJP did not stop here and called for a 12-hour Bengal bandh on August 28. The two consecutive days of violent protest and bandh have disrupted civic life and schools where exams are going on.
The female protesters, who had participated in several rallies over the past two weeks, succeeded in having the case handed over to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) and drawing the Supreme Court of India’s attention. The accused, Sanjay Roy, was arrested within 24 hours, and Sandip Ghosh, the principal, was removed. A Special Investigation Team was also constituted to investigate financial irregularities at the medical college. They expressed shock at the politicization of the issue and the shifting momentum away from addressing rape culture in India.
Kolkata Police releases pictures of the stone peltors on August 27
Women Should Not Be Used as Political Tools
Noor Mahvish reacted, “As a woman actively involved in a two-week peaceful protest against rape and systemic gender-based violence, I am deeply troubled by the recent events in Bengal. What began as a peaceful, silent demonstration was abruptly disrupted and turned violent following a call from BJP-RSS affiliates. Many student groups, aware of the BJP’s history of escalating peaceful protests into violent spectacles for political gain, had previously cautioned against participating in the August 27 protest organized by the BJP wing,”
Noor, who also participated in the CAA-NRC protest, recalled. “The BJP-RSS lobby has a history of disrupting such movements. During the student protests in Delhi over the CAA, a criminal named Ram Gopal Bhakt opened fire on students advocating for their democratic rights and citizenship, injuring one. Similarly, during the Shaheen Bagh protests, a prominent BJP leader incited violence with slogans like ‘Goli Maro Salon Ko’ to undermine the women’s demonstration against discriminatory laws.”
“The BJP has numerous members accused of sexual violence, yet these individuals remain in positions of power. This troubling pattern of using violent tactics to advance political agendas has now extended to Bengal, where the party’s actions have escalated a peaceful protest into chaos to further their political objectives. Women should not be used as political tools; their rights and safety are fundamental and essential,” the advocate added.
BJP Has No Business in Holding Any Protest Against Rape Culture
The Telegraph’s report of BJP’s August 27 march to Nabanna
Mahasweta Samajdar stated, “Tuesday’s BJP rally was a clear attempt to hijack the people’s movement we had been advancing for almost 20 days. Earlier, we observed several attempts by the authorities to obscure the inquiry, and people are furious at the state government. We, from Reclaim the Night, Reclaim the Rights (Raat Dokhol, Adhikar Dokhol) movement participated in several rallies and human chains to mark our protest. We do not demand the resignation of the CM but rather accountability from her regarding the matter.”
Mahasweta mentioned, “The BJP, fully aware of its lack of credibility in protests against rape or atrocities against women, organized yesterday’s rally in the name of students to fulfill their political agenda.”
“I believe the BJP planned to incorporate violence into the rally to gain political advantage, which could have been avoided. We must remember these are the people who garlanded the rapists of Bilkis Bano, who marched with the national flag in support of the rapists of Unnao, and who failed to act against Brijbhushan Singh, who sexually exploited medal-winning wrestlers,” she added.
Student Samaj Protesters Were Misogynists; Our Fight Is Against Such Mentality
Nousheen Baba Khan claimed, “The recent Nabanna Chalo Abhiyan by the so-called ‘Student Samaj’ has exposed a troubling undercurrent in our society, highlighting deep-seated misogyny, double standards, and political manipulation. A viral video from the protest captured an elderly man, referred to as ‘Kaku,’ hurling the slur ‘Churi Pore Boshe Thakuk Era’ at the Kolkata Police, implying they should ‘wear bangles and sit,’ a phrase used to demean and insult. This phrase, often weaponized during protests, is a stark reminder of how society twists symbols of femininity, like bangles, into markers of cowardice. Even women, who are often the targets of such gendered insults, perpetuate this mindset, complicating the fight for equality. The issue is not just the slur but the deeply ingrained hypocrisy that allows such language to flourish. It’s the same hypocrisy that sees a woman at the rally using derogatory terms like ‘son of a whore’ to insult, while conveniently ignoring the stigma-free status of men who engage with sex workers. Such double standards divert attention from the real issues, like the unresolved case at RG Kar, where justice is still awaited for a female doctor who was allegedly raped even after her death.”
