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Modi’s popularity registers sharp decline in 2018

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The popularity of Prime Minister Narendra Modi registered a sharp decline towards the close of 2018 — merely four and a half years after he had come to power with a bang. During the year he was surrounded by many unsavoury controversies. After the BJP’s drubbing in the Assembly elections in the five States of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Telangana and Mizoram, he has become more and more incoherent and occasionally irritable in his public speeches. The election results show that he has ceased to be a vote-catcher; rather, Narendra Modi has become a liability for the BJP.

That the people voted decisively against the BJP in all the five States where elections were held in November-December was much too evident. In Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the party could not retain its government in spite of spending a scandalous amount of money on the campaign. The BJP had fielded its candidates on almost all the seats in Telangana and Mizoram. BJP general secretary in charge of north-east Ram Madhav had announced much ahead of the polling day in Mizoram: “we are willing to forge an alliance with like-minded non-Congress parties after the elections.” But the BJP could win only one seat out of 39 it contested (Mizoram Assembly has 40 members), and its dream of ruling, directly or indirectly, the entire north-east was shattered. So was the case in Telangana where it was hopeful of an impressive electoral victory to dictate terms to Telangana’s ruling party Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) for an alliance for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. The BJP could get only one seat in Telangana also.

According to an IndiaSpend analysis of electoral data, the BJP lost more than 70 per cent of the Assembly constituencies where Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned in the five States. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath fared slightly better than Modi, with a winning percentage of 39 as against Modi’s less than 30.

Even though Prime Minister Modi’s two major “achievements” did not figure prominently in the high-pitched campaigns, these two seemed to have considerably influenced the mind of the voters, particularly in the three Hindi heartland States of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. The scars created by the demonetisation on the middle and lower classes have not healed so far. Similarly, the GST continues to be a sore point with the middle rung traders. The party leaders in the three States were apparently aware of this because the party in the three States did not seek the vote in the name of Narendra Modi but in the names of their chief ministers, Vasundhara Raje in Rajasthan, Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh and Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh. In the full page newspaper advertisements also, the photos of the chief ministers were displayed prominently while a small photo of Narendra Modi was tucked behind the chief minister of the State.

The people just wanted to oust the BJP in the three States though they did not repose full confidence in the Congress, except in Chhattisgarh where it won 68 seats in a House of 90. The BJP got only 15 seats. Former Congress Chief Minister Ajit Jogi had formed his own party Janta Congress Chhattisgarh (JCC). He had entered into an alliance with Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in the hope of emerging as an alternative to the BJP and the Congress but the alliance could get only 7 seats — JCC 5 and BSP 2.

In both Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Congress failed to get the clear majority. In Madhya Pradesh, its tally stopped at 114 seats in a House of 230. The BJP won in 109 constituencies. As many as 120 parties were in the fray in Madhya Pradesh. Only two of them could taste victory: Bahujan Samaj Party got two seats and Samajwadi Party was able to win one seat. Four independents also got through. These seven members lent their support to the Congress, raising the strength of the alliance to 121 and, thus, allowing the Congress to form the government. It was ironic that BJP received slightly more votes in Madhya Pradesh than the Congress but the Congress got more seats. The BJP received 41 per cent (1, 56, 42,980 votes) of the total votes cast while the share of the Congress was 40.9 per cent (1, 55, 95,153 votes). Besides, in as many as 22 constituencies, the votes cast for NOTA (none of the above) exceeded the victory margins of the winning candidates. In Rajasthan, too, the Congress reached near-majority point, getting 99 seats in a House of 200. The election for one constituency was countermanded following the death of a BSP candidate.

Kolkata shows spine, backs actor Naseeruddin Shah

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Kolkata: At a time when the Bollywood fraternity is maintaining a distance from Naseeruddin Shah, intellectuals from Kolkata have expressed their solidarity for the veteran actor. Condemning the way Naseeruddin Shah’s session at the Ajmer Literature Festival, was called off, due to the pressure from the Right-Wing groups, they maintained that the actor had just shown the mirror and was unnecessarily being witch-hunted.

“I don’t see anything wrong that Naseeruddin Shah has said. He has just expressed a valid concern and as a citizen of this country he is justified in raising this question. I completely support his statement. He has highlighted what India has been witnessing in the past four years,” said former Supreme Court Judge, Justice Ashok Kumar Ganguly, during an intellectual meet organised in Kolkata.

During the meeting, a resolution was passed, in which they not only pledged solidarity with the Naseeruddin Shah, but have also decided to organise rallies, to condemn the way the actor is being criticised by the right-wingers.

“What is more disturbing was the fact that he was barred from attending a session at the Ajmer Literature Festival after he had expressed himself. The ring-wing politicians and foot soldiers should be grateful to him, as he has shown a mirror to them. Instead of hounding him they should contemplate into what they have made of India in these four years,” said Md Nesar Khan, former member of West Bengal Human Rights Commission (WBHRC).

Adding to that justice Ganguly, who is also a former chairman of WBHRC, said, “Sadly enough, what ever the actor said is true. Look at the Bulandshahr case. Didn’t the CM ask the cow slaughtering case to be first investigated, instead of the police murder to be first probed.” He then added, “People like Naseeruddin Shah and Dilip Kumar have contributed a lot towards our culture, they shouldn’t be hounded for speaking their mind. Any right-thinking person would have made the same comment as him.”

Khan pointed out, “This is not the first time in the history of India that a person from the minority community or a dalit is being tortured. But sadly, enough today, they are state sponsored. The attitude of the police while investigating cases related to mob lynching etc clearly indicates that they have been told by the government to act in that particular way.”

Also, present at the meet was the actor’s niece Saira Shah Halim. Saira, who is also a social activist said, “I am overwhelmed by the kind of support that he has been getting from across the country. But sadly, the industry that he works in has been maintaining an eerie silence. None has spoken in support of what he has said. It reflects the hypocrisy of the industry. People are there just to earn their living and not take a stand. They are just pretending as if nothing has happened. We had witnessed the same during the Aamir Khan episode. The actor had to pay dearly. Snapdeal had even cancelled their contract with the actor.”

