Tagore’s India vs Today’s Reality: How a Kolkata Bus Ride Exposed the Nation’s Cracks

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]oday morning, I boarded a bus from Topsia, a part of East Kolkata, to visit a client’s school in Howrah. It was one of those slow, lumbering buses that faithfully snake through the city’s arteries, stopping at nearly every crossing. The bus was not yet full; the conductor was calling out for passengers and letting people board, as they often do on weekday mornings.

As someone born and raised in Kolkata, I’m no stranger to these scenes. I am a 38-year-old Hindustani-speaking Muslim. My schooling was in a Christian missionary school in Tangra; I completed my legal education, including an LLM, from a state university. I practised in the district courts before moving into legal and educational consultancy. My parents are from Kushinagar in eastern Uttar Pradesh, and my wife comes from an Urdu-speaking family with roots in Munger, Bihar. Ours is a life deeply stitched into the fabric of Kolkata. And that is why what happened next on the bus disturbed me profoundly.

An Urdu-speaking man, perhaps late for work, was visibly agitated. He began berating the conductor, shouting that he was wasting time and that “people like you make the system filthy.” His tone was coarse, his words laced with contempt for those in service roles. The conductor, like most in his position, remained quiet, focused on gathering passengers.

Suddenly, another passenger—a Bengali-speaking man—retorted sharply: “People from outside Bengal have made this place filthy,” he said. “They come here, crowd our neighbourhoods, pay peanuts in rent, and bring down the quality of everything.” He ended his outburst with a slur—bocachoda—an unprintable word that has, regrettably, become far too common in public speech.

I had heard enough.

I turned around and firmly addressed the Urdu-speaking man first: “If you are in such a hurry, take a taxi. Don’t pollute this space with your arrogance. This conductor is doing his job, just as you are trying to do yours.”

Even before I could finish, another man—also Urdu-speaking—joined me. He rebuked the agitator in our shared language, saying, “Don’t embarrass us. Speak with some decency. This is not how we behave in public.”

The man went quiet, though his eyes burned with indignation.

Then I turned to the Bengali gentleman: “Dada, I understand your frustration. But we mustn’t fall into the trap of blaming entire communities for what are, in truth, systemic failures. People from Bihar, UP, Odisha, or elsewhere—many of them have made this city what it is. We must all coexist, or we shall all fall apart.”

A strange silence followed—the kind that suggests people are thinking, not seething.

What troubled me the most was not the isolated anger, but how easily our frustrations split into regional, linguistic, and class-based hate. It reminded me of Rabindranath Tagore’s warning in his 1917 lectures on Nationalism, where he said:

“India has never had a real sense of nationalism. Even though she has been living under foreign https://sis.iuea.ac.ug/ rule for centuries, she could never approach her problem in a spirit of organised political independence… The idea of India is not territorial. It is not even political. It is essentially spiritual.”

Tagore’s words are not an indictment—they are a mirror. They remind us that the soul of this land has always thrived on samanvay—a confluence of identities, languages, and traditions. To allow regionalism to rear its head in our public spaces is to betray that very idea of India.

As someone rooted in multiple cultures—Hindustani by heritage, Urdu-speaking by marital ties, schooled in Christian institutions, and deeply embedded in Kolkata’s ethos—I know that we are far more layered than the reductive labels we so casually throw around.

On that bus, I did not speak as a lawyer, or a Muslim, or a UP-wallah, or a Kolkatan. I spoke as a citizen who believes that the dignity of labour matters, that regional chauvinism is no better than communal hatred, and that we must call out prejudice—no matter the language it is spoken in.

India’s buses, like its streets and its courts, are microcosms of the nation itself. And every time we choose empathy over antagonism, sense over sentiment, and solidarity over spite, we inch closer to the country Tagore once imagined—not one bound by territory or tongue, but one bound by the shared spirit of justice and dignity.

The Weekend Threat to Democracy: Saturday, Sunday ‘Very Dangerous Days’ for Civil Rights Activists– Apoorvanand

Kolkata: “Saturday and Sunday have become very dangerous days for civil rights activists in India,” stated Professor Apoorvanand, a well-known advocate of civil rights, at an event in Kolkata.

He emphasized that the role of the police is to protect the civil rights of every citizen of India, whether they are prisoners, tribals, or Maoists.