She further said, “This protest also reflects a disturbing trend where political agendas overshadow genuine causes. The so-called ‘student protest’ was marked by the conspicuous absence of actual students, replaced instead by middle-aged men, and a glaring lack of women participants. In a state known for its critical thinking and intellectual prowess, this is a disheartening sight.”
“The policemen were beaten badly, and one of the officers lost vision in one of his eyes. The irony of demanding justice for one uniform while ignoring the violence against another is lost on many, revealing a deep hypocrisy. The BJP, though not the strongest opposition in Bengal, has managed to turn this protest into a national spectacle, drawing attention for all the wrong reasons. Other political parties have wisely distanced themselves, and even the RG Kar doctors had to clarify their non-involvement. In a world where authoritarianism is on the rise, the massive participation in this protest—ostensibly for women’s safety—feels like a cynical exploitation of a serious issue for political gain. The people of Bengal, however, are not easily fooled and are likely assessing this situation with the critical eye for which they are known,” the professor pointed out.
Each day, a fresh garland of flowers is placed at the shrine, which has become the epicentre of protests against the rape and murder of a 31-year-old trainee doctor on August 9 | Courtesy:Express Photo/Premankur Biswas
Bandh is a Sinister Attempt to Dilute Our Movement; CBI Should Focus on the Murder Case
The protesting doctors are the angriest about the politicization of the rape and murder of their colleague.
“We want justice for the trainee doctor who was violated and murdered, but that is not happening. Political parties calling for bandhs or hitting the streets is an attempt to weaken the doctors’ movement,” said Dr Sourav Bhakat to eNewsroom. Dr Sourav is an ex-student of RG Kar Medical College Hospital and is protesting alongside junior doctors at RG Kar.
Doctors are unhappy with the CBI’s progress and have even termed President Draupadi Murmu’s comments as mere lip service.
“CBI is yet to bring out its report. People have already started to highlight the corruption charges against the former principal. But what about progress in the rape and murder investigation? We believe that the corruption case is also an attempt to dilute the charges against the accused. We doctors are very clear that we are seeking justice for our colleague and are not aligned with any political party. This is a people’s movement; please don’t dilute the momentum.”
“Yesterday, the President spoke about women’s safety, but these are just words. Nothing is being done to deliver justice to the victim,” rued Dr Sourav.
रांची/कोलकाता: तो आखिरकार चंपई सोरेन भारतीय जनता पार्टी ‘ही’ जॉइन करेंगे। पहली बार जब पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री दिल्ली से चश्मा बनाकर लौटे तो चंपई ने कहा था कि अब वो नई पार्टी बनाएँगे, पर एक हफ्ता भी नहीं हुआ और वे फिर से देश की राजधानी पहुँच गए, गृह मंत्री अमित शाह से मिलने। उसके बाद झारखंड के भाजपा प्रभारी हिमंता बिस्वा सरमा का 26 अगस्त को ट्वीट आया कि चंपई सोरेन 30 अगस्त को उनकी पार्टी जॉइन करेंगे। ठीक अगले दिन, प्रदेश अध्यक्ष बाबूलाल मरांडी प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी से मिलने दिल्ली पहुंच गए।
दो दिनों में दिल्ली जाकर भाजपा के दो शीर्ष नेताओं से बाबूलाल की अलग-अलग मुलाकातों की टाइमिंग को लेकर झारखंड में कई तरह की चर्चाएं हो रही हैं। क्या चंपई सोरेन के भगवा ब्रिगेड में आने से पार्टी के नेता खुश नहीं हैं और पार्टी दो धड़ों में बंट गई है?