The event, which was organised by Save Democracy Forum, was attended by former mayor of Kolkata and former advocate general of Tripura Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya, Dr Fuad Halim, visual artist Wasim Kapoor, Poet Madrakanta Sen among others.

Cabinet formation renews infighting in Madhya Pradesh Congress

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Cabinet formation in Madhya Pradesh has renewed infighting not only in the ruling Congress party but in former chief minister Digvijaya Singh’s family also. With Chhindwara MP Kamal Nath appointed as the PCC president and Guna MP Jyotiraditya Scindia as the chairman of the Campaign Committee, the party had displayed a semblance of unity during the Assembly election campaign after a long time. The selection of candidates was without much hassle, unlike in 2008 and 2013. It appeared that it would sail smoothly if it got majority and formed the government. Voters of the State, though, did not trust the party fully and gave it 114 seats, two short of a clear majority, in a House of 230. The BJP won 109 seats. With the support of four independents, two BSP members and one SP member (total 121), the Congress staked the claim and was invited by Governor Anandiben Patel to form the government.

The unity which was visible during the campaign started dissolving. After an exercise lasting several days and with the intervention of party president Rahul Gandhi, Kamal Nath was declared to be the Leader of Congress Legislature Party (CLP). He was sworn in as Chief Minister. Selection of members of the Council of Ministers proved to be a tortuous task. The week-long efforts by Kamal Nath, Jyotiraditya Scindia and Digvijaya Singh in Bhopal and Delhi failed to produce an agreed list. The intervention of Rahul Gandhi was of not much help. The only point of agreement was that those who had won for the first time would not be inducted into the Council of Ministers.

The problem, it was said, arose because of Digvijaya Singh’s insistence that his son Jaivardhan Singh (who has won from Raghogarh constituency for the second time) should be given the cabinet rank. This prompted Scindia to push some names of his own supporters. Ultimately, the three agreed on 28 names — 22 of them first entrants to the Council of Ministers and only six old hands who had served as ministers in the past. Exasperated by claims and counter-claims of Digvijaya Singh and Jyotiraditya Scindia, Kamal Nath then announced cabinet rank for all the 28 ministers.

This was followed by public protests including chakka jam (road-block) by some senior members of the party who were hopeful of getting berths in the cabinet but were ignored. A former minister said that he was told to get ready for swearing in and he had organised a celebration meal at his residence for his workers but at the last moment his name was dropped causing so much embarrassment to him. One of the four independents was made a minister, leaving the other three sulking. Public dissatisfaction was displayed by the lone SP MLA and two BSP MLAs.

When it came to the allotment of portfolios to the ministers, the Congress was jolly well at its old game of full blown infighting. While Digvijaya Singh and Jyotiraditya Scindia fought for important departments for their supporters, Chief Minister Kamal Nath appeared a helpless spectator. No other Congress leader has as much grip over State’s politics as Digvijaya Singh. This gives him immense power of manipulation. Kamal Nath has to mainly depend on him. The problem with Kamal Nath is that he has never been active in State politics, keeping himself confined to Chhindwara which he has been representing in Lok Sabha since 1980 except for one term. While he gets along well with Scindia also, his relationship with Digvijaya Singh is much deeper as both of them were protégés of the late Arjun Singh. (The decision on portfolios could not be arrived at till the evening of December 28).

Among the senior party leaders left out of the cabinet is Lakshman Singh, younger brother of Digvijaya Singh. Lakshman Singh has been elected to the State Assembly for the third time and was also a member of Lok Sabha for five terms. He was a claimant to a berth in the cabinet but Digvijaya Singh was said to have insisted only on his son’s inclusion. This appeared to have renewed the bitterness in the Raghogarh household which Digvijaya Singh was able to adroitly paper over in the past few months.

The tension in the Raghogarh family had started when Digvijaya Singh married Amrita Rai in 2015, not long after the death of his first wife Asha Singh. His marriage was opposed by his son and daughters, but more bitterly by Lakshman Singh and his wife Rubina Sharma Singh. Rubina is Lakshman Singh’s second wife. The major cause of Rubina’s bitterness was that Digvijaya Singh had opposed tooth and nail Lakshman’s marriage to Rubina on the ground that she was not of their Thakur caste; and now Digvijaya Singh was marrying Amrita Rai who was also not a Thakur. Property, too, was said to be behind the family feud. Digvijaya Singh has not yet been able to visit Raghogarh after his marriage to Amrita Rai.

Master of manipulation as he is, Digvijaya Singh had managed to appease Lakshman Singh and Rubina and a semi-normal relationship was re-established in the family. Digvijaya Singh and Amrita were said to have invited Lakshman Singh and Rubina over lunch in their Delhi residence.

Digvijaya Singh’s “refusal” to get his younger brother included in the cabinet has rekindled the old bitterness. In her comment on a post in Facebook, Rubina Sharma Singh observed: Digvijaya Singh “has a serious insecurity problem. Can’t stand it that Lakshman wins elections. You should have seen what all was done to try and to make him lose. Absolutely pathetic!” She also scotched the rumours that Lakshman Singh would contest for Lok Sabha.

Know about the major scams of Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s regime

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[dropcap]S[/dropcap]hivraj Singh Chouhan was the chief minister of Madhya Pradesh for 13 years. His regime will be remembered for scams more than anything else. Police and a section of judiciary were Chouhan’s accomplices. Here is a summary of major scams of the Chouhan era:

Vyapam scam

This is the biggest scam of Chouhan’s period. It has destroyed the careers of thousands of young boys and girls. Vyapam or Vyavsayik Pareeksha Mandal (Professional Examination Board – PEB) is entrusted with the task of conducting technical/professional examinations. The names of the meritorious students appearing for pre-medical test were quietly replaced with the names of those who could pay hefty sums to the touts and they were declared successful for admission to medical colleges, leaving the genuine students wondering how they failed in spite of having done the tests so well. The names of Chouhan, his wife Sadhna Singh and his close associates were said to be involved in the scam. As it turned out a money-spinner, recruitment to several other departments was also brought under the control of Vyapam.