“We don’t need to agree with what Maoists do, but they too have civil rights. The meaning of the rule of law is that everyone is equal and their rights should be protected. When we say this, we are told that we are demoralizing the police,” said Apoorvanand through a video message.

A Delhi University professor, Apoorvanand’s academic freedom was curtailed in April when he was barred from speaking in the United States by the Indian government. Speaking at the event titled- Margins to Mainstream: Empowering Bengal Through Civil Rights & Legal Justice., he said,

“If the civil rights of any section of society are violated, we should stand against it—even if it does not directly affect us.”

The conference was organized by the Bengal chapter of APCR (Association for Protection of Civil Rights).

civil rights in India democracy justice activists police judiciary
One of the conveners Sheikh Khurshid Alam delivers speech at the event

He cited two examples: police actions under the guise of Naxal eradication in Bastar and the arrest of Ashoka University professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad.

Referring to the latter case, Apoorvanand began:

“There was nothing wrong with Ali Khan’s social media post. Considering what is happening with Muslims in ‘Hindu Nation’ India (as the professor pointed out, neither the RSS nor BJP hides its Hindu Rashtra intentions), people were surprised to see Colonel Sophia Qureshi along with Foreign Secretary Misri and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh. BJP and RSS do not want to see Muslims in public life in positions of equality. So, while many were surprised, some were even happy. But the Haryana Women’s Commission Chairperson, Ms. Bhatia, did not like the post. And just because it was written by a Muslim and disliked by a Hindu, it was enough to lodge a case—despite the fact that no law was violated.”

He continued,

“In our country, even a rape victim struggles to get her complaint converted into an FIR so quickly. Yet, in this case, an FIR was registered with unusual speed, and Ali Khan was arrested at 6 a.m.”

“It’s a case of ‘process as punishment’, a practice used by the government. Though the court granted relief, it is a form of freedom that comes with a leash—his passport and laptop have been seized,” added Apoorvanand.

Nadeem Khan, All India Convener of APCR, highlighted the organization’s efforts to protect civil rights and the challenges it faces in Bengal.

Well-known city-based social activist Chotan Das, and advocates Muslima Begum Molla and Tarique Quasimuddin also addressed the gathering.
Social activists Manzar Jameel, Azhar Salim, Sheikh Khurshid Alam, and Rafay Siddiqui served as the conveners of the event.

American Democracy Is Retreating—The Streets Must Rise Again, Says US Scholar in Kolkata Talk

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Kolkata: In a stirring lecture that linked Cold War-era organizing to present-day struggles against authoritarianism, Professor Elisabeth Armstrong of Smith College delivered a powerful message: to counter the growing crises of inequality and fear-driven politics, solidarity and grassroots resistance are more essential than ever.

Speaking at Jadavpur University, Armstrong opened with a potent critique of contemporary America under Donald Trump, drawing a direct line from the radical political struggles of the 1970s to the polarized climate of today.

At the heart of her talk was a compelling historical analysis of the Communist Party USA’s grassroots organizing from 1974 to 1982. Rallying under the slogan “People Before Profits,” these movements challenged systemic racism, unchecked corporate power, and the imperialist ambitions of the U.S. military-industrial complex. Armstrong highlighted how Cold War-era repression and virulent anti-communism served to isolate and demonize leftist movements—paralleling modern tactics of political suppression and spectacle-driven governance.

Crucially, Armstrong spotlighted the role of Roy Cohn, the infamous political fixer and mentor to Trump, whose legacy of fear, aggression, and denial has become a blueprint for today’s authoritarian playbook. She argued that this ethos—rooted in a culture of division and deregulation—has left working-class Americans grappling with rising costs, wage stagnation, and an eroding public sphere. “Basic necessities like eggs have surged in price by up to 400% since 2019,” she noted, “a symptom of a deeper crisis of economic precarity.”

american democracy donald trump trumpism us cold war elisabeth armstrong jadavpur university Kolkata
Lessons from Revolutionary Organizing in the Cold War US to Trump 2.0 talk at Jadavpur University

Yet Armstrong’s lecture was far from a tale of despair. She urged a reawakening of collective political consciousness, asking, “What is it to change the political climate?” Drawing inspiration from the anti-Vietnam War protests and today’s pro-Palestine solidarity movements, she celebrated the resurgence of street-level activism—from labor union revivals to grassroots racial justice campaigns. “The streets,” she said, “are once again our democratic forums.”