हालांकि, भाजपा प्रदेश अध्यक्ष ने बुधवार को कहा कि उनकी प्रधानमंत्री मोदी से मुलाकात में झारखंड को लेकर सिर्फ राजनीतिक चर्चा हुई।
रांची के पत्रकार आनंद दत्ता ने ईन्यूज़रूम को इस बाबत बताया, “सिर्फ प्रदेश अध्यक्ष बाबूलाल ही नहीं, पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री अर्जुन मुंडा और नेता प्रतिपक्ष अमर बाउरी भी चंपई सोरेन के बीजेपी में शामिल होने से असहज महसूस कर रहे हैं। इन तीनों ने अपनी तरफ से चंपई सोरेन को पार्टी में न लेने और सरायकेला विधायक के पार्टी बनाने पर उन्हें बाहर से खुलकर समर्थन देने की बात कही थी।”
“चंपई सोरेन के भाजपा में आने की घोषणा के ठीक दूसरे दिन प्रधानमंत्री से मिलने पर बाबूलाल ने जरूर अपनी पीड़ा बताई होगी,” दत्ता ने आगे कहा।
वहीं, राजनीतिक विश्लेषक अमित राजा, जो बाबूलाल के गृह जिले से आते हैं, बताते हैं, “लोकसभा चुनाव के परिणाम के बाद पार्टी के केंद्रीय नेता, बाबूलाल के हाथों सब कुछ छोड़ना नहीं चाहते। पार्टी ने विधानसभा में बाबूलाल के अनुसार टिकट वितरण किया था। बहुत सारे जेवीएम से आए नेताओं को लोकसभा और विधानसभा उपचुनाव में टिकट बाबूलाल ने दिलवाया था, पर चुनाव में भाजपा सभी सुरक्षित सीटें हार गई थी।”
“वैसे बाबूलाल की तरह शिवराज सिंह चौहान भी आदिवासी राजनीति की समझ रखते हैं, एक मुख्यमंत्री बनने से पहले वो छत्तीसगढ़ में आदिवासियों के बीच काम कर चुके हैं, इसलिए वो जानते हैं कि कौनसा आदिवासी नेतृत्व पार्टी के लिए कितना फायेदेमंद साबित होगा,” अमित ने आगे कहा।
दत्ता ने अमित के बात को और विस्तार दी, “जिस तरह चंपई सोरेन को लेकर भाजपा में चल रहा है, उससे ये भी लगता है कि शिवराज सिंह चौहान, जो पहले चंपई सोरेन को अमित शाह से मिलवाना चाहते थे, वे भी नहीं चाहते कि चंपई भाजपा में आएं। इसलिए वे इस बार अमित शाह के पास चंपई सोरेन को लेकर नहीं गए।”
Delhi: While one part of India is worried about the increase in rape cases and hitting the streets in protest, the other, Kerala’s film industry, is roiled by allegations of sexual exploitation. With this, the Me Too movement has begun in Malayalam cinema.
There were no surprises as Malayalam superstar and revered actor Mohanlal resigned on August 27 as the president of the influential Association of Malayalam Movie Artists, popularly known as AMMA, over the association’s handling of sexual abuse charges in the Kerala film industry. Mohanlal and 17 other executive members stepped down en masse from the artists’ association, citing moral responsibility. A new executive committee will be formed in two months. Their resignations came in the wake of the recent release of the Justice Hema Committee report, which highlighted allegations of sexual misconduct in the Malayalam film industry over the years by male actors. It is important to note that Mohanlal is not facing any charges.
Justice Hema Committee Report
In 2017, a three-member committee headed by retired Kerala High Court judge Justice K Hema was formed by the Kerala government following a petition by the Women in Cinema Collective (WCC) to the Kerala chief minister, demanding a probe into the abduction and sexual assault of a prominent actress and gender inequality in the film industry. Popular actor Dileep was accused of staging the kidnapping and assault in 2017, and his membership in AMMA had become a flashpoint then. The members of both associations, AMMA and WCC, often clashed when actor Dileep was reinstated in AMMA in 2018. The women’s organisation had blamed AMMA for standing by Dileep and not the survivor of the assault.