Following a public hue and cry, Chouhan constituted a Special Task Force (STF) to investigate the scam. Cover-up by STF was helped by then Madhya Pradesh High Court Chief Justice (now a Supreme Court judge) A M Khanwilkar who monitored the investigation in a secret and dubious manner. Later the Supreme Court handed the investigation to the CBI. In its order, a bench of the apex court comprising Chief Justice H L Dattu, Justices Arun Mishra and Amitava Roy made it clear that with the CBI on the case now, the High Court will not “touch” the Vyapam cases.

Around 50 people connected with the Vyapam scam have died under mysterious circumstances. There is no record of how many meritorious students committed suicide after they found themselves unsuccessful in the tests. Incidentally, the CBI did hardly better than the State police.

Dumper scam

Chouhan became the Chief Minister on November 29, 2005. On December 12, his government issued an order allotting to JP Associates prospecting licence of mining on 470.941 hectares of land in Rewa district. Not only that, the government also allotted to JP Associates 25.842 hectares of private land belonging to farmers of the area though no farmers’ land can be allotted for mining without the consent of the farmers. When the farmers protested, the security personnel of the JP Associates fired on them. In return, the JP Associates gifted to Chouhan’s wife Sadhna Singh four dumpers worth Rs two crore and took these dumpers on rent from Sadhna Singh Chouhan.

The case was referred by a court to Lokayukta for investigation. The post of Lokayukta was held by former Supreme Court judge P P Naolekar, a dishonesty incarnate. His investigation found nothing illegal in the matter. Later Chouhan’s government made an out-of-turn favour to Naolekar’s son Sandeep Naolekar. In reply to an RTI query by a Damoh social worker Santosh Bharti, the Chouhan government replied that it did not know who Sandeep Naolekar’s father was nor did it know the age, profession or correct address of Sandeep Naolekar.

‘Encounter of SIMI activists

Eight SIMI activists, seven of them undertrials and one convict, lodged in the high security Bhopal Central Jail, were reportedly told by the jail authorities on the eve of the Diwali that they were being shifted to Indore jail. They were given new clothes and shoes and taken out in vehicles to a hillock, some 10 km from the Bhopal jail and killed. It was claimed as encounter. Chouhan ordered a judicial inquiry by a retired High Court judge S K Pande who gave a report as the police and jail authorities wanted it without even hearing the others.

Shehla Masood murder

RTI activist Shehla Masood was gunned down in front of her house. Then Director-General of Police S K Raut, Additional Director-General of Police (Intelligence) R K Shukla (who is DGP now) and other senior police officers reached the spot promptly and messed up with the evidence. Masood was said to have made RTI queries about some illegal mining operations in which had the involvement of Chouhan’s close relations was alleged. She was also said to have made queries about the late Anil Dave’s Narmada Samagra. Dave had an unusual hold over Chouhan and was running several rackets with the help of Chouhan. The police, or the CBI which had later taken up the investigation, did not even question top police officers nor did they interrogate retired Medico-Legal Institute Director D K Satpathy who had prepared a made-to-order post mortem examination report. Meddling with murder evidence attracts imprisonment and deprivation of post-retirement benefits. Could these high government officers have taken the risk without an assurance from the Chief Minister?

Sabharwal murder

Prof. H S Sabharwal (of Madhav College of Ujjain) was beaten to death allegedly by Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) activists enraged at the Professor’s decision to postpone the students’ union elections following rowdyism. Six of the top ABVP activists were booked for murder. Chouhan’s police bungled the investigation. Supreme Court, while transferring the hearing of the case from Ujjain court to Nagpur court disapproved of the police conduct and made some harsh remarks. The Nagpur court acquitted all of them saying the police could not produce evidence of their involvement in the murder.

Disappearance of a rape victim

A girl, belonging to a poor family in Indore, was gang-raped. The girl’s parents met chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan during the latter’s visit to Indore. A little after the incident and the chief minister promised early arrest of the perpetrators of the heinous crime as well as some financial help to the family. Months passed and nothing happened. The girl, along with her mother, travelled to Bhopal to meet the chief minister and remind him of his promises. They were sitting near gate number six of the Chief Minister’s residence (where the Chief Minister met the petitioners). From there the girl disappeared. Neither the girl nor her mother have been traceable since then.

Hit and run victim

A middle-aged man was going to his shop on a two-wheeler around one in the afternoon. On the wide road in MP Nagar, a car hit him from behind and sped away before anybody could read the number of the car. The victim received head injuries and fell unconscious but he, somehow, survived.

What made the incident different from such other happenings was that the victim in this case was Raman Rusiya, younger brother of Madan Gopal Rusiya, who was the Bhopal Development Authority (BDA) chief executive officer (CEO), and was taken to Delhi by BJP MLA Jitendra Daga (whose land was marked to be acquired by the BDA for development of new colonies) but never returned to Bhopal. His body was recovered from a ditch near the railway track, some 30 kms away from Agra. Madan Gopal’s family members, his hit-and-run victim younger brother included, had been talking of a high level conspiracy to eliminate Madan Gopal and demanding a CBI inquiry. However, the district police chief ruled out a foul play even without it was known whose car it was or who was driving it when it hit Raman Rusiya.

Death by ritual shooting

There were scores of RSS activists assembled at the Saraswati Shishu Mandir at Kotra locality (of Bhopal) on the day of the Dussehra for “Shastra Pooja” (worship of weapons). RSS Pracharak Naresh Motwani, in his late forties, arrived. There was the sound of a gunshot and all those present escaped. Two RSS activists, having come from outside, arrived there half an hour later and found Motwani’s body lying in a pool of blood. They carried him in the auto in which they had come and took him to the hospital where he was declared brought dead.