The lecture, titled “Lessons from Revolutionary Organizing in the Cold War US to Trump 2.0,” was hosted by Perspectives: A Researchers’ Network in collaboration with the Centre for Marxian Studies at Jadavpur University. It drew a vibrant audience of students, academics, and activists eager to connect past struggles to present-day resistance.

Armstrong closed with a call to action: building solidarity across fragmented movements is challenging, but it is the only path forward. In an age of fear and fragmentation, she reminded the audience, unity remains the most radical and necessary act.

The Right to Be Heard: Protests, Power, and the People

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[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n Part 1, we talked about strikes—just one form of protest. But that brings us to a broader question: What really is a protest?

A protest is one of the oldest and most powerful ways people express themselves publicly. When people feel unheard, sidelined, or wronged—when every door seems shut—they take to the streets with placards, slogans, and a flicker of hope. Protest isn’t just about saying no to something; it’s also about saying yes to something better.

Protest vs. Strike

A strike usually involves stopping work to demand justice—often by workers, professionals, or students. A protest, on the other hand, is broader. It can be a march, a dharna, a candlelight vigil, a signature campaign, or even a digital campaign on social media. The goal remains the same: to be heard.

Bengal and the Culture of Protest

Bengal has always had a deep culture of political engagement. From colonial times to the present day, Kolkata has echoed with slogans for justice. Moula Ali, College Street, Jadavpur, Park Circus, the Metro Channel, and of course, the Brigade Parade Ground—these names are more than just locations. For decades, they’ve served as stages of resistance.

At my age, I’ve seen countless bandhs, dharnas, michhils, fiery sloganeering—you name it. One chant—almost a war cry—has always stayed with me: “Lorai, lorai, lorai chai, Lorai kore baachte chai”, a cry that emphasizes the fight for survival.

Protests here are often creative, filled with poetry, songs, street plays, graffiti, and, yes, high-pitched and often fiery speeches full of emotion. They are about rights, identity, and dignity.

Protest on the National Level

Protests played a vital role in India’s independence—be it Satyagraha, the Non-Cooperation Movement, the Salt March, or the Quit India Movement, all were powerful acts of resistance. Most of us weren’t there, but even imagining those moments stirs something deeply patriotic in us. These weren’t mere outbursts—they were organized, principled, and full of purpose.

And even after Independence, protests have continued to shape history:

  1. The JP Movement in the 1970s brought lakhs to the streets, demanding clean politics.
  2. The Narmada Bachao Andolan raised awareness about displacement and environmental justice.
  3. The anti-corruption movement in 2011 led to the creation of the Lokpal and shook the political establishment.
  4. The CAA-NRC protests saw people reading the Constitution in parks and on streets, waving the national flag.
  5. The Farmers’ Protest ultimately led to the repeal of three controversial laws, though at a tragic human cost.

These were not mere complaints. Nor were they anti-national, even though those in power often rush to label dissent that way.

Why Do People Protest?

Why do people leave behind their families, sacrifice days and months of comfort, live in harsh conditions without hygiene, fall sick, and sometimes even risk their lives?

Because silence rarely helps. Waiting endlessly for justice often leads nowhere. So they come out—to create awareness, to demand accountability, to show solidarity, to pressure the powers that be, and above all, to stop injustice.

Most protests aren’t about causing inconvenience. But when systems stop listening, sometimes disruption becomes the only way to be noticed.

Protest Is a Constitutional Right

As mentioned in Part 1, the Constitution gives every citizen the right to peaceful protest. These aren’t favours or permissions—they are rights, core to being Indian.

Still, peaceful protests are often labelled “disturbances” or “security threats,” even when they follow all rules. But the test of democracy is not in how we treat the silent, but in how we treat the loud—yet peaceful.

As long as a protest is non-violent and disciplined, it deserves respect—not demonisation.

Recent Protests in Bengal

Bengal continues to witness strong, mostly peaceful protests that reflect real anger and real hope. The SSC recruitment protest has seen job aspirants and teachers camping on the streets for over two years—through rain, winter, and police pressure. The Park Circus sit-in during the anti-CAA movement saw mothers, students, and ordinary citizens come together in a peaceful, round-the-clock vigil.

