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मीडिया ने दिया मोदी को मूलभूत मुद्दों पर वाक ओवर

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प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी द्वारा बेकारी, गरीबी, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, अर्थव्यवस्था, किसानों की आत्महत्या, दलित, आदिवासी व मुसलमानों पर लगातार हो रही हिंसा, सामाजिक कल्याण, आम आदमी के विकास, आवास, संविधान खत्म करने के दावे, पिछड़े जरुरतमंदों से आरक्षण का अधिकार छीनने की वकालत तथा लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं को तहस-नहस करने जैसे आरोप और मूल मुद्दों से भागने के कारण सोशल मीडिया पर एक तरह का उबाल है।

देखा जाए तो वे पूरे पांच साल ही जनता के सरोकारों से जुड़े मुख्य मुद्दों से दूरी बनाने और अपनी सरकार की नाकामयाबियों से पीछा छुड़ाने के लिए कभी नेहरु-गांधी परिवार की आड़ लेते तो कभी कथित राष्ट्रवाद का दामन थामते नजर आए। पूरी की पूरी भाजपा मोदी के कार्यकाल में किए कामों का जिक्र आते ही या तो रक्षात्मक हो जाती है या फिर भक्तिप्रधान नारे लगाकर ध्यान भटकाती है।

दूसरी तरफ, मीडिया और खास तौर से बड़े अखबार तथा चैनल मूलभूत मुद्दों की बात आने पर बड़ी चतुराई से यह संदेश देते हैं कि विपक्ष ही इसे मुद्दा नहीं बना पा रहा है या उनका नेतृव्य ही सही तरह से उठा नहीं पा रहा है, जबकि हकीकत में इस तरह के मुद्दों पर चुप्पी साधकर या इनसे ध्यान भटकाकर खुद मीडया ने अबकि बार और अधिक संगठित तौर पर सत्तारूढ़ दल और मोदी को वाकओवर दिया है।

अब यह कहने का समय आ गया है कि करीब-करीब पूरा भारतीय मीडिया मोदीमय होकर प्रधानमंत्री के प्रचारतंत्र का हिस्सा बन गया है। यही वजह है कि वह न मूल मुद्ददों पर चर्चा कराना चाहता है, न सत्ताधारी पक्ष से असहज करने वाले प्रश्न पूछता है और न ही विपक्ष के नेताओं के उन बयानों को ही प्रमुखता से तरहीज देता है जो सीधे तौर पर देश और समाज की चिंता से जुड़े हुए हैं। असल में तो वह मतदाताओं को वही दिखा, सुना, पढ़ा और बता रहा है जो मोदी चाहते हैं।

यहां तक कि पैड न्यूज से बहुत आगे निकलकर अब मुख्यधारा का मीडिया भाजपा के आइटी सेल और भाजपा के प्रवक्ताओं के अनुरूप सरकार की रणनीति पर काम करता मालूम देता है। इसके लिए वह हमेशा ही विपक्ष के नेताओं को नए-नए और गैर-जरुरी मुद्दों पर हमलावर तरीके से घेरता दिखता है।

यही वजह है कि मोदी के सड़कछाप बयान भी मोदी का एक और मास्टर स्ट्रोक, मोदी का अब तक का सबसे बड़ा हमला और मोदी का पलटवार वगैरह बनकर सुर्खियां बटोरते हैं। दूसरी तरफ, मोदी के विरोध में एक जरा-सी चूक या टिप्पणी को भी रणनीति के तहत मीडिया भारी विवादास्पद प्रायोजित करके सत्तारुढ़ी दल का एजेंटा सेट करता है।

मोदी का आईटी सेल और मोदी के प्रवक्ताओं के साथ-साथ मोदी के समर्थक एंकर तथा पत्रकार तो दो कदम आगे बढ़कर प्रधानमंत्री के झूठ और अफवाहों को सनसनीखेज खबर की तरह प्रस्तुत कर रहे हैं। मोदी के समर्थन में संगठित और प्रायोजित ट्रोल को वे देश की आवाज बताकर एक तरह की अराजकता को बड़े पैमाने पर प्रचारित कर रहे हैं। पूरा मीडिया ही जैसे मोदी की मीडिया तरह काम कर रहा है।

मीडिया और मोदी के संदर्भ में देखा जाए तो सभी बड़े अखबार और चैनलों ने अपनी—अपनी विविधता को समाप्त कर दिया है। अब कोई—सा भी अखबार उठाकर या चैनल बदलकर देखो तो लगभग सभी ने मोदी के पक्ष में माहौल तैयार करने के मामले में अपनी—अपनी पहचान खो दी है। नोटबंदी, आतंकवादी व नक्सलवादी हमले और पाकिस्तान पर हमले जैसे मुद्दों पर तथ्यपरक रिपोर्टिंग नहीं की। मीडिया मोदी की भक्ति में इस तरह से लीन होता दिखता है जिसमें वह अपने भीतर झांकना छोड़ चुका है। इस दौरान खबरों से लेकर विज्ञापन, निजी लेखों से लेकर संपादकीय, तस्वीरों से लेकर आम सभा के दृश्य, भाषण, कार्यक्रम और बहसों में एक विशेष व्यक्ति के पक्ष में प्रचार करने के कारण कुछ भी अलग—सा नजर नहीं आता है। मोदी की नित नई काल्पनिक कहानियों की सच्चाई जाने बगैर वह उसे सच की तरह प्रसारित करता है। इसके आगे बहुत तेजी से वह उस दौर की ओर ले जा रहा है जहां विरोध विरोध और मतभेद की गुजाइंश न के बराबर रह जाए।