Now, the tide has turned. Within days of the release of the Hema Committee report, actresses have come forward and alleged sexual harassment by reputed male actors like Siddique and director Ranjith. Actress Minu Muneer levelled sexual harassment charges against popular actors M Mukesh and Jayasurya, alleging she was subjected to verbal and physical abuse during the shooting of a film. Bengali actor Sreelekha Mitra filed a complaint against filmmaker Ranjith for inappropriate behaviour. Actor Siddique was accused of sexual abuse by actress Revathy Sampath, who in turn filed a complaint against her with the Kerala police chief, citing “criminal conspiracy to fabricate and spread false allegations against him.”
Victims In Public Domain
“In 2013, I was subjected to physical and verbal abuse by these individuals while working on a project. I tried to cooperate and continue working, but the abuse became unbearable. As a result, I was forced to leave the Malayalam film industry and relocate to Chennai. I am now seeking justice and accountability for the trauma and suffering I endured,” Muneer said in a Facebook post.
Following severe criticism after the findings of the report, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) has been formed to investigate the hardships faced by women in the Malayalam film industry. “A Special Investigation Team formed to investigate the hardships faced by women in the film industry convened at the police headquarters to outline the continuation of the probe. The SIT has been strengthened by including additional women officers. All related cases registered at local police stations are to be handed over to the SIT for further investigation,” said the Kerala Police in its statement.
No matter what the outcome of the current crisis facing the Malayalam film industry, it’s an eye-opener for all other film industries. After the “Me Too” movement, women will not stay silent and put up with inappropriate behaviour by their male counterparts. And silence is no longer an option for prominent actors. They must stand up for their female colleagues and speak up for them to make the industry a safe place.
Jaipur/Bhopal: The still-afresh-elected Bharatiya Janata Party government of Rajasthan has entered a bulldozer justice era taking inspiration and following the pattern of its neighboring states Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Both Hindi Belt states are well-known for their punitive demolition policy, which has rapidly grown in the past few years, especially against Muslims.
The Rajasthan government in a similar row on August 17 demolished the home of Rashid Khan in Udaipur district because his Muslim tenant’s minor son stabbed his Hindu classmate in a school with a knife. The victim boy who was also a minor succumbed to his injuries due to blood loss on August 19.
The incident destroyed four families altogether- the family whose son died in the attack, the landlord, his two tenants involving the one whose child attacked the other student.
Riots, Arson And Police Inaction
Soorajpol police station on August 16 registered an FIR against the minor accused under Section 109 (1) (attempt to murder), 126 (2) (wrongful restraint), 115 (2) (voluntarily causing hurt) of BNS (Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita) and Section 3(2)(v) and 3(2)(va) of SC/ST Act. The boy and his father were also arrested on the day of the incident, however, the Hindutva organizations began giving it a communal colour.
Soon there was arson, rioting, and burning of vehicles, tyres, and Muslim businesses demanding the bulldozer justice against the accused. Consequently, prohibitory orders and internet shutdowns were imposed. In videos available on the internet, a mob can be heard raising slogans, “Jai Sri Ram, Har Har Mahadev.” They sensationalized the issue, comparing it with Kanhaiya Lal’s brutal murder case in Udaipur, setting a communal narrative of a planned attack. Social media was poured with similar posts.
There were allegations that the police walked with the rioters instead of stopping them.
“[The accused] keeps abusing my nephew on caste and mother and sister every day. He attacked him outside the school at around 10.30 when rebuked, due to which he suffered severe injuries on his leg. [The accused] attacked my nephew due to the grudge of reprimanding him,” the FIR reads.
eNewsroom tried to speak to the complainant and the victim’s uncle Vinod Mochi on a phone call. During the conversation he denied having any information about what happened. The visitors in the background did not allow him to speak and persisted in taking information from police and local media reports. However, on insistence, Mochi said, “We don’t know what happened between the children. Two boys took [minor victim] to the hospital. I am a heart patient. I don’t know much. People are visiting us. There was no communal or Hindu Muslim issue.”
The victim was hurt on the thigh. Two students took him to the hospital on a motorcycle. “I took the key from the principal to take the injured to the hospital. Another boy Usman also came along who tied his shirt on the victim’s thigh to stop bleeding,” said Vivek, a student in an interview with local media.
No Hindu-Muslim Angle: Complainant
On August 16 (Friday), Rashid Khan received two notices from the Udaipur Municipal Corporation and Regional Forest Officer addressed to Salim Sheikh.