Even today, walk through Esplanade or Dharmatala and you’ll find people in peaceful protest—teachers, job-seekers, activists. They’re not just “blocking roads”; they’re demanding their democratic rights. Living under makeshift tents, with barely any hygiene facilities, surviving on modest meals and endless cups of tea served in bhad (earthen cups), shouting themselves hoarse—these people also have families and jobs to return to.

These are not publicity stunts. These are real people, with real fears, holding on to real hope.

When the Streets Fall Silent: What Strikes Say About a Nation’s Soul

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[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen I was growing up in Kolkata during the Left Front days, hearing the words “Kaalke bandh aache” (“Tomorrow, there’s a bandh”) was a regular part of life. And those three words would change everything around us. It was like a switch: schools would shut, buses would vanish, shops would pull down shutters, and the usually busy roads would fall silent. Only slogans or a distant police siren would break that silence.

The political party calling the bandh would be out on the streets enforcing it. Those opposing it would also be visible, sometimes leading to arguments or even clashes. But for us children, it usually meant an unexpected holiday — a chance to play on empty roads.

That was the environment many of us in Bengal grew up with: the culture of hartal, or strike.

What really is a strike?

A strike isn’t about causing a disturbance, nor is it simply about skipping work. A strike is a collective decision — a way for people to stop routine work and raise their voices when something feels deeply wrong or unfair. It is recognised under the Industrial Disputes Act when related to labour or industrial issues, but in the broader social context, it’s a form of public expression. It is a peaceful way of saying: we can’t carry on like this anymore.

Bengal’s History with Strikes

Bengal has seen many kinds of strikes over the decades — led by factory workers, teachers, junior doctors, and political groups. Some were successful, others were symbolic. But behind most of them was the need to be heard.

In recent years:

  • In 2019, junior doctors across Kolkata went on strike after one of their colleagues was brutally attacked. The strike later spread nationwide, raising the issue of safety for medical professionals.
  • In 2023–24, over 42 days of strike were observed by junior doctors across Bengal following the rape and murder of a female trainee doctor in a government hospital.
  • Teachers and job aspirants have been protesting for over two years at Dharmatala against irregularities in SSC recruitment. Hunger strikes, sit-ins, and peaceful protests continue.

These were not disruptions for disruption’s sake. They were expressions of pain, unity, and a demand for justice.

A Look Back at Key Strikes in India

India has seen many important strikes that helped shape our democracy:

  • 1974 Railway Strike – Led by George Fernandes, over 17 lakh railway workers demanded better pay and conditions. It became one of the world’s largest industrial strikes, lasting 20 days.
  • 1982 Bombay Textile Strike – Led by Datta Samant, over 2.5 lakh workers protested for the right to form independent unions.
  • 2001 All-India Bank Strike – About 9 lakh banking sector employees opposed privatization and reforms.
  • 2011 Anna Hazare’s Hunger Strike – His fast in Delhi pushed Parliament to act on the Lokpal Bill.
  • 2020–21 Farmers’ Protest – A peaceful, year-long protest that led to the repeal of the three farm laws.

Each of these moments was about ordinary people standing up for justice and equality.

While Bengal and India have a rich history of strikes, they are not unique to this region. Globally, strikes have been pivotal in securing workers’ rights and social change.

Effect of Strikes on Businesses

Strikes inevitably disrupt productivity, planning, and the broader economy. When there’s a bandh or hartal, shops shut down, transport halts, business losses mount, and financial records reflect the dent. There have even been instances where companies had to shut operations permanently due to prolonged or repeated strikes.

But ignoring injustice comes at a cost too — often a deeper one. When trust breaks down and voices remain unheard, the economy might continue to function, but life becomes mechanical. People lose joy in their work, their eagerness to do better fades, and loyalty and dedication begin to erode.

Although not all strikes succeed in their objectives, they represent society’s way of trying to correct the imbalances in the nation’s balance sheet — not just economically, but morally and emotionally too.

Strikes Are a Part of Democracy

Many people assume a strike is a nuisance or an attack on the system. But actually, a strike is a tool within democracy. It is one of the ways through which ordinary people express disagreement, frustration, or demand accountability.

