Modi’s farm laws will mean death of fair price shops

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An inevitable consequence of Modi’s farm laws will be the gradual death of public distribution system (PDS). Through PDS, an estimated 75 crore people, belonging to the economically weaker sections, are provided essential commodities such as wheat, rice, sugar and kerosene through a network of about five lakh fair price shops across the country. This is, or rather was, done by the Central and State governments from the stocks they replenished periodically under the provisions of the Essential Commodities Act 1955. This Act now stands repealed.

The Act of 1955 provides that the Central government is responsible for procurement, storage and transportation of food grains and other commodities like kerosene to the State. It is the State’s duty to ensure distribution of the commodities to the eligible consumers through fair price shops. Besides, the State has the responsibility to identify the beneficiary families, issue ration cards and also to set up fair price shops and monitor their proper functioning.

The Act went beyond helping the economically weaker sections through subsidised food grains and other essential commodities. It empowered the Central government to regulate or prohibit the production, supply, distribution and trade of any commodity “for maintaining or increasing supplies of any essential commodity or for securing their equitable distribution and availability at fair prices, or for securing any essential commodity for the defence of India or the efficient conduct of military operations”.

More significantly, the government had the power to direct the grower to ‘sell the whole or a specified part of the quantity held in stock or produced or received by him’ to the ‘Central Government or a State Government or to an officer or agent of such Government or to a Corporation owned or controlled by such Government’. This helped the Central and State governments to replenish their stocks. The procurement was done by the Central government through Food Corporation of India (FCI) and by a State government through its Department of Food and Civil Supplies. As the bulk of produce was purchased by the government agencies, farmers were sure to get minimum support price (MSP) announced by the government.

Under Modi’s three farm laws, this has become part of history. Now it is between farmer and businessmen. Both the farmers and consumer are now at the mercy of businessman. If the businessmen join hands, for instance, and decide on a price for a certain produce, the farmer will become helpless. Similarly, if half a dozen big businessmen form a cartel (which Modi’s new Acts allow) and corner the entire production of wheat in MP, Rajasthan, UP, Gujarat, Haryana and Punjab, the consumers will be at their mercy as to when they bring the commodity to the market for sale, in which quantity and at what price. This has happened during the 1980 Lok Sabha elections in case of onion which was not then covered by the Act of 1955.

Tussle over Tagore between Amit Shah and Mamata Banerjee ahead of assembly polls in Bengal

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Kolkata: Poll-bound Bengal today witnessed a political tussle over Tagore between Narendra Modi’s second-in-command Amit Shah and state chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s party. It was the second act of the day’s Tamasha as the prime minister visited Guru dwara Rakab Gunj Sahib in Delhi. He paid obeisance to the martyred Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur while forcing Sikh and Jat farmers to suffer the bitter cold under the open sky for three weeks for being stubborn on their demands for withdrawal of pro-corporate farm laws.

Had the poet cum philosopher been alive today, he would have left Shantiniketan in Bolpur, his second home and Karam Bhoomi, which still hosts his Visva Bharati, now a central university in sheer disgust. Shah, a hardcore RSS appratchik turned BJP leader is poles apart from Rabindranath Tagore’s ideas on pluralist Bengali and Indian culture, his vision about our syncretic civilizational ethos and mission for universal brotherhood. For that matter, Shah is far off from the worldview of the best known Gujrati, M K Gandhi who met Tagore at Bolpur and forged a bond despite their many differences. 

Nevertheless, the shrewd politician tried his best to appropriate Bengal’s best icon by virtually kicking off BJP’s poll campaign in Tagore’s Karam Bhoomi while using every photo optics in places steeped in the poet’s memories. He visited Visva Bharati campus, spoke of the Nobel laureate’s contribution in Indian freedom struggle and culture and Gandhi-Tagore meeting.

Shah also enjoyed Bengali dishes at the home of a Baul singer in the company of Bengal BJP honchos. It is another matter that the household as well as the campus were sanitised from all protesters including students, teachers and other troublesome fellows. Even the movement of the host family members were restricted by the VVIP’s security minders.

However, despite ban on any protest in and around the campus by the university authority, a group of students and activists raised slogans and waved black flag during Shah’s visit there.

The poet was instrumental in popularising the tradition of Baul-Fakirs, the rural bards of Hindu-Muslim mixed faith and part of the pan-Indian Bhakti movement, mainly by lower castes poor. The party and its Parivar which strive on rabid religious polarization, Brahminical social order and denial of Dalit identity are no takers of the sentiments of these early Indian seculars and libtards.

Rabindranath tagore amit shah mamata banerjee bengal tmc bjp
In against of Amit Shah picture putting above Rabindranath Tagore by BJP, TMC leaders protested in front of Tagore’s ancestral house in Jorasanko

Nevertheless, the cultural symbolism is part of political strategies. So Shah in his latest visit since Saturday continued to pay tribute to Tagore, Swami Vivekananda, Ishwar Chandra Vidya sagar and other Bengali icons and praised Bengali Asmita or identity-based pride. The coinage was first heard in Gujarat polls after 2002 communal pogrom under the watch of Modi-Shah duo. 

He had pressing reasons to play up Bengali sentiments as Mamata and her party, Trinamool Congress, has been harping on cultural identity while calling BJP a party of outsiders, essentially north Indian. Bengal’s Hindu thinkers and mainstream politicians have largely conflated Bengali and Indian nationalism in terms of liberal Hinduism and modernist universalism, a far cry from the creed of reigning Hindutva forces. 

The state BJP, despite having a bunch of feuding Bengali leaders, is still run by Delhi minders and the party is yet to find a suitable boy as a chief ministerial material. Nonetheless, Shah took pains to insist that Mamata would be challenged by a ‘son of the soil’.