यह हाल तब है जब वर्ष 2014 के लोकसभा चुनाव के दौरान करीब 70 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं मोदी को वोट नहीं दिया था। वहीं, हाल के कई सर्वे और विश्लेषणों से यह साफ हो रहा है कि मोदी दिन—ब—दिन बहुमत से बहुत दूर होते जा रहे हैं, बावजूद इसके जिस तरह से मुख्यधारा का पूरा मीडिया मोदी और सिर्फ मोदी के गुणगान कर रहा है उससे वह अपने पाठक या दर्शक वर्ग के बीच में पूरी निर्लज्जता के साथ कठघरे में खड़ा हुआ है।

इसी नजरिए से इस बार का चुनाव मुख्य तौर पर प्रधानमंत्री के व्यवहार और वोट प्रबंधन पर केंद्रित होना चाहिए, जिन्होंने चुनाव तथा राजनीति के स्तर को तो बहुत नीचे पहुंचा ही दिया है, मुख्यधारा की मीडिया की बची साख, विश्वसनीयता और भाषा की मर्यादाओं को भी तार-तार कर दिया है।

Jharkhand’s second round goes to Mahagathbandhan, the alliance is strong on 3 out of 4 seats

Ranchi: After Lok Sabha Election’s second phase of voting in Jharkhand, the trend seems going in favour of Mahagathbandhan as out of 4, 3 seats—Khunti, Ranchi and in Koderma, gathbandhan candidates are on stronger position.

If the reports of voting trend are to be believed, former Chief Minister Arjun Munda set to lose his election, as well as BJP candidates from Ranchi Sanjay Seth and Annapurna Devi from Koderma. Only, Jayant Sinha will be able to retain his Hazaribagh seat.

Political observers believe that there are reports of vote boycotts in some areas of Hazaribagh constituency, and in all these areas, if votes would have been polled, it might have gone against the incumbent member of parliament, Jayant Sinha.

In Khunti, Raghubar Das led BJP government’s forcible suppression of the Pathalgadi movement has angered the tribals and it worked against former chief Arjun Munda. Several organizations that work for the betterment of the marginalised have worked hard to mobilize voters to vote against the BJP candidate in Khunti.

On the other hand, all seem to be going well for the Mahagathbandhan and Congress candidate Subodh Kant Sahay in Ranchi. In Ranchi rural, Congress has managed to get a large chunk of votes.

In Koderma too, things have worked in favour of the Mahagathbandhan candidate – former chief minister Babulal Marandi. He too has been able to grab large votes from the unhappy BJP supporters, who have been vocal protesting against the party’s decision of denying a ticket to Ravindra Rai and fielding an outsider – Annapurna Devi.

“Reports are good and we are going to win with a good margin in Koderma,” claimed an excited Marandi while talking to eNewsroom.

On being asked how would BJP losing the Koderma seat impact the future politics of Jharkhand and centre? Replying to that the former CM said, “Voting in Koderma and Jharkhand has been anti-establishment, against Narendra Modi and Raghubar Das, so it means a lot.”

If Marandi manages to win Koderma seat, it will be really a mandate against PM Narendra Modi and CM Raghubar Das too, as not only the chief minister toured Koderma constituency four times but PM had also hold a rally here.

In the first phase Chatra, Lohardagga and Palamu voted, and here too,  gathbandhan is in a strong position in at least two seats.

In the third phase, Giridih, Dhanbad, Jamshedpur and Singhbhum’s Lok Sabha constituencies will be voting on May 12, while May 19 polling will take place in Godda, Rajmahal and Dumka constituencies of Jharkhand.

However, in the evening, Marandi has alleged that the Giridih district administration which conducts the election for Koderma during Lok Sabha election is allegedly favouring BJP. The Jharkhand Vikash Morcha (JVM) chief has even written to the Election Commission of India regarding it. He has alleged that despite the availability of a strong room in Bazar Samiti, Giridih, why a separate cluster had been created in Satgawah, Koderma to store 51 booth’s Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) s?

Left with great expectations, in West Bengal

Kolkata: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) that ruled West Bengal for 34 years lost not only the seat of power but also its pride in the state in 2011 when Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) came riding on the wave of paribartan or change. Eight years on, the party has gained some traction, and most importantly confidence, and is sharpening its sickle in the hope of reaping part of the harvest amid waning support for the TMC.