As Mahatma Gandhi said: “Strikes are an inherent right of the working people to secure justice.”

Yes, strikes disturb normal life. But sometimes, normal life hides deep injustices. And a strike is a way of bringing those hidden issues to light. When normal life gets disrupted during a protest, it’s not always the protesters who must be blamed — the administration has a responsibility too. So even if we don’t fully agree with a strike, we should at least try to understand it, because it’s rarely the first option, and more often the last one left. It is often the final cry of those who have been ignored for far too long.

Strikes and the Constitution

Protests are a democratic right protected by the Constitution of India. The Right to Freedom of Speech and Expression, the Right to Assemble Peacefully, and the Right to Life empower citizens to raise their voices through non-violent means like strikes, dharnas, or marches — as enshrined in Articles 19 and 21.

‘नफरत बेचती है गोदी मीडिया’: चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद ने भाजपा की बांटो-राज करो नीति को दी सीधी चुनौती

कोलकाता: “एक साल में आप देखेंगे कि हम भारत में नफरत भरे भाषणों और नफरत से जुड़े अपराधों का जवाब देने लगे हैं। अभी भी हम दलित (अनुसूचित जातियों) भाइयों को मुसलमानों के खिलाफ दंगों में शामिल होने से रोकने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं। रिपोर्टें बताती हैं कि ऐसे दंगे किसी खास राजनीतिक पार्टी के फायदे के लिए कराए जाते हैं। हमारे कई दलित भाई, जानबूझकर या अनजाने में, इन घटनाओं में शामिल हो जाते हैं, और हम उन्हें इससे अलग करने की कोशिश कर रहे हैं,” ऐसा कहा सांसद और आज़ाद समाज पार्टी के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद ने।

नगीना से सांसद आज़ाद भीम आर्मी के संस्थापक भी हैं, जो एक सामाजिक संगठन है। इस युवा सांसद ने बताया कि वे अपने संगठन का विस्तार करना चाहते हैं और वैचारिक रूप से प्रतिबद्ध लोगों को उसमें जोड़ना चाहते हैं।

उन्होंने कहा, “सबसे पहले हमें समझना होगा कि आम लोगों के बीच समाजिक स्तर पर इतनी नफरत नहीं है। यह नफरत ‘गोदी मीडिया’ ने फैलाई है, ताकि एक खास राजनीतिक पार्टी को फायदा हो। हम जानते हैं कि एक पार्टी हिंदू-मुस्लिम में बांटकर राजनीति करती है।”

उन्होंने आगे कहा, “पहल्गाम हमले के बाद, जब देश आतंकियों से लड़ने की तैयारी कर रहा था, तब कौन था जो देश के लोगों के बीच नफरत फैला रहा था? इसलिए हमें ‘गोदी मीडिया’ और आईटी सेल का मुकाबला करना होगा, और हम इस पर पहले से ही काम कर रहे हैं। ‘ऑपरेशन सिंदूर’ के दौरान कुछ मीडिया चैनल इस्लामाबाद और कराची तक चले गए थे—मैं उन्हें वापस टीवी स्टूडियो ले आया,” आज़ाद ने मुस्कराते हुए कहा।

यह बात उन्होंने शनिवार शाम एसआर फाउंडेशन द्वारा आयोजित एक बैठक में ईन्यूज़रूम के सवाल के जवाब में कही, जब उनसे पार्टी और संगठन की रणनीति को लेकर पूछा गया कि वे नफरत फैलाने वाले भाषणों और अपराधों का बौद्धिक रूप से कैसे जवाब देंगे।

आज़ाद समाज पार्टी चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद गोदी मीडिया कोलकाता भीम आर्मी Bhim Army Chandrashekhar Azad
सांसद चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद कोलकाता में इंटेलेक्चुअल मीट को संबोधित करते हुए | ईन्यूज़रूम

इससे पहले दिन में, आज़ाद ने कोलकाता में आज़ाद समाज पार्टी द्वारा आयोजित ‘भाईचारा’ सम्मेलन में भी हिस्सा लिया।

उन्होंने भारतीय जनता पार्टी की ‘तिरंगा यात्रा’ पर भी सवाल उठाया। “मैंने संसद में पूछा है कि तिरंगा यात्रा का मकसद क्या है, और ‘ऑपरेशन सिंदूर’ का जश्न क्यों मनाया जा रहा है,” उन्होंने कहा।