During and after his impressive road-show, Shah trained his gun on Mamata’s Parivarbad, an allusion to her nephew Avishek whose control over the TMC has triggered defection of some party MLAs to BJP. More defectors are to follow along with their comrades from the lefts and Congress, he thundered. Corruption and political violence by Mamata’s men were other two major charges that he harped on. But he did not forget his signature tune: war on ‘Ghuspetia’ s or infiltrators from Bangladesh, an euphemism for Muslims. 

However, Shah was cryptic on the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act that has promised to induct Hindus and others from neighboring countries but barred Muslims. “The law will be in vogue after the rules are rolled out,” he said without further elaboration. The BJP needs to dangle this carrot before the electorally important Matuas and other Hindu scheduled caste latecomers from Bangladesh before the assembly polls. 

But it is a double-edged sword for the saffron party as the majority groups in Assam and other north-eastern states are doggedly opposing CAA. They fear it will regularize Bengali Hindus now excluded from the controversial Assam NRC that has made more than 19 lakhs people virtually stateless, mostly Bengali settlers for generations. TMC is hoping to counter the CAA bait with the further exclusion of Bengali, Hindus and Muslims under the National Register for Citizenship proposed by Modi-Shah regime.

In Kolkata, Trinamool Congress leaders staged a counter show at Tagore’s ancestral home in Jorasanko. Senior TMC leaders upped their ante against the saffron camp. Maintaining that BJP has insulted Tagore by printing his photo below Amit Shah during his campaign,they said that the ‘outsiders’ did not care about the respect that the icon had deserved.

The BJP Flex hoardings, with a photo of Shah on the top and image of Tagore in the middle and that of BJP leader Anupam Hazra underneath appeared in parts of Shantiniketan. Taking a potshot at the saffron camp, Panchayat Minister Subrata Mukherjee alleged that BJP’s poster has belittled the stature of Rabindranath Tagore. “Let the people of Bengal know that those who are ignorant of Rabindranath have come to occupy Bengal. They know nothing about Bengal and Bengali culture,” Mukherjee quipped.

36-9: Depressing present, ominous future

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“Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship,” said BR Ambedkar. As we reel under the weight of India’s ignominious Adelaide defeat, it is worth exploring what bhakti leads to in team sport.

One could say comparing sports to politics is unfair as sports are more like the performing arts, thriving on the pleasure of the spectators, and that pleasure often comes from the performance of an individual. True. But the art form team sport most resembles is drama — live and performed by a team of individuals, not editable like films if you make a mistake. And a play cannot be successful unless even the best actor in the team follows the plan. Even a Shakespearean tragedy can make a theatre full of people laugh if an actor as legendary as Sir Laurence Olivier decides to act the way he likes, disregarding co-actors, or the lighting, or the dialogues. It is the same for team sport (unless you are Diego Maradona, in which case everyone else is a prop), only difference being here nobody knows what happens in the end. Any such enterprise involving so many human beings inevitably involves a lot of politics. Theatre groups have come apart because of internal politics, so have sporting teams. But we are talking about much more. When the enterprise has grown into a billion-dollar industry like Indian cricket, it cannot but be influenced by macro-politics, too, because it is part of macroeconomics.

Ramachandra Guha has already spoken out on how the Board of Control for Cricket in India is actually being run by the country’s ruling dispensation. Cricketers, journalists, analysts, even discerning fans understood much of it anyway because there is hardly any attempt to hide it. Hence, we are now aware of the hold national politics has on the administration of cricket. What we are perhaps not realizing is the impact of our politics on people directly involved with the action on the field.

To quote Sanjay Manjrekar, “It’s important to not look at 36 in isolation but at 165, 191, 242, 124, 244, and then at it. These are team totals in their last three Tests (two in New Zealand) when the ball moved. This is all India could muster, and they lost all three. So, 36 as a low score may be an aberration, but of late India have been incompetent as a batting unit when the ball has swung or seamed.” The string becomes longer if you count India’s totals on their last tour of England in 2018, where the team lost the series 1-4. It reads: 274, 162, 107, 130, 329, 352/7 declared, 273, 184, 292, 345. Just three 300-plus totals in ten innings. If we go back to the 2017-18 series in South Africa, where India could only win the dead rubber, the totals are: 209, 135, 307, 151, 187, 247. One 300-plus total in six innings. All this is technical information, but one needs to ask “why”. Why no improvement in the ability to play the moving ball despite this string of low totals? The answer is arrogant denial — typical of Team India’s management as well as the country’s management.

One can only rectify a mistake after admitting it. But Ravi Shastri and Virat Kohli never admitted there was a problem. The huge wins in between against the West Indies, Sri Lanka, South Africa et al in calmer conditions, and the historic victory on their last tour Down Under helped in brushing the flaws under the carpet. After losing the five-Test series 1-4 in England, Shastri, instead of owning up to failure on two consecutive big foreign tours, remarked, “If you look at the last three years, we have won nine matches overseas and three series… I can’t see any other Indian team in the last 15-20 years that has had the same run in such a short time, and you have had some great players playing in those series.” He was conveniently forgetting India’s series wins in England and the West Indies in 2007; the 2008-09 win in New Zealand, apart from the heroic performances in England and Australia in 2002, 2003-04, 2007-08. He was also papering over the fact that his team’s overseas wins include teams which are hardly competitive today. It reminds one of the government’s convenient tweaking of methodology for calculating GDP to make the emaciated economy look robust. A journalist asked Kohli whether that tag suits his side. He hit back “What do you think?” When the journalist said he was not sure, the visibly angry captain said, “That’s your opinion.” The nonchalance in calling inconvenient truth just an opinion stunned many but not all, because we were already living in a country where economic distress due to demonetization was just an opinion as the ruling party had won elections even after that.