The Municipal Corporation notice said that he had constructed an illegal building on government land and was instructed to submit explanations within 24 hours, actions would be taken otherwise. At the same time, the Regional Forest Officer’s notice said that the structure was constructed on encroached forest land. They were instructed to remove the structure by 20.08.2024, otherwise, the forest department would evict them from the forest land. However, Khan’s home which he purchased three years back from Shafi Mohammad was turned into rubble the very next day on August 17.
“I bought this home for 16,50,000 Rupees in 2019 taking a loan from relatives. An amount of 1.5 lac Rupees is yet to be paid and my house is destroyed. I rushed from office to office requesting authorities to prevent the demolition drive as the house belonged to me and not my tenant Saleem Sheikh. I showed them documents of the house but they did not stop saying we have an order from higher authorities. Many of my belongings were taken by the Municipal Corporation. It becomes our possession after action, the authorities had said, stated Khan.
Human Rights Violation
Legal Researcher Idris Mohammad questioned the legality of the incident saying that demolition has become a new strategy for instant justice driven by unjustified anger and satisfying the majoritarian collective consciousness. It is a violation of human rights, and the courts have remained silent focusing on legal technicalities despite evidence that demolitions are state-sanctioned violence.
“Rajasthan’s BJP government is merely following the high command attempting to gain popularity by targeting Muslims under the ‘Law of the Day.’ The demolition of a Muslim landlord’s house introduces a new level of ‘Housing Apartheid,’ further marginalizing Muslims who already struggle to find rental housing due to their religious identity. The criminal justice system is deeply flawed, with police often disregarding legal procedures and facing no accountability, even in cases of wrongful prosecution.
Magistrates frequently overlook legal irregularities by the police. A survey revealed that nearly half of the police force believes Muslims are inclined to commit crimes. How can we expect the police to act without bias when making decisions to prevent crimes? In my opinion, the police force is one of the most communal agencies in the country, largely because they come from the same society we live in. I have yet to see any government program focused on sensitizing the police force,” Mohammad remarked.
The Accused Is Not Allowed To Meet Family
Shamim Bano, the accused’s mother does dishes for a living while his father is a tempo driver. They have only son and five daughters, and one of them is differently-abled. I cooked him food like usual. “I wanted my son to be educated and hence admitted him to a school. He is just 15 years old and never quarrelled with anybody. I have no idea where he got the money for the knife. We have been living here for 35 years and no such incident happened. We are starving. Nobody wants to have us as a tenant. My son made a mistake and all of us are suffering. It would have been better if I was sent to jail.” rued Shamim in distress.
Sources said that Bano was only allowed to see her husband briefly on August 24 and the boy and his father were allegedly beaten in custody.
The Superintendent of Police Yogesh Goyal told eNewsroom, “The child is in detention and his father is also arrested. The investigation is under process.” He refused to make any further comments.
The Mob Targeted Mosques And Muslim Businesses
In conversation with eNewsroom, a local said that the large mob targeted Muslim businesses and Mosques in the Hathi Pole and Chetak area while the police failed to prevent the violence. “The mob rallied chanting the slogans of “Jai Sri Ram (Glory be to Lord Ram).” They created a ruckus in the presence of police armed with lathis, sticks, and stones using petrol to ablaze the vehicles, and breaking the mirrors of bikes. The Hindutva outfits exaggerated the incident making it communal. Media also played a vital role. Muslims suffered high losses. It was the responsibility of the police to file an FIR against the rioters but they only chose to demolish the home on government orders,” he said.
Neelofar of the Bhim Army said that no one should take law and order into their own hands. There’s a legal process for everything. It would have been better if due procedure was followed. “This is a dictatorship. Instead of investigating the issue, they saw the person was Muslim and demolished his home. The house didn’t even belong to the accused or his father. Even if it was encroachment, proper procedures should have been followed. Punitive demolitions, whether by any state government, are unlawful in India. Holding a father accountable for his son’s crime is against the law. The administration violated legal norms, which is why they’re avoiding questions,” she said.