आज़ाद ने साफ़ किया कि आज़ाद समाज पार्टी अगले साल होने वाले पश्चिम बंगाल विधानसभा चुनाव में हिस्सा लेगी।

मुस्लिम समाज को भी उन्होंने एक सलाह दी, जो उनके अनुसार राजनीतिक पार्टियों से बराबरी नहीं पा सका। “मैंने हज़रत उमर, हज़रत अली और इस्लाम के बारे में बहुत सी किताबें पढ़ी हैं, और पाया कि आज के मुसलमान भी उनकी सीखों को सही से नहीं मानते। इस्लाम बराबरी की बात करता है, लेकिन हम आज़ के दौर में अपने से नीचे तबके को कुचल कर आगे बढ़ना चाहते हैं।”

आखिर में उन्होंने अपने संघर्ष और सफर के बारे में कहा, “इन कठिन हालातों ने हमें बहुत कुछ सिखाया है। इन्हीं हालातों ने मुझे चंद्रशेखर आज़ाद बनाया है। अगर मैं जिंदा रहा, तो दस साल बाद लोग पहले अपने भगवान को याद करेंगे और फिर मेरी सलामती की दुआ करेंगे। ये तो बस शुरुआत है। अभी तो मैं सिर्फ एक सांसद हूं। असली काम तो अब शुरू होगा।”

अधिवक्ता आज़ाद एक किसान परिवार से आते हैं और उनका कोई राजनीतिक परिवारिक बैकग्राउंड नहीं है। “मेरे दादा किसान थे और मेरे पिता शिक्षक,” उन्होंने कहा।

“मुझे राजनीति में आने का इरादा नहीं था। लेकिन मेरे सामाजिक कार्यों के दौरान जो अत्याचार झेलना पड़ा, उसके बाद मुझे चुनाव लड़ना पड़ा,” उन्होंने जोड़ा।

Godi Media Spreads Hate, Not the People: Chandrashekhar Azad Vows to Counter BJP’s Divide-and-Rule

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Kolkata: “In a year, you will see that we will be countering all the hate speeches and hate crimes in India. Even now, we are working to prevent Dalits (Scheduled Castes) from participating in riots against Muslims. Reports suggest that such riots are manufactured to benefit a particular political party. Many Dalit brothers, knowingly or unknowingly, get involved in these incidents, and we are working to disengage them from such activities,” said Chandrashekhar Azad, Member of Parliament and National President of the Azad Samaj Party.

Nagina MP is also the founder of the Bhim Army, a social organization. The young MP mentioned his intention to expand his organization by including ideologically committed individuals.

“First of all, we should understand that there is not much hatred among common people at the social level. This hatred has been largely propagated by ‘Godi Media’ to benefit a particular political party. We know that one party thrives on creating division between Hindus and Muslims,” he said.

“After the Pahalgam attack, when the country was preparing to fight terrorists, who was it that was inciting hatred among the people of this country? That’s why we have to counter ‘Godi Media’ and the IT Cell, and we are already working on that. During Operation Sindoor, some media houses even went inside Islamabad and Karachi—I brought them back to the TV studio,” Azad added with a smile.

He was responding to a question from eNewsroom about his party and organization’s strategy to intellectually counter the ongoing hate speeches and crimes in the country, during a meeting organized by the SR Foundation on Saturday evening.

mp chandrashekhar aazad samaj party bhim army hate Pahalgam attack
Chandrashekhar Aazad being getting a momento by the officials of Bengal chapter of Aazad Samaj Party | Courtesy: X/ Chandra Shekhar Aazad

Earlier in the day, Azad attended a Bhai-Chara (brotherhood) meeting organized by the Azad Samaj Party in Kolkata.

He also questioned the Bharatiya Janata Party’s Tiranga Yatra. “I have already asked in Parliament what the purpose of the Tiranga Yatra is, and why there is a celebration of Operation Sindoor,” he said.

Azad made it clear that the Azad Samaj Party will contest the upcoming West Bengal Assembly elections scheduled for next year.

He has a piece of advice for Muslim community as well, which did not get adequate share by political parties. “I have read Hazrat Umar and Hazrat Ali and several other books, and I find that even many Muslims today do not follow their teachings correctly. Islam promotes equality, but we are trying to crush the lower strata of society to get ahead in life.”