Kohli’s support for demonetization was overt, not covert. It is natural for him then to think truth is owned by the powerful, rest is an ignorable opinion. That approach may win elections but does not win matches. However, denying facts is acceptable as it is the age of post truth. So much so that after a disaster like 36-9, a captain can say “You can make a lot of team plans but in such important (pressure) situations the individuals have to keep the correct mindset…” Mindset is alright but not a word about repeated collective technical failure!

Who cares? Most will forget this Saturday, even this series, as soon as some T20 matches are won. Those who don’t, should remember what Kohli told somebody in 2018, when he said he likes English and Australian batsmen more than Indians. “I don’t think you should live in India then… you should go and live somewhere else no. Why are you living in our country and loving other countries?”

Fair enough. It has long been said that the captaincy of the Indian cricket team is the toughest job in India after the Prime Minister’s job. Don’t we ask people finding faults with our PM to go to Pakistan? If that kind of hero worship is fine in politics, it should be fine in cricket. One can neither question the PM, nor the cricket captain and/or coach. They are always right. Even when the team delivers the worst batting performance in our Test history.

This is where bhakti in cricket has brought us. To be fair to Kohli and Shastri, we have always been a country of hero-worshipers. We would not have called Sachin Tendulkar the god of cricket otherwise, but at least he had the sense to understand the game is still bigger than him. It would be a tragedy if the much-loved Indian cricket team were to suffer one shameful defeat after another because of the brazenness cricketers are picking up from contemporary Indian politics. In the last few years, Team India cricketers have shown more interest in getting disliked commentators removed than removing chinks in their own armour.

It would be an even bigger tragedy if Kohli, destined for cricketing greatness, loses the plot inebriated with power. By the time he hangs up his boots, representing the new India will cease to mean anything as it shall be old. Politicians have machinery and machinations to create history. Kohli only has his bat.

Shah thunders against Mamata’s Parivarbad but inducts babalogs and tainted turncoats of TMC

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Midnapore/Kolkata: Union home minister and BJP number two Amit Shah, today bagged ten Bengal MLAs in his kitty, seven from Mamata Banerjee’s TMC and two from the Lefts as well as one from the Congress. A TMC MP has also changed the side. Mamata suffered the biggest jolt ahead of assembly polls in the state as her former cabinet minister and influential young leader, Suvendu Adhikari was the key catch for Shah in his bid to oust Bengal’s big sis from power.

Clash of political ambition with Mamata’s nephew Abhisek, her de facto heir apparent and a TMC MP as well as misgivings against the ‘high-handedness’ of the party’s hired poll manager Prashant Kishor who was once Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar’s poll strategist apparently triggered these defections. Shah and Suvendu thundered against the Parivarbad or Bua-Bhatija Raj of Bengali variety at BJP rally in Midnapore on Saturday.

But the irony of double standards remains unmistakable. ‘The party with a difference’ has no qualms in welcoming Adhikari whose father as well as brothers are either TMC MPs or MLA. The family even manages local municipalities East Midnapore district, a decade-long fiefdom. Earlier, Shah-led BJP had inducted Mamata’s former second in command, Mukul Roy and former Kolkata mayor, Shovon Chatterjee, despite both being targeted under Narada-Sarada scam by the CBI and ED. More defections are likely to follow from the TMC as the BJP is are dangling both carrots and sticks to Mamata’s men who are facing corruption and other charges.

Left-Congress combine, now reduced to a distant third position at the hustings, are gleeful over Mamata’s discomfiture reminding that she had done the same kind of ruthless poaching into their ranks earlier. But many in Bengal’s left-liberal civil society and minority community members feel that all these traditional rivals are only paving ways for their own doom by making room for Shah, the reigning master of defections and horse-trading in Indian politics.

Busy in defending their own stables from Shah and his men, neither TMC nor other anti-BJP parties have undertaken the rural campaigns against the new farm laws despite announcing such moves. This has helped BJP to harvest the fruits of its powerful propaganda.

Shanti Dutta Majhi, a farmer said that he has heard that the bill is not against the farmers and it is just being hyped by the opposition. “People are saying that the bill is perfect and the opposition is making ruckus over it for political gains. The farmers of Haryana are rich in comparison to what we are. They are just staging drama. All I know and see is the PM Modi is with us”.

BJP is also playing up the anti-incumbency sentiments over the denial of benefits under government schemes to supporters of rival parties even rival factions of the ruling party, a long time menace in Bengal.

I am told that the BJP government has started giving subsidies of 6000 rupees to farmers. But due to Mamata Banerjee we are not receiving them,” stated Majhi.

Recalling the days when he used to spend nights under a tarpaulin with his family, Gobindo Purohit said that he now hopes to get a permanent roof under Pradhan Mantri Abhash Yojana.

“The TMC Supremo before coming to power promised several things but was of no avail, ” said Purohit. He alleged that the middlemen of the TMC demanded ‘cut money’ to get their problems solved and even to reach the right quarter money was charged.

However, Kolpona, an aged lady claimed that she was given money and food to attend the rally with her family and relatives.

“I come from a very poor family. Getting two meals and a few hundred for coming and attending the rally is a good deal,” said Kolpona. She was ,however, cynical about Shah’s comment that the ‘BJP will build Shonar Bangla’, “No government does good for anyone. I am hearing these fake promises since childhood.

A family member of Kolpona, (who refused to name) thinks that the poaching before the election is common.“If the BJP thinks TMC is bad, why are they inducting their leaders? We are just played upon and after election Bangla will be as it is,” said the relative of Kolpona.

Battle for Bengal heats up, so the resistance of anti-BJP protesters

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Kolkata: Amit Shah will never know Ganesh Rajbhar or Rahiman Bibi.