The district police chief ruled out a foul play even though neither the weapon of offence had been recovered nor had it been known who had fired it. Four days later, following tremendous pressure from the people in general, and Motwani’s relations in particular, a case of causing death by negligence against unknown person(s) was registered. Motwani’s son, Vijay, had all along been saying that his father had been murdered.

From committing suicide to opting protest, how Indian farmers transformed themselves amid existential crisis

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Kolkata: The waves of farmer’s agitations across the country are beyond anything that has been seen since 80’s. India being an agrarian society with around 70% of its people depending directly or indirectly upon agriculture has started showing clear indication of discontent as neoliberal policy reforms made their situation extremely vulnerable.

The agrarian crisis that picked up pace from the late 90’s had its origin in the combination of trade liberalisation exposing cultivators to highly subsidised volatile global market prices and continued reduction in public expenditure for agriculture resulting in extreme distress migration and suicide of more than 3 lakh.

What is new this time is that we are witnessing a phase of transformation where farmers are taking the route to protest instead of suicides. Cultivators are angry upset and desperate at the same time and perhaps in recent memory facing existential crisis which is reflected in the involvement in series of protests. The spectacular Mumbai long march in the late 2018, ‘Kisan Sansad’ and huge conglomeration of workers and peasants in the national capital, ‘Kisan Mukti March’ as well as local protests in various parts have rekindled the hope of millions towards organised movements.

NDA prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi had promised to double farm income which after being elected was consciously not looked upon. The average farm income have declined drastically and worst, it has taken the most anti farmer policies ranging from tabling land acquisition bills , crop loans , enforcing debt repayments from already distressed cultivators.
Another milestone of election manifesto was implementation of ‘Swaminathan Commission’ which was never discussed along the 4 years tenure.

The most significant development that is evident from the recent political reading is that the nation is not responding to the prevailing discourse of fanatism and jumlas. These endorsed acts of hooliganism are not appealing to the people anymore like it did before. Instead huge mobilisation of people demanding basic necessities emerged. The continuous struggle of peasants and workers have paved course of transformation of priorities.

The left political forces especially the mass organisation’s like All India ‘Kisan Sabha’ and CPI-M in particular with barely significant base in recent elections have for the first time in recent memory succeeded meeting the agenda. The previous governments have ignored the basic demands but not for long and the marginalised people are making their presence felt even as those in power continue to remain mute.

The policies of Narendra Modi government which has pushed the rural economy to the extreme extent possible resulting in the wrath of farmers nationwide can be assessed;

• The new farm insurance scheme, ‘Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana’, has consumed as much money as earlier schemes without increasing the proportion of farmers benefiting from it. The promise of welfare schemes like pension for farmers and peasants was forgotten. The national land use policy was never enacted as well as The Agriculture Produce Market Committee Act (APMC) was not reformed.

• The government backed off from the biggest pre poll promise of MSP. Narendra Modi reneged on its commitment of ensuring 50% profit over the cost of production to the farmers. Moreover, in February 2015, it filed an affidavit in the Supreme Court refusing to implement this promise citing films reasons. Adding to this, the cabinet changed the definition of cost of production for purpose of calculating the Minimum Support Prices. It failed to maintain the routine annual increase in MSP. Even the much publicised hike this year is much lower than the annual increase announced by UPA in 2008. The govt’s failure to implement forced the farmers into distress sell of ‘kharif’ and ‘rabi’ crops amounting to atleast 5000 crores in 17-18 alone.

• The response to nationwide drought was extremely poor. The central response was limited to a revision in eligibility ceiling for compensation. Despite repeated push from the Supreme Court, the government didn’t take any proactive steps in terms of either declaration of drought, ration delivery or response to drinking water crisis.

• The lack of political will in implementation of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Schemes (MNREGA) has hit the rural poor in general and farm labourers in particular. After an unsuccessful attempt to dismantle the scheme, the govt choked the fund cheating several distresses.

• Modi government’s ill advised and implemented policy of demonetization and GST dealt a severe blow to agro market just when the farmers ere recovering from drought. A sudden shrinking of cash led to demand contractions and fall in price whose effects can be felt even now. Another drastic measure of regulating livestock market and sudden violence relating to cow has disrupted livestock economy.

• The govt diluted the Forest Rights Act for the adivasi (tribal) farmers and various other environmental conservation laws in order to help the transfer of common land and resources from adivasi to industries.

The economic questions of ‘roti, kapda, makan’ were taken up by the various mass organisation’s of left and a continuous mass struggle has achieved to create an alternative discourse to the religious narrative of Hindutvaa politics. The shift of narrative is clearly reflected in the recent polls and the left is the undoubtedly responsible for the dramatic shift of political discourse.

किसान कर्ज माफी से लगने लगा है कि लोकसभा चुनाव का प्रमुख मुद्दा होगा भारत का “किसान”

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जयपुर। दिसंबर मे पांच राज्यों के विधानसभा चुनावों के रिजल्ट के बाद तीन राज्यों मे बनी कांग्रेस सरकारो ने अपने नेता राहुल गांधी के चुनाव प्रचार के समय मे सभाओ को सम्बोधित करते हुये यह कहने कि अगर कांग्रेस सरकार बनती है तो दस दिन मे दो लाख तक का किसानों का कर्जा माफ होने को अमलीजामा पहनाते हुये राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश व छत्तीसगढ़ की कांग्रेस सरकारो ने दो लाख रुपयों तक का किसानों का कर्जा माफ करने की घोषणा करने के बाद साफ लगने लगा कि भारत के पांच माह बाद होने वाले आम लोकसभा चुनावों मे “किसान” भारतीय राजनीति का केंद्र बिन्दु व किसान कर्जा प्रमुख मुद्दा बनने वाला है।