He concluded by reflecting on his personal journey: “These tough times have taught us many things. These times have made me who I am—Chandrashekhar Azad. If I remain alive, after ten years, people will remember their gods and after that pray for my well-being. This is just the beginning. Right now, I am just an MP. The real work of our organization is yet to come.”

Advocate Azad, who hails from a farming family, has no political lineage. “My grandfather was a farmer, and my father was a teacher,” he said.

“I never intended to enter politics. But after facing so much torture during my activism, I had no choice but to contest elections,” he added.

The Last Rebel in the Newsroom: Biswajit Roy and His Lifelong Fight for Uncompromising Journalism

Kolkata: Back in 2021, when the West Bengal Assembly election campaign was at its peak, Biswajit Roy and I had planned to leave early one morning for Nandigram to gauge the mood in the constituency where Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee was contesting. Around 4 a.m., the driver—whom we had arranged privately at a lower fare than a regular cab—called to cancel. I couldn’t find another ride at such an early hour, and the trip to Nandigram had to be shelved.

That day, I learned something lasting about Biswajit Da: how deeply committed he was to ground reporting. He was 61 at the time and not in the best of health, yet he was determined to be where the story was unfolding. After I began working closely with him, I often regretted not having enough resources to support his passion for fieldwork. Earlier in the same election season, we had travelled to Singur and Asansol to report from the ground. We also jointly covered many rallies and protests. He understood our shoestring setup and never complained.

Biswajit Roy had worked with The Telegraph, The Times of India, The Statesman, and Doordarshan. Over time, he also came to appreciate the importance of independent media. Not only did he help build a small network of online news outlets in Bengal, but he personally supported eNewsroom India financially on two occasions.

He seemed to value how independent platforms allowed him to write with depth, without the constraints of word counts or commercial agendas. His analytical reports during the Galwan Valley clash between Indian and Chinese soldiers were widely read and praised for their insight. He was always ahead of the curve, offering perspective rather than just the news.

Over the last four years, Roy had been living in Shantiniketan. There, he continued writing—on politics, culture, and international affairs. He explored Rabindranath Tagore’s views on Palestine, including the profound exchange between Tagore and Albert Einstein on the matter. Earlier this year, he published a book on Gaza in Bangla, launched at the Kolkata Book Fair. At the time of his passing, he was working on another book, focusing on how Indian leaders such as Tagore, Gandhi, and Nehru viewed the Palestine question.

Bengal has long served as a sanctuary for journalists. The state’s intellectual ecosystem has nurtured many who made their mark nationally and globally. But few remained as uncompromising—or as rebellious—as Biswajit Roy. The 65-year-old journalist breathed his last on the morning of May 15 at his Ballygunge residence.

He wrote fluently in both Bangla and English, and even turned to poetry on occasion. “Probably the last rebel in any newsroom in Bengal,” said Supratim Pal, a former colleague from The Telegraph. Fondly known as Madhu Da among his peers, Roy had a journalistic career spanning over four decades. Throughout it, he remained a practitioner of meaningful journalism.

“He was a born revolutionary, always passionate in his beliefs and work,” recalled Deepak Mishra, a senior journalist based in Patna. One of the books he edited, War and Peace in Junglemahal, stirred controversy when a Bombay High Court judge, during the bail plea of human rights defender Vernon Gonsalves, questioned why someone would possess War and Peace. The reference mistakenly associated the title with Roy’s edited volume, sparking outrage on social media over the judge’s ignorance—and the deeper fear of dissenting voices.

I had often heard tales of how Roy raised sharp and uncomfortable questions within newsrooms. I also read his powerful and fearless piece written after being retrenched by The Telegraph. Despite his strong views, he was known for his kindness and humility. “But for juniors, he was very kind and considerate,” recalled Sucheta Chakraborty, who had worked with him at both The Telegraph and eNewsroom.

Dipankar Bhattacharya, General Secretary of CPIML, said, “We lost an uncompromising activist-writer and journalist who always stood for the people and fought for a free press and civil liberties.”