Nevertheless, when the BJP’s Chanakya and union home minister netted a school of fishes out of Mamata Banerjee’s troubled water ahead of Bengal polls at a big rally in Midnapore today, the teenager son of a rickshaw-puller and the middle-aged domestic help joined a much smaller protest march against him and his boss, Narendra Modi in Kolkata.

Both the participants were visibly enthusiastic in responding to slogans like ”Dangabaz Amit Shah Bangla Theke Hat Uthao (Riot-monger Amit Shah, Hands off Bengal), Krisak Mara Krisi Aain Batil Koro (repeal the anti-farmer farm laws), CAA-NRC-NPR Manchi Na Manbo Na (we do not accept the CAA-NRC-NPR). The rally was organised by No NRC Movement, an umbrella body of some left oriented civil society groups.

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Ganesh Rajbhar

Ganesh, a student of class six, insisted that he joined such rallies because he is opposed to religious divides among his friends and communities in Kamarhati, a mixed population working class neighborhood in the city’s north suburb. “Our families have been staying here for long and I have Muslim friends. We speak both Bengali and Hindi. Now my Muslim friends are afraid that they will be driven out as Bangladeshi. If I can meet Modi, I would request him to stop this divisive politics. Hindu-Muslim-Sikh-Isai must stay together,. There is no need for NRC,” the boy said.

Rahiman Bibi and her neighbors like Golapjan Haldar, Jahanara Bibi, Sophia Begum– all domestic help are facing double existential threats for being the poorest of the poor and minority. “Sometimes, we begged on streets during the lockdown period as flat- baris (middle class apartments) denied entry to domestic helps. Our bustee landlords are threatening to evict us as we failed to pay rent. On the top of all fears is the threat to kick us out of Bengal as Bangladeshi just because we are Muslims. But we are no less Indian than Modi-Shah. This is our ancestral home too,” Rahmani said.

All the women in their mid-fifties were furious with the BJP regime under Modi-Shah. “Both are shameless and heartless. They could not provide us food and shelter while compelling our husbands and sons to come back home during the lockdown. Now they are forcing farmers to accept the farm laws. They are ruining the lives and livelihood of the poor like us,” Golapjan added.

anti-nrc amit shah tmc kolkata BJP
Rahiman Bibi

All of them were scared of talking as this correspondent asked their names and places. “We know there are reporters who talk to us sympathetically but write against us,” Saphia Bibi remarked. “Come what may, we won’t allow NRC to happen in Bengal”, was their common refrain.

The students and middle class participants in the rally carried posters and festoons linking successive legal and administrative moves by the Centre. These included the CAA-NRC-NPR, sweeping reforms in labor laws and farm laws as well as electricity bills and environment related rules in addition to arrests of social activists across the ideological spectrum under anti-terror laws. They raised slogans — Arr korbo na dhan chas, dekhbo sala ki khas (we won’t grow paddy anymore, let us see what these rascals will eat, dharmo noy, bhat de (we want food, not religion), and somosto raj bandir nishorto mukti chai (we demand unconditional release of all the political prisoners).

“All these laws are pro-corporate and anti-poor. They are trying to divide Hindus and Muslims in the name of divisive citizenship laws and Love Jihad while wooing Dalits and Adivasis not to join the growing mass protests. Now they are calling Sikh farmers as Khalistani and Pakistani agents or Maoists as they have demanded the release of leading activists of people’s movements. But farmers have not fallen prey to the Sangh Parivar provocations,” Malay Tewari, one of them, said.

Alluding to Amit Shah’s Midnapore rally, Biplab Bhattacharya, one of the organisers cautioned against the increasing dangers of communal and casteist polarisation in poll-bound Bengal. The rally ended with the burning of effigies of Modi and Shah.

However, some of the participants felt unhappy over the poor turnout in the rally, in contrast to the massive one held last year under the same banner. This is more a reflection of the divisions within the assorted anti-BJP forces in Bengal than the general public mood, they felt. “Unless we stop nitpicking over our mutual differences and pull up our socks ASAP, we will pay a heavy price in the coming months,” a veteran observed.

BJP moves from communal to inhuman politics, say farm bills protestors

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Kolkata: Showing solidarity with the protesting farmers, Soukat Beriwala chose to march from Raja Bazar to Moulali, demanding for the farm bills to be repealed. Beriwala, son of a farmer, maintained that the bills aim not just at looting the farmers but also the common man, and hence urged everyone to be firm and not support the BJP-led central government on the implementation of these ‘inhuman bills’.

“BJP was testing water with CAA and NRC last winter. This year they have the farm bills. This government knows only how to put the common in a difficult situation. They are neither working for the benefit of the people nor are they worried about our problems. Rice and pulses are a staple diet for the poor and ironically they are no longer part of essential commodities,” stated a rather agitated Beriwala.

The march, organised under the banner of United Forum for National Integrity (UFNI), witnessed over hundreds of people march in solidarity with the protesting farmers from Raja Bazar to Moula Ali. They had a single demand – withdrawal of the farm bills that the Narendra Modi led BJP government is trying to implement.

Chanting slogans against the BJP government for bringing ‘inhuman bills’ one after the other, the forum urged the people of West Bengal to show solidarity with the protesting farmers stationed at the Delhi Haryana border.

Hansu Khan, a farmer from Bengad, had to give up his cultivable land during the Left Front government said that both the BJP and Left Front government are just the different sides of a coin.

“I was forced to give up my cultivable land for setting up the Nano car factory by Tata. The price I was offered was way too less than the actual price. I was also threatened by the then Left Front government to not oppose them. Now, BJP is as foul as the CPI (M) was. They are trying to take away the basic rights of the people – the right to live and eat in India. The saffron camp thinks they can do anything with money power,” said Khan while walking with other participants of the rally.