The handful of CPM workers at the grassroots level who have continued their allegiance to the party are already feeling optimistic as the fourth phase of the Lok Sabha elections come to an end.

Party workers whom this correspondent spoke to said the CPIM has chances of winning more than two seats this time thanks to the brewing resentment among voters for TMC.

The CPIM won two seats — Murshidabad and Raiganj — in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls.

Debabrata Ghosh, secretary of the Hooghly district committee of the party, said there is a huge change in the CPIM’s position from 2011 to 2014. “In 2011, people thought there would be a great change (paribartan) after the new government came to power. However, their expectations gradually waned over the years and now it has come to a point of total decline. This is a major difference from eight years back,” he explained.

Ghosh, who is associated with the party since the early eighties, claimed that voters are tremendously against the TMC this time and this he had observed during his numerous visits to rural and urban constituencies in the last few years.

Ghosh’s claim was corroborated by several other party members. Sambhunath Kurmi, secretary of the Falta Area Committee of the CPIM, said several party workers at the grassroots level in his area who had quit in 2011 to join the TMC are willing to come back but “could not fearing retribution”.

The CPIM had won only 40 out of the 294 Assembly seats in 2011 with a vote share of 29.58 per cent. In 2016 when the Trinamool Congress was contesting for a second term, the CPIM’s vote share slid further to 19.7 per cent and the seat count stood at 26. The TMC, on the other hand, increased its seat share to 211 from 184 in 2011.

This time the party has fielded 20 candidates.

Ghosh said there was a constant false campaigning in the state against CPIM by elements who were sensing the TMC’s diminishing popularity level. He, and many party members, believe the misinformation that the CPIM is a “dead party” has adversely affected it. The media too propagated this idea, some leaders said.

“The anti-Left elements anticipated that Trinamool’s votes would go to the Left this time and so they projected BJP as an alternative. People were made to believe that only BJP can remove Trinamool. When the entire country, including BJP-ruled states, is seeing an anti-BJP wave how is it possible that it is gaining strength in West Bengal,” said Ghosh, adding that the electorate should understand that voting for BJP would mean voting for the TMC.

Fuad Halim, CPIM’s candidate from Diamond Harbour, echoed Ghosh’s view.

The Trinamool supported the NDA government under Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1999 and Mamata Banerjee was the railway minister before she quit and came back to the state. She went back to the NDA government in 2004 and was given a Cabinet berth.

Halim, who is the son of late CPIM leader Hashim Abdul Halim, said Trinamool is a reflection of the BJP.

Rejecting the projection of BJP as the nemesis of Trinamool, Kollol Majumdar, secretary of Kolkata District Committee of the CPIM, said, “In Kolkata, maximum canvassing and rallying was done by the candidates of the Left Front.”

So what groundwork has the CPIM done to gain such confidence? Halim said the party has been constantly raising issues pertaining to agriculture and farmers. It has also been vocal about revamping the education system.

“We have also held krishak sabha (farmers’ meetings). We have made a committee for the landless workers. The response that we have received from the working class is beyond expectation. The February Brigade meet also witnessed overwhelming response,” he said.

Halim, who was allegedly attacked by TMC goons during canvassing, also pointed out that the CPIM has revamped itself and elected new leadership in district committees, a move that has made a perceptible positive effect on the party. Sitting in the party office at Amtala under Diamond Harbour parliamentary constituency after door-to-door campaign, Halim sounded confident that the party will win more than two seats this time.

Majumdar also said the party is expecting four to five seats with approximately 33per cent vote share in the state.

To make this a reality, the party, for the first time, is using social media extensively. More than 60 foot soldiers have been deployed in Kolkata to strengthen the party’s presence on Facebook and WhatsApp.

Sangram Chatterjee, who is part of the CPIM’S newly formed IT cell, said the use of technology is not a “new thing” for the party and it started in 2009.

“It has gotten better over the years. In Kolkata, all the four candidates are net-savvy and it has helped us a lot. We are running Facebook pages for these candidates. Since mainstream media do not report our campaigns and works so much, these pages are helping us to connect to people as alternate media. Also, WhatsApp is being used to reach out to the party’s grassroots workers and some voters,” said Chatterjee, adding that Twitter is not being used much as according to the cell’s survey, not many voters in the state are on this platform.

Though the leaders and members nurture great expectations, most of them are aware that the party cannot make the best use of the brewing resentment as the BJP has already got a foothold in the state.

Also, misgivings about its move to tie up with the Congress before the elections instead of forming a strong Left Front remain among anti-Congress voters. A CPIM member said it was a blessing that pre-poll alliance talks between the two parties fell through as many workers were apprehensive.

A voter in Howrah’s Ashoknagar said anonymously that many former CPIM supporters in his locality are shifting allegiance to the BJP as they are annoyed and confused at the same time at the party’s decision to shake hands with the Congress, a move that proved disastrous for the CPIM in the last Lok Sabha elections.