भारत मे एचडी देवेगौडा के प्रधानमंत्री काल के पुरा होने के बाद भारत की राजनीति किसानों से अलग हटकर कोरपोरेट घरानो के हित साधने की तरफ जाना शुरु होकर पीछले महिने तक उसी ढर्रे पर चल रही थी। लेकिन हातास हो चुकी कांग्रेस ने जुमलेबाजी करने वाली मोदी सरकार की पार्टी भाजपा सरकारों को प्रदेश से उखाड़ भगाने के लिये किसानों का कर्ज माफ करने का कहकर किसानों की हमदर्दी पाकर और फिर सरकारे बना कर वादे के मुताबिक लोन माफ करके किसानों का भरोसा जीता है । अब साफ नजर आने लगा है कि करीब पच्चीस साल बाद फिर किसान वर्ग भारतीय राजनीति का एक अहम मुद्दा बनने जा रहा है।

हालांकि तीन प्रदेशों की कांग्रेस सरकारों द्वारा किसानों का दो लाख तक का कर्ज माफ करने मे पहले की अन्य सरकारों की घोषणाओं की तरह अनेक तरह की पेचीदगियां सामने आयेगी एवं विरोधी दल भी अनेक तरह के सवाल इस कर्जमाफी पर खड़े करेगे। लेकिन तब तक जनता कुछ सोचने की कोशिश करेगी तब तक देश भर का किसान भारतीय राजनीति का केंद्र बिंदु बन चुका होगा।

1989 मे चोधरी देवीलाल ने वीपी सिंह के साथ मिलकर अलग से जनता दल नामक राजनीतिक दल बनाकर चुनावो मे सरकार बनने पर किसानों का कर्ज माफी करने की घोषणा करके सरकार के लिये बहुमत पाकर सरकार बनने पर कर्ज माफ करने पर उनको काफी राजनीतिक हाईट मिली थी। चोधरी देवीलाल के बाद अब जाकर कांग्रेस के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष राहुल गांधी फिर किसानों का कर्ज माफ करने का मुद्दा लेकर आने के बाद भाजपा की सरकार के सामने गहरा संकट दिखाई देने लगा है।

मध्यप्रदेश, छत्तीसगढ़ व राजस्थान जैसे तीन प्रदेशों मे कांग्रेस सरकार बनने के बाद आसाम की भाजपा सरकार ने किसानों का कर्ज माफ करने व गुजरात की भाजपा सरकार ने बीजली बील माफ करने की घोषणा करने पर मजबूर हुई है। लेकिन कर्जा माफी की घोषणा का राजनीतिक लाभ कांग्रेस को मिलेगा उतना शायद भाजपा को किसी हालत मे मिलने वाला नही है।

तीन प्रदेश की सरकारों द्वारा कर्ज माफी करने के बाद करीब पच्चास हजार करोड़ रुपयो का अतिरिक्त भार उन तीनो प्रदेश की सरकारों को झेलना होगा। लेकिन तीनो सरकारों ने अपने नेता राहुल गांधी की घोषणा पर पूरी तरह अमल करके जनता का विश्वास जीता है। जबकि भारतीय जनता के मन मे एक भावना पूरी तरह घर कर गई है कि भाजपा बडे बडे उधोगपतियों व कोरपोरेट घरानो का कर्ज माफ करती है। जबकि कांग्रेस किसानों की दशा सुधारने व उनके आत्महत्या करने से बचाने के लिये किसानों का कर्ज माफ करने लगी है।

कुल मिलाकर यह है कि पांच माह बाद भारत मे होने वाले आम लोकसभा चुनावों मे भाजपा चाहे मंदिर मुद्दे को प्रमुख चुनावी मुद्दा बनाने की कोशिश करे लेकिन किसान व गरीबी ही हर हाल मे प्रमुख मुद्दा बनकर रहेगा। हाल ही मे पांच राज्यों मे सम्पन्न हुये विधानसभा चुनावों के पहले पंजाब व कर्नाटक के विधानसभा चुनावों मे भी कर्जा माफी की घोषणा करने वाले दलो को ही मोदी इफेक्ट के बावजूद सरकार बनाने का अवसर मीला है।

रघुबर सरकार से आर-पार की लड़ाई के मूड में झारखंड के पारा शिक्षक, एक महीने से बेमियादी हड़ताल पर 70 हजार शिक्षक

रांची: बीते सोमवार को देवघर के पारा शिक्षक उज्ज्वल राय ने आखिरी सांस ली। 15 नवंबर को झारखंड स्थापना दिवस के मौके पर मुख्यमंत्री रघुबर दास के खिलाफ प्रदर्शन के दौरान उज्ज्वल चोटिल हो गए थे। इससे ठीक एक दिन पहले दुमका के पारा शिक्षक कंचन कुमार दास की तब ठंड लगने से मौत हो गई जब वो मंत्री लुईस मरांडी के घर के बाहर धरना दे रहे थे। स्थापना दिवस पर प्रदर्शन के दौरान घायल हुए हजारीबाग के पारा शिक्षक सूर्यदेव ठाकुर भी जिंदगी की जंग हार गए और 15 दिसंबर को उनकी मौत हो गई। कंचन कुमार दास पारा शिक्षकों के ‘घेरा डालो डेरा डालो’ आंदोलन का हिस्सा थे जिसके तहत ये शिक्षक, मंत्रियों, सांसदों और विधायकों के आवास के बाहर धरना दे रहे हैं ताकि सरकार पर दबाव बन सके।

15 से 17 दिसंबर के बीच झारखंड में तीन पारा शिक्षकों की मौत हुई है। पिछले एक महीने में नौ पारा शिक्षकों की जान गई है। इनमें दो महिला भी हैं। एक, रामगढ़ की जीनत खातून और दूसरी छतरा की प्रियंका कुमारी। यहां गौर करने वाली बात ये भी है कि रांची में 15 नवंबर को लाठीचार्ज की घटना के बाद से शिवलाल सोरेन नाम के एक पारा शिक्षक अभी तक लापता हैं।

पारा शिक्षकों का आंदोलन क्या है ?