Talking about the ‘inhuman tendency’ of the BJP government, Sohaib, a retail shop owner maintained that he many a time felt like committing suicide as for him no matter what the BJP government will carry on with their ‘inhuman activities’.

“They (BJP) have power and nothing can turn them down. From communal politics now they are playing inhuman politics. Had they been standing by the Hindus that they claim then at least for the Hindus they would have done something good. But they have done nothing good either for Hindus or people of other religions. Building a temple can fool some of the people but the lower and working class will not be mesmerized by temple or mosque. I feel like ending my life as nothing can be changed so easily,” cried Sohaib.

It is pertinent to mention that Raja Bazaar, during the anti-CAA movement had its own ‘Shireen Bagh’ to register their constant protest against CAA and NRC that the BJP government is wanting to implement.

Echoing the same Muftar Ahmed, spokesperson of United Forum For National Integrity said if needed this forum would stage continuous demonstrations until the BJP government withdraws the three new farm bills.

Mamata Vs Centre face off over Bengal cadre IPS officers

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Kolkata: On yet another issue, Mamata Banerjee led Bengal government and centre have locked horns. The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) on Thursday sent a fresh letter to Mamata Banerjee government asking immediate release of three Indian Police Service (IPS) officers for central deputation.

In the letter, the MHA has quoted section 6 (1) of the All India Service officers rule, which says that “in case of any disagreement, the Centre government’s decision shall prevail”.

Taking a potshot at the centre, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee took to twitter and wrote, “A colourable exercise of power and blatant misuse of emergency provision of IPS Cadre Rule 1954”.

“We will not allow this brazen attempt by the Centre to control the State machinery by proxy! West Bengal is not going to cow-down in front of expansionist & undemocratic forces,” the Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo wrote in another tweet.

Notably, the three officers namely Bholanath Pandey, SP, Diamond Harbour, Praveen Tripathi, DIG, Presidency Range and Rajeev Mishra, ADG, South Bengal were responsible for BJP national president JP Nadda’s security during his visit to Bengal last week.

Due to their alleged ‘failure’ to give security to the BJP national president as his convoy was attacked at Sirakol, the central government has assigned new responsibilities to these three IPS officers.

Bholanath Pandey has been deputed as SP, Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD), Praveen Tripathi as DIG, Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) and Rajeev Mishra as IG, Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP).

Significantly, soon after the alleged attack, a letter was issued by MHA on the same issue, the TMC government refused to release the IPS officers.

Slamming the series of tweets done by the chief minister, BJP general Secretary Sayantan Basu said that if the TMC government has any problem with the orders issued by the Union Home Ministry then the TMC government can move the court.

“This is not the first time such a decision has been taken by the central government. The same was done during the Congress regime. Even Rajiv Gandhi had done the same during 1984-85. If they have any problem they are free to move the court. But due to the negligence of the TMC government the IPS officer should not face a break in their services,” mentioned Basu.

TMC MP Mahua Moitra tweeted and attack BJP on the issue, @BJP spokesperson says, ‘exemplary punitive action’ taken against WB IPS offices for dereliction of duty (sic)”

“Then why entrust them with job of guarding borders & soldiers’ lives with SSB and ITBP Posting? (sic)” she questioned.

বাংলার ছোট চাষীরাও তিন কৃষি আইনের বিরুদ্ধে

কলকাতা: বাংলার কৃষকদের সভা-সমাবেশে ট্রাক্টর-ট্রলি বা ট্রাকের সারি দেখা যায় না যা দিল্লির সীমান্তে পঞ্জাব-হরিয়ানা বা পশিচম উত্তরপ্রদেশের বড় কৃষকদের আন্দোলনে স্বাভাবিক দৃশ্য। তবু প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদি যখন তিন নয়া কৃষি আইন বাতিলের দাবিতে চলতি কৃষক আন্দোলনকে স্রেফ দিল্লি কে আস-পাস চলা বিরোধীদের দ্বারা বিপথচালিত আন্দোলন বলে খাটো করছেন, তখন ছোট জোতের রাজ্য পশ্চিমবঙ্গের ছোট চাষীরাও আন্দোলনের সমর্থনে পথে নামছেন।

বুধবার কলকাতায় অখিল ভারতীয় কিষাণ সংঘর্ষ সমন্বয় সমিতির ডাকে বামপন্থী ও অন্যান্য কৃষক সংগঠনগুলির ডাকে এক সমাবেশে আসা কৃষকদের সঙ্গে কথা বলে সেই ছবিটাই উঠে এল। তাঁর সরকার ও দলের নেতারা এর পিছনে খালিস্তানী-পাকিস্তানী-মাওবাদী মদত খুঁজছেন, তখন আজকের মিছিল ও সভায় বাঙালি হিন্দু-মুষলমান কৃষকদের সঙ্গে পা মেলান কিছু উর্দু ও হিন্দিভাষী শ্রমজীবী নারী-পুরুষ। ছাত্র-ছাত্রীদের অংশগ্রহণও হলে চোখে পড়েছে।