But Majumdar defended the move saying it would not have been a political alliance but an alliance to fight a communal power. He added that the party has also thought about forming a strong Front for electoral politics and taken some steps towards it.

Questioning the CPIM’s motive, SUCI’s Amitabha Chatterjee pointed out that the former invited Congress president Rahul Gandhi to deliver a speech at last year’s farmers’ rally in Delhi.

“Is the Congress the power behind farmers’ movement? We do not think so. The CPIM did not try to build a nationwide six-party front, not for electoral politics but to encourage a movement. In Behrampore, RSP fielded its candidate… but instead of supporting RSP, CPIM rallied for Adhir Choudhury (of the Congress). Is it an example of strengthening the Left parties,” said Chatterjee, adding that many CPIM leaders are now trying to approach them as they have understood the truth after years of spitting venom on the SUCI.

With no strong Left Front, the fight against Trinamool or BJP has only become tougher for the CPIM though the party has not admitted to it. “We are hoping to get some of the floating votes but the BJP will make an impact. We are tying our best but as you see TMC is not allowing us to campaign in rural pockets,” said Kurmi.

Now, one has to wait till May 23 to see whether CPIM’s confidence is genuine or only a garb for its weakness.

In battle of nerves at Koderma, Rajkumar Yadav has an edge in triangular contest

Ranchi: Out of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in Jharkhand, the battle for Koderma is the most interesting. The contest here is not between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Mahagathbandhan directly, but triangular in nature.

The candidate who had made the contest triangular is CPI (ML)’s Rajkumar Yadav, who had secured 2.67 lakhs votes in 2014 when “Modi wave” was at its peak. Back then, Yadav was also not even an MLA and after six months of securing the second position in Koderma during the Lok Sabha election, he had defeated Babulal Marandi, in the Jharkhand Assembly polls.

Unlike his opponent Annapurna Devi who has the support of the largest political party of India — BJP as well as the blessings of Chief Minister Raghubar Das, and seasoned politician Babulal Marandi, he has no support either from star campaigners or large alliance partners to bank on, but Yadav and CPI (ML) leaders are touching chords of commoners because of their dedication towards people’s cause.

Significantly, Subhash Yadav, RJD leader and party’s Chatra candidate during a press conference also come in favour of CPI (ML) candidate and declared that RJD will be supporting Yadav in the Koderma and not Marandi.

Gujarat’s independent MLA Jignesh Mevani also stayed In Koderma for 3 days and held public meetings and rallies at many places in Koderma constituency.

Because of defeating the former chief minister and raising people’s issues, Yadav is known a ‘fighter’ leader.

What favour’s Rajkumar Yadav:

  • His and party’s 365 days presence amid people
  • Securing the second position in two consecutive elections
  • Defeated Marandi during Vidhan Sabha polls
  • Image of a crusader for people’s cause

Devi, the former Jharkhand RJD chief has been preferred over Nira Yadav of BJP, Jharkhand’s Education Minister for Koderma Lok Sabha election. Devi heaved a sigh of relief when Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed a rally on April 29 in Jamua. After the rally, it is now being believed that Devi is back in the contest, else earlier she was finding it difficult to get support even to her own BJP partymen. Yadav community was also unhappy with her for leaving RJD at a time when the party supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav needed her presence in the party.

And Devi’s fight against own party (BJP) cadres and leaders who were unhappy with incumbent MP Ravindra Rai did not get ticket are getting interesting. Rai’s elder brother Surendra Rai, who was the vice-president of Jharkhand BJP’s Farmer Wing has resigned, alleging that the party gave the ticket to a candidate who had abused PM Modi as RJD Jharkhand Chief and not the party loyalists. Surendra is openly campaigning with Marandi.

Devi is finding it tough to shrug off the ‘outsider‘ tag from her own partymen.

However, Jharkhand chief minister, Das who brought Annapurna into the party fold is putting in his all might to make her win. He came down to Koderma at least four times since Devi filed her nomination, to seek vote for her.

In favour of Annapurna Devi:

  • Cashing on PM Modi’s image of a nationalist hero
  • Banking on Raghubar Das’ support

Former chief minister Babulal Marandi, who is seeking his third term as Koderma’s MP has to also show his report card to the masses, as what he did in his 10 years as Koderma MP, between 2004 to 2014. Marandi also has to answer as to why his party’s MLA and leaders only join BJP?

Marandi is also facing opposition from Muslim intellectuals who believe that the former chief minister has taken away the chance of Muslim leader Furqan Ansari getting fielded from the Godda seat. Being gathbandhan’s candidate, he might end up bearing the anger of the community as retaliation to why the gathbandhan did not give a ticket to a single candidate from the minority community on any of the 14 seats.

In favour of Babulal Marandi:

  • Banking on the arithmetic of Mahagathbandhan
  • Claim of being invincible in Koderma Lok Sabha elections
  • Image of big leader and former chief minister of Jharkhand

Most importantly, Koderma election is not being fought at a party level, else BJP wouldn’t have to change its sitting MP and poach candidates from other parties.