पारा शिक्षकों का मौजूदा आंदोलन करीब एक महीने पहले झारखंड के स्थापना दिवस के मौके पर 15 नवंबर से शुरू हुआ था स्थापना दिवस के जश्न के दौरान रांची के मोराबादी मैदान में भारी संख्या में पारा शिक्षक पहुंचे थे। ये लोग नौकरी स्थायी करने की मांग कर रहे थे जैसा कि छत्तीसगढ़ में हो चुका है। झारखंड में करीब 70 हजार की तादाद में पारा शिक्षक हैं जो अस्थायी तौर पर स्कूलों में पढ़ा रहे हैं।

पारा शिक्षक संघर्ष मोर्चा ने बताया कि, पारा शिक्षकों के सहायक शिक्षक के तौर पर स्थायी नौकरी मिलने की उम्मीदें तब बढ़ गईं जब झारखंड सरकार के छह सचिवों ने संयुक्त रूप से इसकी मंजूरी दी। हालांकि अभी ये मामला मुख्यमंत्री रघुबर दास के पास लंबित है।

पारा शिक्षक संघर्ष मोर्चा के नारायण महतो ने ई-न्यूजरूम को बताया कि ‘अपनी मांगों को लेकर सरकार पर दबाव डालने के मकसद से हजारों पारा शिक्षकों ने 15 नबंवरको झारखंड के स्थापना दिवस पर रांची पहुंचने की योजना बनाई थी।’ लेकिन उस दिन हुई पुलिसिया कार्रवाई और लाठीचार्ज के बाद, पारा शिक्षकों बेमियादी हड़ताल पर चले गए।

पारा शिक्षकों के आंदोलन पर सरकार की चुप्पी

नारायण महतो के मुताबिक, 15 नवंबर को 297 पारा शिक्षकों को गिरफ्तार किया गया और उसके बाद जो आंदोलन शुरू हुआ उसमें पारा शिक्षको की मौत का सिलसिला शुरू हो गया। लेकिन एक महीने बाद भी रघुबर दास सरकार ने मौजूदा हालात पर कोई ध्यान नहीं दिया है।

जिन और पारा शिक्षकों की मौत हुई है उनमें राजकुमार पासवान (हजारीबाग), उदय शंकर पांडेय (गढ़वा), जगदेव यादव (चतरा) और रघुनाथ हेम्ब्रम (बोकारो) के नाम शामिल हैं।

पारा शिक्षक चाहते क्या हैं ?

नौकरी को स्थायी करना और वेतन में इजाफा, इन पारा शिक्षकों की मुख्य मांग है। फिलहाल अप्रशिक्षित पारा शिक्षक (प्राथमिक) को महज 7800 रुपए महीने मिलते हैं वहीं प्रशिक्षित को 8200 रुपए मेहनताना मिलता है। मध्य विद्यालयों में प्रशिक्षित पारा शिक्षकों को 8800 रुपए मिलते हैं और जिन लोगों ने टीईटी परीक्षा पास की है वो 9200 रुपए पाते हैं।

लंबे समय तक सेवा देने के बाद भी इन पारा शिक्षकों की तनख्वाह में ज्यादा इजाफा नहीं हुआ है। नारायण महतो को ही लें, पिछले 15 साल से पारा शिक्षक के तौर पर काम कर रहे हैं लेकिन बहुत मामूली मेहनताना पा रहे हैं।

नारायण महतो कहते हैं कि ’70 हजार प्रदर्शनकारी पार शिक्षकों में से अधिकतर के पास 10 साल से ज्यादा का अनुभव है। हमने अपना बहुमूल्य समय झारखंड के शिक्षा विभाग को दिया है। लेकिन दुख की बात है कि आज की तारीख में हमारे पास स्थायी नौकरी नहीं है और तनख्वाह के नाम पर भी मामूली पैसे ही मिलते हैं। अगर मान लें कि हम में से किसी की मौत हो जाती है तो हमारे परिजनों को अनुकम्पा के आधार पर नौकरी मिलने का कोई प्रावधान भी नहीं है।

बीजेपी के प्रदेश अध्यक्ष लक्ष्मण गिलुवा समेत कई सांसदों और विधायकों ने सार्वजनिक तौर पर माना है कि पारा शिक्षकों की मांग जायज है लेकिन ये जनप्रतिनिधि भी प्रदर्शनकारी पारा शिक्षकों और सरकार के बीच समझौता करा पाने में नाकाम रहे हैं।

पारा शिक्षकों के साथ खड़ा है विपक्ष

झारखंड की तमाम विपक्षी पार्टियों ने पारा शिक्षकों के आंदोलन का समर्थन किया है। पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री और नेता विपक्ष हेमंत सोरेन ने 17 दिसंबर को ट्वीट कर कहा कि तीन पारा शिक्षकों की मौत के बाद अब रघुबर दास सरकार में नैतिकता नाम की कोई चीज नहीं बची है इसीलिए सरकार गहरी नींद में सो रही है।

पारा शिक्षकों को लेकर सरकार की नीतियों के खिलाफ भाकपा-माले ने कई बार प्रदर्शन किया है। माले नेता विनोद सिंह कहते हैं कि ‘सभी प्रशिक्षित पारा शिक्षकों को तत्काल शिक्षक के तौर पर सरकारी नौकरी दी जानी चाहिए। जहां तक अप्रशिक्षित शिक्षकों की बात है तो उन्हें गैर-शिक्षण कार्य में स्थानी नौकरी मिलनी चाहिए।’

दिल्ली के सरकारी स्कूलों में बेहतरीन सुधार लाने वाली आम आदमी पार्टी का मानना है कि झारखंड की बीजेपी सरकार की मंशा शिक्षा में सुधार लाने की नहीं रही है। आम आदमी पार्टी का कहना है कि झारखंड सरकार के पास गिरती हुई शिक्षा-व्यवस्था में सुधार करने की न तो कोई नीति है और न ही ये सरकार शिक्षकों का सम्मान करती है। आम आदमी पार्टी का आरोप है कि झारखंड सरकार लोककल्याण के मकसद को पूरा करने में नाकाम रही है।