ঐতিহাসিক ভাবে, বিশেষ করে দেশভাগের পর এই রাজ্যের কৃষিজীবীদের অধিকাংশই ছোট জমির মালিক, ভাগচাষী বা কৃষি ও অকৃষি শ্রমিক। এখানে পঞ্জাব-হরিয়ানার মতো সরকার-নিয়ন্ত্রিত মাণ্ডি ব্যবস্থা খুবই সীমিত কৃষকরা, বিশেষ করে ছোট উৎপাদকেরা বেসরকারি হাট-বাজার তথা পাইকার/ফড়ে ও আড়তদারদের উপর নির্ভরশীল। অভাবী বিক্রির সময় ধানের ক্ষেত্রে ন্যুনতম সংগ্ৰহমূল্য থাকলেও তার সুযোগ খুব কম চাষি পান। ভাঙড় থেকে আসা মধ্যবয়সী খলিল মোল্লা, শোভান মোল্লা হন বা হুগলির আরামবাগের তরুণ বিনয় দাস অথবা মালদার ইংলিশ বাজারের স্বপন সরকার, প্রতাপ মন্ডল ও মিরাজ শেখ–সবার মুখেই শোনা গেল কৃষিপণ্য বিপণনের চলতি ব্যবস্থায় ফসলের খরচ তুলে লাভজনক দাম পাওয়ার সমস্যা এবং অনেক ত্রুটি ও দুর্নীতির কথা।

কিন্তু সে সব থেকে রেহাই দেওয়ার নামে মোদি সরকারের নয়া আইনকে তাঁরা গরম কড়াই থেকে আগুনে ঝাঁপ দেওয়ার সামিল বলেই ভাবছেন। ফড়েরাজের বদলে কোম্পানিরাজের খপ্পরে পড়তে তারা চান না। তাই বিরোধিতায় তারা এক কাট্টা।

খলিল মোল্লারা ধান-সরষে থেকে সবজি চাষ করেন। তারা জানালেন: সার-বীজ-কীট নাশক সহ চাষের সব উপাদানের দাম বেড়েই চলেছে। অথচ ফসলের খরচ তুলতে হিমশিম। এদিকে ফসল ধরে রাখার ব্যবস্থা নেই। কলকাতার লাগোয়া ভাঙড়-হারোয়া তো বটেই, গোটা দক্ষিণ চব্বিশ পরগনায় হিমঘর নেই বললেই চলে। পাইকাররা হয় গ্রাম থেকে তোলে নয় গাড়িভাড়া করে হাটে নিয়ে যেতে হয়। ন্যায্য দাম না পেলেও লোকসানে ছেড়ে দিতে হয় কারণ মাল পড়ে থাকলে হাট-মালিকরা ফাইন নেয়। কত বার অবিক্রিত ফসল খালে ফেলে দিতে হয়েছে।

তবু তারা নয়া আইনের ব্যবস্থায় আদানি- আম্বানিদের কব্জায় যেতে রাজি নন। বিলে তো বলছে সরকার আমাদের সুবিধে দেবে। কিন্তু কোম্পানি দাম ঠিক করবে। সরকার নিজে তো কিছু করবেই না, এমনকি কোম্পানি কথা না রাখলে কোর্টেও যেতে দেবে না। এখানকার পাইকারদের তবু চিনি। কিন্তু পাওনা আদায়ে কোম্পানির বাবুদের কোথায় খুঁজে পাব? তাছাড়া পাঁচ টাকায় যে ফসল বেচব, তাই বাজারে পঞ্চাশ টাকায় কিনতে হবে।

মোদি সরকার কৃষি আইন কিষাণ কৃষক আন্দোলন পশ্চিমবঙ্গ কলকাতা বামপন্থী
নয়া কৃষি আইন রদের দাবিতে কলকাতায় কৃষকদের রাজভবন চলো অভিযানের ডাক

হুগলির আলু চাষের এলাকার ছোট চাষী বিনয় দাস অন্যের জমি লিজে নিয়ে চাষ করেন। তাঁর অভিজ্ঞতা: পেপসিকোর মতো বড় আলু-চিপস কম্পানির সঙ্গে চুক্তিতে আলু চাষ করে তাঁর মতো কৃষকরা লাভবান হননি। কোম্পানি 50 কেজি বস্তায় 475 টাকা দর দিচ্ছে। আমার মতোই যাদের ফসল তুলেই মহাজনের কর্জ চুকোতে বিক্রির হন্যে হতে হয়, কোল্ড স্টোরে ফসল জমিয়ে রেখে ভালো দাম পাওয়ার আশায় টাকা লগ্নির ক্ষমতা নেই, তেমন অনেক চাষি তাই ঢলে পড়েছিল। কিন্তু ওদের মাপমতো কি মন মতো আলু না হলে ওরা ফেলে দেয়। দাম দেয় না । ওই বীজের পড়ে থাকা আলু বাজারে বিক্রি দূরে থাক, গরুতেও খায় না। ফলে লাভের গুড় পিঁপড়েয় খেয়ে যায়।

বিনয়ের বক্তব্য: গত বার চার বিঘে জমিতে আলু লাগিয়ে বিঘে প্রতি 50000 টাকা খরচ তুলতে পারেননি। এদিকে মাঠে যে আলু দশ টাকা কেজি বেচেচেন তাই বাজারে 40 টাকা কেজি কিনে খেতে হচ্ছে। তবু মোদি সরকারের কথা মতো তিনি কর্পোরেটদের বিশ্বাস করতে পারছেন না। তিনি জানান, স্বাধীনতার পর থেকে কৃষকদের দুরবস্থা বেড়েছে, সব সরকারের আমলেই। বেড়েছে আত্মঘাতী কৃষকদের সংখ্যা। কিন্তু কৃষি বাজারে সংস্কারের নামে মোদি সরকার নিজের দায়দায়িত্ব অস্বীকার করে কোম্পানীদের হাতে কৃষকদের ভাগ্য নির্ধারণ করার ক্ষমতা তুলে দিচ্ছে। এরপর আমাদের জমিজমাও ওরা দখল করে নেবে যেমন ইংরেজ আমলে নীলকর সাহেবরা নিয়েছিল। কেন সরকার স্বামী নাথন কমিটির সুপারিশ মতো চাষের খরচের দেড়গুণ দাম ন্যূনতম সংগ্রহ মূল্য বা সহায়ক মূল্য বলে ঘোষণা করছে না?