Candidates’ own image and caliber matter more for the Koderma seat. Keeping into account the fact that Yadav is the only MLA in the fray who has been consistent in his work, he definitely has an edge over other candidates.

Koderma’s voters will choose their 17th Lok Sabha representative in Parliament on May 6.

Political thriller needs a lot of research, demands accuracy and dedication- Ashwin Sanghi

Kolkata: Ashwin Sanghi is the bestselling author of our times and in a candid chat with eNewsroom he discusses a wide range of topics – right from his decision to venture into the world of detective and crime fiction; why he admires Satyajit Ray’s Feluda and how in the political scenario, India has witnessed Kautilyas at work. Read on to know more.

eNewsroom: Is it true that you are now all set to write your very first detective novel?

Ashwin: Yes! At present, I am working on the sixth book of the ‘Bharat series’. I intend to finish writing it by the end of June and launch it by the end of 2019. And after that I will concentrate on writing my detective thriller.

eNewsroom: Why is it that we hardly get to read crime or detective fiction written by Indian authors?

Ashwin: In modern times, Satyajit Ray created Feluda and held the bastion in Bengal. The crime thrillers written by Surender Mohan Pathak in Hindi also became popular. Yet unlike the West, Indian writers shied away from these genres and that is because the publishers in India were not very forthcoming to publish detective and crime fiction written by them. Even now, publishers are happy to market detective and crime novels penned by Western authors simply because these books sale. Thus, foreign writers and foreign publishers continue to dominate our market…

eNewsroom: You mentioned Feluda a short while ago.

Ashwin: That I did. I have read Feluda – of course, the translated version in English – and I find him and his adventures fascinating. Satyajit Ray was a master storyteller.

eNewsroom: So, how has Ray influenced you in your new literary endeavour?

Ashwin: I have learnt a lot by reading Feluda and the detective or crime thrillers written by the pioneering Western authors. I have understood about the importance of developing a compelling plot from them. They have taught me how to create a strong and well-developed central character and adding certain nuances that will make both the story and the characters stand out.

eNewsroom: You seem to have a strong Bengali connection. You like Feluda and now your books are now being translated into Bengali as well…

Ashwin: (Smiles). See, Bengal is the reading capital of the country, so it makes sense to have my books available in Bengali, doesn’t it? Translated works not only create a bigger market space, but also encourage readers to explore authors writing in different languages. For example, I could read Feluda because it was translated into English and now my books are being translated into Bengali. Life comes a full circle.

eNewsroom: How challenging is it to write a detective thriller or crime fiction?

Ashwin: Since I am looking at developing a series in this genre, thus, my first challenge involves developing a fascinating central character. The next one is to visualize the overall arch of this series. Today’s crime and detective fictions have to be more creative but, I would need to exercise control while sketching the scenes involving violence. Research plays a vital role in all my works, but in this genre, I have to do a large amount of footwork and also get present the details of forensic procedures accurately. The list goes on and on.

eNewsroom: Your creation – Chanakya’s Chants – is one of the bestselling political thrillers of our times. But there is still a dearth of indigenous political thrillers.

Ashwin: Right now, the commercial fiction space in India is being dominated by two genres – romance and mythology. Writing a political thriller is a huge commitment – research takes a lot of time; the novel demands accuracy; dedication and even the word count is a lot higher – and despite all this, a writer has no assurance that his or her book will get a good share of the market space. Thus, authors here prefer to concentrate on those genres that have already passed the litmus test. What’s more this trend is being encouraged by publishers because it is commercially more viable. This is also the reason why Indian writers are wary to explore the horror and paranormal genres as well.

eNewsroom: Your graphic series on Pandit Gangasagar Mishra of Chanakya’s Chants fame has created ripples on social media.

Ashwin: I decided to reprise Pandit Gangasagar Mishra and re-invent both him and myself in the process. (Laughs). It also enables me to keep the book in the spotlight. In the series, Pandit Mishra shares his political observations and gyan with the right touch of wit and humour and I am hopeful that his observations will influence those who follow me on social media.

eNewsroom: Talking about social media – Do you think that issues and arguments get unnecessarily amplified there?

Ashwin: Earlier diametrically opposite people used to engage in face-to-face disagreements and difference of opinions. Today, the scene has shifted to social media. It is a big space with lots of people which means lots of opinions and that is why things get amplified. Social media is a great platform but it all depends on how one is using it. For example, I use it to inform about what is going on in my life; share inspirational messages et al. I do not use it to discuss who should form the next government or talk about issues that I know is going to lead to debates and reactions. I think that those who face such reactions et al want to get into such situations. I find such arguments to be a total waste of productive time.

eNewsroom: What is your take on the ‘intolerance wave’ that recently hit social media?

Ashwin: I can only say that the time has come for us to exude one of the biggest virtues of tolerance – be tolerant of those who are intolerant.

eNewsroom: Do you think that India needs another Chanakya?