आम आदमी पार्टी के झारखंड संयोजक जयशंकर चौधरी ने कहा कि ‘रघुबर दास सरकार शिक्षा को प्राइवेट हाथों में सौंपना चाहती है। सांसदों-विधायकों के विरोध के बावजूद सरकार ने सूबे के कई सरकारी स्कूलों को बंद भी कर दिया है।’

अरविंद केजरीवाल की अगुवाई वाली दिल्ली सरकार का हवाला देते हुए जयशंकर चौधरी कहते हैं कि वहां सरकार ने कई शिक्षकों को स्थायी नौकरी दी है और उनकी सैलरी में भी अच्छी-खासी वृद्धि की है। उनका कहना है कि ‘दिल्ली में शिक्षकों का भरपूर सम्मान होता है, उन पर न तो लाठीचार्ज होता है और न ही उन्हें मरने के लिए छोड़ दिया जाता है।

 

शाहनवाज़ अख़्तर की अंग्रेजी की मूल रिपोर्ट का हिंदी अनुवाद संदीप कुमार ने eNewsroom के पाठकों के लिए किया है।

Eight accused of Jharkhand’s first lynching case get life term for killing two

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Ranchi: All the eight accused in the Latehar Lynching case, the first lynching case of Jharkhand, have got life imprisonment by a Latehar Court on Friday. A fine of Rs 25000 has been imposed on each of the accused for the brutal killing of the two victims, one of whom was 12-year-old boy.

On the morning of March 18, 2016, 35-year-old Mazloom Ansari and his partner’s son, Imtiaz Khan were on their way to sell their oxen in a village fair, which falls under Balumath police station. Here they were picked up by a group of cow vigilantes and taken to a nearby forest area, where they were first brutally beaten to death and later hanged from one of the forest trees.

Father of Imtiaz, Azad Khan and Nizamuddin were the first to have reached the spot along with some of the villagers. They lodged an FIR (42/2016) at Balumath police station.

“The FIR was lodged by Nizamuddin and Azad Khan, and around 10 witnesses were presented before the court in connection with this case. The court (Additional District and Sessions Judge Rasikesh Kumar) awarded life imprisonment to all the eight accused under section 302 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and Rs 25000 also fine on each of them,” said Public Prosecutor, Balram Shah to the media, outside Latehar court. Abdul Salam was the informant lawyer in the case.

Two days back, on December 19, court had convicted the eight accused.

The names of the killers who will serve life term imprisonment are Arun Sahu, Manoj Sahu, Vishal Tiwari, Mithilesh Kumar, Sahdeo Soni, Pramod Sahu, Avdhesh Sahu and Manoj Kumar. All of them are residents of Jhabar village, under Balumath police station.

 

Tight security arrangements had been made in the court area before the judgment was given. According to locals heavy police deployment had been made Jhabar and Nawada villages too, as the families of the killers and deceased belong to these areas.

It is only the second case of lynching, in India where a judgment has been delivered since 2015, when Akhlaque Ahmed was lynched over beef eating allegation. The first verdict came in the lynching case of Alimuddin Ansari, a resident of Ramgarh, Jharkhand. This year in March, 11 killers were sentenced for life by a Ramgarh court. However, all of them are out on bail. And Union Minister Jayant Sinha had also garlanded them when they were granted bail. Following which, he had been criticized nationally.

In July this year, wife of Mazloom Ansari, Saira Bibi had told that the killing of her husband and 12-year-old Imtiaz was a planned one as killers had threatened her husband twice. And once they had even threatened Mazloom in their residence. Following which, Mazloom and his partners, who used to buy oxen from one village fair and sell it out at other, had decided to leave the trade. It was the last time that they had gone to sell, the already purchased animals when they were picked by the killers and brutally killed.

latehar lynching mob lynchings Abdul Salam lawyer
Informant lawyer Abdul Salam

After the judgment, Saira told eNewsroom over phone, “We had lost hope that we will get justice, but we are happy to hear this. The family of the killers should face the situation, which my children and I are facing after the murder of my husband.”

She also thanked the support of several unknown people because of whom the case reached to conclusion.

“We are very poor people and we could not fight the killers, but because of the support of people, it happened today,” she added.

However, despite welcoming the verdict, brother of Mazloom Ansari, Manauwar fears that the killers might get bail from High Court. “We are satisfied with the judgment, but because of what happened in the Ramgarh case, we fear that they can also get bail from High Court,” said Manuwar to eNewsroom.

Justice after 33 months, all the eight accused in Latehar Lynching, the first lynching case of Jharkhand get convicted

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Ranchi: December 19, brought respite and peace to the families of Mazloom Ansari and Imtiaz Khan, who had been lynched and later hanged from a tree, an area falls under Balumath police station area in March 2016. After relentless struggle and effort the eight got convicted for life by a Latehar court on Wednesday.

Among the two victims, Imtiaz was only 12 years old. His father, Azad Khan was partner of Mazloom. The duo were cattle traders. Azad had met with an accident and hence had sent his son with Mazloom to the village cattle fair to sell their oxen.

However, while the duo were on their way, they were picked by those accused in the case and taken to a nearby forest, where they first beaten to death and later hanged from a tree.

Wife of Mazloom, Saira Bibi, maintained that that the attack was pre-planned. Speaking to eNewsroom in July this year, she had told that two of the accused (Arun Sahu and Bunty alias Manoj Sahu) had threatened her husband twice. First by the roadside and second time they had even come to their home and warned Mazloom. So the attack was not an spontaneous reaction, but a preplanned murder.