উত্তরবঙ্গ থেকে মালদা জেলার ইংলিশবাজার থেকে আসা স্বপনবাবু, প্রতাপবাবু, মিরাজ শেখ রা জানান, তাদের এলাকার কাছে সামসিতে সরকার-নিয়ন্ত্রিত কৃষি পণ্য পাইকারিবাজার বা মাণ্ডি থাকলেও সেখানে গাড়ি ভাড়া ও অন্যান্য কারণে উনি যান না। স্থানীয় বেসরকারি পাইকারদের কাছেই ধান, ভুট্টা থেকে সবজি বেচে দেন।বৃষ্টি ও অন্যান্য কারণে তো বটেই, দীর্ঘ লক ডাউনের কারণে গতবারের থেকেও এবার ধান , ভুট্টা বা সব্জির দাম কম পাচ্ছেন কৃষকরা।

তবু তাঁরা মোদির কথা মেনে খেত থেকে সুপার মারকেট চেইনের মালিক বড় কোম্পানীদের হাতে কৃষি ও কৃষকের ভবিষ্যৎ তুলে দিতে রাজি নন। ওদের বক্তব্য: পঞ্জাব-হরিয়ানার বড় চাষীরা যখন আম্বানি-আদানিদের কাছে নিজেদের জমিতে পছন্দসই ফসল চাষ ও দাম নিয়ে দর- কষাকষি করার অধিকার এবং আখেরে জমিরউপর অধিকার হারানোর আশঙ্কায়, তখন বাংলার ছোট চাষী রা কি করে এই নয়া আইনগুলি মেনে নেবে? ইতিমধ্যে আলু , পেঁয়াজ, সর্ষের তেল ইত্যাদি নিয়ে মজুতদারী বিরোধী অত্যাবশ্যকীয় পণ্য আইনের নিশেধাজ্ঞা তুলে নেওয়ার কুফল ফলছে। আলু-পেঁয়াজ-তেলের আগুনদরের ঠেলায় মধ্যবিত্তর চোখে সর্ষে ফুল।

এইসব ভাবনা থেকেই সমাবেশ মঞ্চ থেকে কৃষি আইন বিরোধী আন্দোলনকে জন আন্দোলনে পরিণত করার আহ্বান জানালেন কৃষক নেতারা। জানালেন, রাজ্যের গ্রামে গ্রামে এনিয়ে প্রচার চলবে।

এদিনের সমাবেশের আনুষ্ঠানিক উদ্দেশ্য রাজভবনের মাধ্যমে কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের কাছে দাবিপত্র পেশ করা হলেও রাজ্যপাল জগদীপ ধনখড় যথারীতি তা গ্রহণ করেননি। সাংবিধানিক রীতিনীতি রক্ষার বকলমে রাজ্য রাজনীতিতে তিনি বিজেপির পক্ষে অভূতপূর্বভাবে সক্রিয় হলেও কেন্দ্রবিরোধী দল ও সংগঠনগুলির বক্তব্য শোনা বা স্মারকলিপি গ্রহণে দায়িত্ব পালনে তার আগ্রহ দেখা যায় না। এদিনও তার ব্যতিক্রম দেখা যায়নি।

From Silicon Valley County to Boston resolution and protest against CAA and farm bills

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Kolkata: December 11, was the first anniversary of the passing of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) by the Indian parliament. While many cities of India, including Kolkata, witnessed protest against the controversial bill, protests and resolutions took place even in the United States against CAA and farm bills, and thousands of farmers took to the streets to demand that the Indian government scrap it.

Silicon Valley County Resolution against discriminatory CAA

Alameda County passed a resolution against CAA. The resolution also referred that the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom designated India as “Country of Particular Concern (CPC),” and that the Commission in its 2020 report, said that India was “engaging in and tolerating systematic, ongoing, egregious religious freedom violations.”

“Furthermore, it proclaimed that the Alameda County Board of Supervisors opposes the CAA, the National Population Register (NPR) and the National Register of Citizenship (NRC) in India which together are discriminatory towards Muslims, caste oppressed minorities, women and indigenous people,” the resolution concluded.

This is a significant development as Alameda County is one of the largest counties in Silicon Valley with a population of over 1.6 million. The county is counted as the seventh most populous county in the state and incorporates 14 cities in the San Francisco Bay Area.

Alameda County’s opposition to the discriminatory citizenship provisions of the Indian government comes in the series of stands taken by various cities in the United States. Six city councils – San Francisco, Seattle, Cambridge, Albany, Saint Paul and Hamtramck – opposed the exclusionary citizenship laws and provisions of the Narendra Modi government.

Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC), an advocacy group dedicated to safeguarding India’s pluralist and tolerant ethos has welcomed the resolution passed by Alameda County in the state of California against the draconian CAA and related initiatives such as NRC and the NPR that threaten to disenfranchise millions of Indian Muslims.

Ahsan Khan, the President of Indian American Muslim Council, said, “The resolution passed by Alameda County is consistent with the values of the American and Indian democracies. And hence, I strongly believe that such opposition of various city councils to Indian government’s exclusionary laws should be a model for the incoming Biden administration to follow and uphold.”

Rallies in solidarity with farmers and anti-CAA activists

In Boston also rallies were held in solidarity with farmers and anti-CAA activists

Braving heavy rain and cold weather on December 12th 2020, people from Greater Boston attended a protest in solidarity with farmers and anti-CAA activists. The diversity of backgrounds included Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs, Dalits, and Christians.

Activists from Unions and different progressive organizations also enthusiastically participated in the protest. Bus drivers, doctors, students, artists, cooks, professors, scientists, and engineers spoke at the rally.