Ashwin: I feel that India has had her fair share of Chanakyas till date. (Smiles). When one thinks of Chanakya, one thinks of kut niti. Many are reminded of Machiavelli’s philosophy where ‘the end justifies the means’. When I think of Chanakya, I think of his invaluable lessons. One such lesson harps upon the need and importance of that supreme ‘higher purpose’ – that of working for greater and national good. He advised emperors/rulers to always keep the nobility of this ‘higher  purpose’ in mind for truly nothing should overshadow the desire to what is best for the nation, its development and national unity. What a meaningful ‘chant’ this it, right?

Has BJP taken a risk in fielding terror accused Pragya Singh from Bhopal?

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Even some BJP leaders are unable to comprehend why their party picked up Malegaon blasts accused Pragya Singh Thakur to contest from Bhopal Lok Sabha seat against former Congress Chief Minister Digvijaya Singh. She is on bail on health ground. Her criminal background apart, Pragya Singh is not a politician, she does not know what are the issues in the election, she does not understand the nitty-gritty of electioneering, she does not have a rapport with party workers and she does not know the people of Bhopal who have seen her only occasionally when she appeared in a court as the accused. Digvijaya Singh, on the other hand, is a consummate politician having contested and won both Assembly and Lok Sabha elections and organised many an election from village panchayat level to Parliament.

Pragya’s campaign had a bumpy start. She joined BJP in Bhopal in the morning of April 17 and in the afternoon she was declared as the party’s candidate for Bhopal constituency. Even before her name was formally announced, she made some obnoxious remarks about Hemant Karkare and said that she had put a curse on Karkare seeking his total destruction and five weeks later he was killed .Chief of Maharashtra’s Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS), Karkare was part of the police team that was fighting the terrorists who had attacked Mumbai on November 26, 2008 and was killed by a terrorist’s bullet, along with some other police officers. Even Narendra Modi (he was not the PM then and was not totally bereft of common sense) had praised Karkare for his supreme sacrifice for the country and offered the slain police officer’s wife, Kavita, Rs one crore which she had politely refused.

Pragya’s skanky remarks about Karkare had aroused country-wide anger and anguish as much as in Madhya Pradesh the BJP had to publicly dissociate itself from Pragya’s observations and even Pragya had to reluctantly withdraw her remarks. But the damage was already done for BJP’s electoral prospects, many feel, not only in Bhopal but beyond Bhopal and Madhya Pradesh.

In Bhopal, it appears, the party as a whole does not have its heart in campaigning for the terror accused. It is reflected in their style of campaigning. Union minister and former Chief Minister Uma Bharti, to give an example, told media persons on arrival in Bhopal that Pragya was a Mahamandaleshwar (great saint) while she (Uma) was merely a stupid person (moorkha). Shivraj Singh Chouhan who had, as Chief Minister, once arrested Pragya Singh Thakur for the murder of a fellow RSS activist Sunil josh, went to Chhindwara where the Collector did not permit his helicopter to land. Chouhan shouted invectives at the Collector and threatened to see him once the Congress government was gone. The Collector was merely following the rules framed by Chouhan’s own government in 2010. The IAS Association condemned Chouhan’s outburst against the Collector while the Election Commission dismissed Chouhan’s complaint against the Collector. One can safely assume that Chouhan was not unaware of helicopter landing rules which were framed in his own time as Chief Minister. Still he resorted to threatening the Collector who was merely following the rules and annoyed the higher bureaucracy. Difficult to believe that it was an error of judgement or an innocent act. Chouhan knows, as everyone else knows, that greater impact of the annoyance of bureaucracy will be felt in the capital city of Bhopal. The IPS officers are already unhappy at Pragya Singh Thakur’s scurrilous comments on Hemant Karkare.

Not trusting the local BJP leaders, Pragya Singh has called her sister, Upma Didi, from Bilaspur (Chhattisgarh) to take charge of her election campaign. The sister is as novice in politics and electioneering as Pragya herself. Nor does she appear to be acquainted with the Bhopal Lok Sabha constituency. With her pretensions as a Sadhvi, Pragya Singh spend around three hours in the morning in her Dhyan and puja. Then she starts on her campaign, accompanied by her sister and some State BJP leaders, frequently stopping at temples on the way and peremptorily talking to the people who gather there either for her Darshan or because of their party loyalty. The only issues involved in the election for her are dharma and adharma. She hardly talks about any other issues.

As she can’t stand journalists (at least those who are not believers in dharma), she has left it to a State BJP spokesman to deal with them. An outside reporter had come to Bhopal and, advised by someone, she went to the spokesman to fix her interview with Pragya Singh. The spokesman asked her to give her questions in writing. On the reporter’s asking as to how Pragya would be replying to those questions, the spokesman said that he would himself write the replies. Needless to say the reporter left giving a fitting reply to the spokesman.

Believe it or not, minister Babul Supriyo gets poorer, shows decreased income and assets in election affidavit

Kolkata: Actor and Member of Parliament (MP) from Bankura Moon Moon Sen’s assets grew by 536 percent in comparison to what she declared in 2014 but her colleague from film industry singer Babul Supriyo claims his assets decrease by 21 per cent. This comes when Babul Supriyo has been a minister in Narendra Modi’s cabinet.