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Saira Bibi, widow of Mazloom Ansari

She had also mentioned, “Mazloom and his partners- Azad and Nizamuddin used to buy oxen from one village fair and sell at another. They had decided to quit the business, after the constant threats he kept getting. However, since a certain number of oxen had already been purchased selling them and starting afresh was the only way out. But, even before the business could be wrapped up the duo had been brutally killed.”

Besides Arun and Bunty Sahu, Vishal Tiwari, Mithilesh Kumar, Sahdeo Soni, Pramod Sahu, Avdhesh Sahu and Manoj Kumar accused in the case have been convicted under under section 302, and 201.

Vishal Tiwari, a para-teacher, was a suspended for a few days. However, he had resumed his job later.

Now, 33 months later all the accused were pronounced guilty by Additional District and Session Judge Rashikesh Kumar.

“We want death sentences for all the killers. They should be hanged till death, the way in which they killed my brother and a small boy,” said Manauwar Ansari, who has fought a long battle to get justice.

Informat lawyer, Abdul Salam, told eNewsroom, “We presented 11 witnesses in the case, and it is a strong one. For two of the accused, Arun and Bunty Sahu, there is a strong chance of the court awarding death sentences for them. They have criminal records too.”

The court fixed Thursday only to pronounce its verdict. The verdict is of great importance as 12 more people have been lynched to death in Jharkhand after the Latehar lynching case.

Raghubar Das led BJP government at war with Para-Teachers of Jharkhand, 70k on indefinite strike since a month

Ranchi: Ujjwal Rai, a para-teacher from Deoghar injured while protesting before Chief Minister Raghubar Das on Jharkhand Foundation Day breathed his last on Monday. Just a day before, another para-teacher – Kanchan Kumar Das (Dumka), died due to cold, outside Minister Louis Marandi’s residence. And on December 15, Suryadeo Thakur (Hazaribagh) too succumbed to his injuries he had received on Foundation Day. Das, was part of the ‘Ghera Dalo, Dera Dalo’ movement of the Para-teacher movement in Jharkhand, where the teachers have camped outside the residence of Ministers, Parliamentarians and Legislators, to create pressure.

What’s the Para-teacher movement all about?

Between December 15 and 17, three Para-Teachers have died in Jharkhand. However, the state has witnessed a total of nine deaths (para-teacher) in last one month. The death list also includes two female para-teachers—Zeenat Khatoon (Ramgarh) and Priyanka Kumari (Chatra).

Significantly, since the lathi-charge incident, one para-teacher Shivlal Soren is also missing.

The para-teacher movement began a month back on November 15, Statehood Day in Ranchi. As the celebratory function was on, a large number of para-teachers had gathered at Morabadi Ground, demanding their jobs to be secured like their counterparts in Chhatisgarh had been. Jharkhand has over 70000 para-teachers (contractual). Their hope of getting a permanent job as assistant teachers were raised when six secretaries of Jharkhand Government had jointly approved it and left it upon Chief Minister Raghubar Das to take a call.

“To press our demand, thousands of para-teachers had planned to reach Ranchi from across the state, on the Foundation Day function on November 15. However, several para-teachers stopped mid-way by the police. And those that reached the ground faced the brutal lathi-charge at Morabadi Ground,” informed Narayan Mahto, a member of Para-Teachers’ Sangharsh Morcha to eNewsroom.

Next day, following the brutal assault, para-teachers went on an indefinite strike.

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Para-Teachers stage-in at the residence of BJP’s Sindri MLA Phoolchand Mandal on Tuesday

Government silent over protest

According to Mahto, on November 15, 297 para-teachers were arrested, and thereafter deaths are continue. But even after a month, Raghubar Das government has refused to take note of the situation.
The other para-teachers who died are—Rajkumar Paswan (Hazaribad), Uday Shankar Pandey (Garhwa), Jagdev Yadav (Chatra) and Raghunath Hemburm (Bokaro).

What Para-Teachers want?

The mainstreaming, and hike in their salaries are main demand of the para-teachers. At present, an untrained para-teacher (primary) gets a salary of Rs 7800 only, while a trained one gets Rs 8200. In middle school, its Rs 8800 for a trained ones and for a TET qualified Science stream para-teachers it is Rs 9200.

The experience of teachers sadly enough doesn’t lead to much salary hike. For instance, Mahto itself, a para-teacher for 15 years now, earns a paltry sum.

“Most of us among the 70000 protesting teachers have over 10 years of experience. We have given our prime to the education department of Jharkhand. And sadly enough, till date, we don’t have a permanent job and in the name of salary, we get peanuts. In case, one of us dies, there is no provision that a kin get compensation job,” said Mahto.

Despite several MPs and MLAs from the government including BJP state President Laxman Giluwa publicly accepted that the demands of para-teachers are genuine, they couldn’t facilitate a mutual agreement between the state and the protesting teachers.

Opposition stands with Para-Teachers

Jharkhand’s opposition parties have supported the agitation of para-teachers.

Former Chief Minister and Leader of Opposition Hemant Soren tweeted on December 17 that there is no morality left now in Raghubar Das government as even after deaths of three para-teachers, it is still sleeping.

CPI-ML has organized several protest march against government’s policy towards Para-Teacher, its leader Vinod Singh said, “All the trained para-teachers should immediately get permanent jobs as educators. As for the non-trained teachers, they should be given permanent position for non-teaching works.”

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) which brought a drastic change in the education sector and especially in government schools of Delhi believes that Jharkhand’s BJP government has no intention of improving education, as it has no policy to improve the deteriorating education situation and respecting teachers. In fact it does not work like a welfare state.

“Raghubar Das government wants to hand over the education sector to the private sector. Several government schools across the state have been closed, even after the opposition of local MLAs and MP,” told Jai Shankar Choudhary, Jharkhand State Convener, AAP to eNewsroom.

Choudhary also cited how Arvind Kejriwal led Delhi government had recently, made several teachers permanent and increased their salaries substantially. “In Delhi, teachers’ are being respected and not getting beaten or left to die,” said the AAP leader.