The speakers pointed out that the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government has used the pandemic to impose draconian farm laws that will destroy the small and medium farmers while benefiting the large Indian corporations and multinationals.
People chanted slogans and held placards in solidarity with the farmers who have set up an encampment in Delhi. They also recognized the unprecedented and historic nature of the protest, which involves hundreds of thousands of farmers blockading the national highways leading to Delhi. The speakers commended the Indian workers for leading a historic strike and showing full solidarity with the farmers.

Rallies and protests in solidarity with farmers were held in places like Atlanta, Austin, Chicago, Denver, Houston, New York, and Washington, DC on December 12th and 13th, 2020.

The protesters marked the one-year anniversary of the discriminatory and unconstitutional CAA. The speakers also saluted the brave women of Shaheen Bagh who have led the equal citizenship movement against CAA, NRC and NPR. They recognized that after the Covid-19 pandemic is over women will continue to lead the equal citizenship movement.

The Boston South Asian Coalition was the organizer of this protest which was co-sponsored by Ambedkar King Study Circle, Alliance for a Secular and Democratic South Asia, Coalition Against Fascism in India, Free Saibaba Coalition, Hindus for Human Rights, India Civil Watch – International, International Action Center – Boston, Indian American Muslim Council, Party for Socialism and Liberation, and Team Solidarity (Boston).
The attendees raised the following demands:

1. Repeal Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) 2019.
2. Withdraw National Register of Citizens (NRC) and National Population Register (NPR).
3. Release all anti-CAA activists and Political Prisoners, including Bhima Koregaon related 16 prisoners.
4. Arrest all the perpetrators of the Delhi Pogrom.
5. Hold a special session of parliament and repeal all the anti-farmer laws.

Solidarity rally for farmers in Kolkata

While back in India, in poll-bound Bengal, Sikh community members and Bengali as well Hindi-speaking Left activists joined in a rally in solidarity to the ongoing farmers movement at Delhi borders on Monday, December the 14th, at Dunlop Baranagar in north Kolkata. Artists performed colourful cultural programmes saluting the undaunted spirit of the farmers even after almost three weeks long demonstration under the open sky braving the increasingly bitter North Indian cold. Speakers explained the ill-effects of new farm laws both on farmers and urban poor as well as on middle class consumers. They claimed that the new laws have virtually licenced big companies to hoard food-grains including pulses as well as vegetables like onions and potatoes.

It was organised by Baranagar Nagarik Udhyog, a joint citizen initiative.

All-faith march in Kolkata in solidarity to farmers’ demands

Kolkata: As All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee launched it nationwide free toll plaza campaign, in support of their demands for withdrawal of pro-corporate farm laws, Kolkata today witnessed several solidarity rallies organized by different organizations.

All India Ekta Foundation and Good Human Foundation called for an all-faith march from Maula Ali More to Park Circus in central Kolkata.

Solidarity to farmers’ protest

Christian and Buddhist religious figures joined hands with Hindu-Muslim and Sikh community leaders to underline their united support to the ongoing farmer’s movement at Delhi borders. The sane people of all communities should stand by the farmers who have resolved to continue their movement as long as the Centre refuses to rollback, they said. Kolkata has a tradition of all-faith marches, as we have seen during anti-CAA protests in pre-lockdown months.

A good number of women too participated in the march.

The slogans like “Kala Kanoon Wapas Karo, Kisan Tum Sangharsh Karo, Hum Tumharey Sath Hai. Hindu- Muslim Sikh Isaai, Apas Mei Hain Bhai-Bhai,” rented the city air.

Bachchan Singh Saral, a 82-year-old journalist reminded today’s generation about the Indian dependence on food-grain aids from the US and other European countries. Recalling the years of food scarcity and its impact on the poor people, he cautioned against Narendra Modi government’s recent farm laws as these would bring those days back.

“Indian farmer redeemed our country from that shame of foreign doles and made the country largely self sufficient in food-grain production. They toil since early morning when urban middle class people still enjoy the warmth of their bed. Despite facing enormous crisis, a large section of Indian population still depends on agriculture related works. Now this government has brought the laws to ensure the monopoly of big corporates like Ambani and Adanis in agri-produce marketing in the name of removing middleman and mandi corruptions, “Saral said.

He pointed out that the Centre has also changed the act related to essential commodities to allow unlimited hoardings of food-grains including pulses as well as onion and potatoes. “All these moves will hurt not only farmers as but also urban poor and middle class. The current rise in good grains and vegetables prices is already showing the ill-effects of the laws,” he added.

Wali Rahmani, a well-known young activist in his early twenties echoed the veteran. During the pre-lockdown movement of Anti-CAA movement, he had always reminded the friendship of freedom movement martyrs Ashfaqullah Khan and Ramprasad Bismil, the comrades of Bhagat Singh.

“Thirty percent of India’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product) comes from farming sector. The farmers who provide us food are now being forced to suffer the bitter cold under the open sky for 17 days by the Delhi Darbar. it is a shameful thing for the country. After students and doctors, now farmers are protesting against successive decisions of Modi regime. It is a big question that BJP is winning elections despite growing disenchantment?” Wali wondered.

Amid the chants that Kisan Tum Agey Bado, Hum Tumhary Sath Hai and Kisan Andolan Zindabad, eNewsroom talked to one of the organisers, Rafay Siddiqui.

“Farmers have been committing suicides in increasing numbers as they have failed to recover their production costs since last few decades. Now Modi government has added to their miseries by passing the laws which will effectively end the government-controlled Minimum Support Price (MSP) system. This gives a chance to big corporate groups like Adanis and Ambanis to buy agri-produces at their set price. Actually, the prime minister has spent a fortune on his pre-poll branding, thanks to the generous support of his crony capitalists. Now he is paying them back,” Rafay added.