Both Sen and Supriyo are also contesting against each other in Asansol for Trinamool Congress (TMC) and BJP. Sen has been fielded from Asansol this time, instead of Bankura, by TMC.

With total assets worth Rs 5.92 crores, Supriyo, the Minister of State (MoS) for Heavy Industry and Public Enterprise has shown his assets to have decreased in last five year. In 2014, he had declared his assets as Rs 7.53 crores.

And it is not just about his assets, but his nomination papers say that his income too has fallen. He earned only Rs 6.15 lacs during the financial year 2017-18. Interestingly, the singer used to earn more before becoming MP and minister, in 2012-13. Back then his income was 7.44 lacs.

In the recent declaration, Supriyo has shown that the salary he got as its minister as his only source of income, nothing from singing or acting. The Bollywood- Tollywood singer has Rs 57 lacs liabilities.

There was no income shown in the spouse column of Asansol MP. It was Nil mentioned in 2014’s affidavit too.

When eNewsroom searched further, we find out that Supriyo had acted too in a Bengali film– Hitlist in 2016.

But if the details furnished by the BJP MP in his nomination papers are to be believed, then it raises many question as to how, when all other candidates net worth of his movable and immovable assets increased, but his decreased.

Sen who had declared her income for the fiscal year 2018-19 as Rs 20 lacs and with spouse its Rs 22 lacs. She also mentioned her income came from the salary as an MP as well as from acting. In 2012-13, the actress had mentioned total income around Rs 6 lacs.

The only thing, where Supriyo leads from Sen is, he has four cases against him. One of the charges has been slapped under section 153A of Indian Penal Code (IPC) which amounts to promoting enmity between different groups on the ground of religion, race place of birth, language among others.

Interestingly, SS Ahluwalia, the second BJP leader who had won in 2014 from Darjeeling, West Bengal, has also shown an increase of assets by 13 percent. Ahluwalia who has been fielded this time from Burdawan-Durgapur has declared total assets were worth Rs 2.33 crores five years back and now it’s grown to Rs 2.65 crores.

The details of the candidates contesting in the fourth phase (West Bengal) has been analyzed by Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and was presented by its state chapter West Bengal Election Watch (WBEW).

According to political observers the decrease of Supriyo’s assets could be because of gifting some property to somebody. But they say that when such major difference in assets and income get mentioned, the reason should be pointed out in the affidavit.

The only well-known contestant and incumbent MP whose condition is similar is actress Satabdi Roy. The Birbhum MP has shown 11 per cent decrease in the worth of her assets, while her income has gone down from Rs 57 lacs (2012-13) to Rs 19 lacs.

When asked state coordinator, WBEW Ujjaini Halim, that whether Supriyo or others are hiding some information? She reacted, “Whatever information the candidates had listed in their affidavits has been analysed by us and presented before the people. Now it’s up to the people to interpret it or dig deeper into the data.”

Whatever be the technicalities of the asset and income details of Supriyo, but his record as a parliamentarian has not been that impressive. With an attendance of 45 percent to his credit, he neither took part in any debate nor raised a single question in the parliament, nor did he introduce any private member bill, according to PRS Legislative Research.

Coming to Modi cabinet minister’s MPLAD expenditure. Supriyo has only used Rs 13 crores out of the 25 he has been entitled to.

For a first, Kolkata hosts tri-nation T20 wheelchair cricket

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Kolkata: At a time, when Indian cricket lovers are engrossed with their favourite Indian Premier League (IPL) teams, several para-sports organizations have come together to organize a Tri-nation wheelchair cricket tournament in the city of Kolkata.

With the aim of including people with disabilities in the field of popular sports, Wheelchair Cricket of India (WCI) along with Para Sports Foundation (PSF), Aciesta Sports Alliance and Kolkata-based organisation Civilian Welfare Foundation (CWF) is organising an International T20 Tri- series Cricket Tournament in Kolkata.

The 3-day cricket extravaganza will see cricket players from Nepal, Bangladesh and India clash at the NKDA Stadium, New Town. The mega event will kick off from April 26 and the finale will be on April 28.

Former sports and transport minister Madan Mitra addressed the press conference at 5 Mad Men, a gastro sports pub, determined to make a difference to the common definitive idea of sports and to promote para-sports and help para-athletes deserve their rightful accolades.

Mitra was very enthusiastic at the press conference. He said, “Kolkata is a sports crazy city so is pro-sports. And something as innovative as wheelchair cricket must be organised in the city so that people get to know about it.”

CWF, a non-profit organization, working for the betterment of para-athletes in the national and international area, is working toward eradicating the common belief that wheelchair-bound people cannot actively participate in something as engrossing as sports. “But people with other disabilities are participating in sports. So we thought of organising this mega international event, to build their confidence,” said Shuvojit Moulik, president of CWF.

Pradeep Raj, president of PSF, a social voluntary organisation involved in organising and promotion of para-sports said that Bengal lacks para-sporting talent. “The decision was taken to organise the event so that people get to know about para-sports, particularly wheelchair cricket. We have organised wheelchair cricket not only in India but in foreign shores as well,” he said.

He also mentioned that there is little to no enthusiasm in para-sports in eastern and northeastern India. There are no players from Bengal in the tournament this time. But Abhay Pratap Singh, CEO of WCI hopes that in the next tournament there would be players from Bengal.

So get set to cheer the talented para-sportsmen!

Raghubar Das government is the most corrupt, takes 8 per cent commission in every tender alleges brother of Koderma MP

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Ranchi: Jharkhand’s ruling party, the BJP, might have heaved a sigh of relief when Member of Parliament from Koderma, Ravindra Rai stood next to Annapurna Devi, as she filed her nomination. However, within a fortnight the cracks are evident. Today, Rai’s elder brother Surendra Rai resigned from the BJP.

Significantly, Surendra chose to resign on a day, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi was present in Jharkhand. On Tuesday evening the PM had organised a roadshow in Ranchi. After a night halt in Jharkhand’s capital, he addressed a rally in Lohardagga.

Surendra, an advocate, had been associated with the party since the ’80s and was state vice-president of BJP’s Kisan Morcha. However, his resignation was not simple as he made a major allegation of corruption on Chief Minister Ragubhar Das.

In his letter, Surendra wrote, “Raghubar Das government is the most corrupt government in Jharkhand history.  Only after CMO’s direction, the decision gets taken on tenders. And no tender get(s) passed without 8 per cent commission.”

Surendra also questioned how the party gave a ticket to Annapurna Devi, who used to abuse Prime Minister Narendra Modi and how his brother Ravindra, who played a key role in helping BJP win 12 out of 14 seats in the 2014 Lok Sabha election to form government in the centre.

Ravindra was BJP state president in 2014, the year when BJP had won almost all the seats in Jharkhand.

He also pointed out on the alleged employment of outsiders in Jharkhand, “The outsiders (people from other states) have been recruited in Jharkhand. The recruits have shelled out the money in order to get a government job.”

Reports suggest, Surendra may join Babulal Marandi’s Jharkhand Vikash Morcha (JVM).

Earlier, another senior BJP leader and five-time MP from Ranchi, Ramtahal Choudhary had left the party after he had been denied a ticket to contest the election. He now contesting election as an independent candidate.

Meanwhile, the problems for the BJP is not reducing as the party MLAs are also facing the public wrath when they were campaigning for Koderma candidate Annapurna and seeking vote.

At Bhalpahari, locals protested against Gandey MLA Jai Prakash Verma for not visiting them after winning elections almost five years ago.

Reportedly, he has also been heckled at Buddhudih for the same reason. All the time, Annapurna was present on the spot when these incidents took place.

 

Naxals and government have got into an alliance to win Jharkhand’s 14 seats, alleges Babulal Marandi  

Giridih/Ranchi: Former Chief Minister of Jharkhand and Jharkhand Vikash Morcha (Prajatantrik)’s chief, Babulal Marandi today claimed of getting death threats through a letter issued by the banned outfit CPI (Maoist). 

 

The 61-year-old leader is also the Mahagathbandhan candidate from Koderma Lok Sabha constituency, for which campaigning is underway and voting will be done on May 6.    

 

The former chief minister during a press conference said, “Yesterday, I received a letter by post in which I have been threatened. It seems like the letter has been sent from Ranchi. If I did not stay away from election, I will also be blown up like Koderma District President Ashok Yadav was blown along with his jeep.”  

 

Exhibiting the letter during the press meet he said that police and the government should investigate the entire matter as names of Amit Shah and Raghubar Das have also been mentioned in the letter. 

 

“I want the administration to take this matter seriously as it has been said in the letter that a deal has been struck between the government and the Naxals to win all 14 seats in Jharkhand. Through this threat I have been told not to campaign and seek votes in Koderma,” he said. 

 

Marandi whose son Anup had been shot dead by the Maoists, along with 18 others in 2007 further said, “I have taken cognizance because, when I was the chief minister, then the entire state was Naxal infested. At that time PWG, which has now merged, in their website had put the name of three Chief Ministers of India in their hit list including me.” 

 

He recalled, “After stepping down from the post of the chief minister, there was an attack on my family in which 19 people were killed including my son. My brother has been attacked twice.”  

 

He even questioned Raghubar Das government for taking away his Z cover security. “When I started exposing the Raghubar Das government, my Z plus security was done away with. Back then me getting security or not, was not an issue. But today when I connect everything, the government’s intention seems suspicious. Maybe everything is sponsored by the government. They first reduced my security and now I am getting a threat letter. So, I want the police, administration and government to look into the case immediately and punish the culprit,” Marandi added.

 

Giridih Superintendent Police Surendra Jha could not be contacted for a comment on the letter.