“We worked together many times in fact-finding teams. Such tedious work can only be done by journalists who not only understand their journalistic responsibilities but also have deep social concerns,” said Samirul Islam, the activist-turned-TMC MP. Speaking to eNewsroom, his voice grew heavy as he recalled his bond with the veteran journalist.

Roy is survived by his two sons, Kabir and Kanishk, and his ailing mother. His wife, Debjani—also a journalist—had passed away just 16 months ago.

“Forever a restless mind,” is how senior journalist Sujan Dutta remembered him. Biswajit Da, you dedicated your life to building a better society through journalism. You raised the bar for what journalism could and should be. May your ideals be realised sooner rather than later.

Nobel Dreams and Bayraktar Beams: What the Indo-Pak War Really Sold Us

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he India-Pakistan war after the Pahalgam attack wasn’t just another conflict. It was a laboratory experiment.

South Asia became the guinea pig—a testing ground where global powers trialed their weapons, alliances, and strategies, while ordinary people paid the price with their lives.

Pakistan, reeling from economic collapse, walked away with a $7 billion IMF bailout. Not bad for a nation on the brink—but the war became its bargaining chip.

China didn’t fire a single shot, nor did it need to. Its J-10C “Vigorous Dragon” jets, deployed by Pakistan, made their combat debut. The PL-15 missiles followed—not for defense, but for display. No Chinese soldier moved, no border was touched. But Beijing’s arms catalog got an upgrade, sending a shockwave through many weapon manufacturers. China’s defense exports are now poised to rise.

Turkey’s Bayraktar TB2 drones, flown remotely, were not just war machines—they were live demonstrations. Every strike became an advertisement. The battlefield became an open-air defense expo.

Trump, after failing in Gaza and Ukraine, played peacemaker—pushing for a ceasefire not out of compassion, but to polish his brand and whisper “Nobel” into the global echo chamber. Nobel Peace Prize? Let’s see…

France watched its Rafale jets enter headlines—some glorified, some reportedly downed. But even wreckage tells a story. For the arms lobby, failure is feedback. Damage becomes data. New contracts are born from old smoke.

India responded with Operation Sindoor—a carefully timed military display showcasing layered air defense and retaliation. But the mission didn’t stop in the skies. On the ground, the Tiranga Yatras will begin in days to come. Nationalism will be repackaged, election-ready. In a land where emotions vote, military glory translates into ballot power.

And how can we forget the media? They too reaped the benefits of TRPs, with many advertisers bidding high for prime time slots.

But in all this… who are the real guinea pigs?

The stupid common men, whose blood always spills first, and who, like lab rats, are tested again and again.

Born Here, Thrown Out: Bengali Muslim Families Face Forced Evictions in Kolkata’s Rajabazar

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Kolkata: Tensions are escalating in Kolkata’s Rajabazar after police-led evictions left dozens of families, including many school-going children, homeless and exposed to the elements. Students like Muhammad Farhan, Rosy Khatun, and Ayesha Khatun—who study at Mitra Institution—now struggle to attend classes while living under makeshift roofs, their books and uniforms buried under rubble. Their homes, small huts built along the roadside near 299 Acharya Prafulla Chandra Road, were demolished by Amherst Street Police on May 9, leaving their families without shelter or support.

“This is no way to treat children,” said Shehzadi Bibi, one of the evicted residents. “We are poor, but we tried to educate our kids. Now they are studying on pavements.” Her voice trembled as she pointed to the shattered remains of her home. “This shack was everything. We have nowhere else to go.”

The affected families, all Bengali Muslims, say they have been living in the area for over 50 to 60 years. They allege that the police arrived without notice or legal paperwork, demolished three huts, and warned of legal action if they did not vacate. “These are not illegal encroachments by outsiders,” said Sheikh Rahim, another resident. “We were born here. We have voter cards going back decades. Yet they treat us like we don’t exist.”

The residents include cart-pullers, shoe shop workers, and daily wage earners—people whose incomes barely cover food and education, let alone alternative housing. Despite their hardships, many have enrolled their children in local schools. Now, with their homes razed, even basic schooling hangs in the balance.

Repeated attempts to contact police officials for comment have gone unanswered. Residents also say that their appeals to the local councillor and the MLA of Ward 36 have fallen on deaf ears. “No one has come to speak with us. Not a single official,” said Rahim.

In response, a formal complaint has been submitted to the West Bengal State Minorities Commission. “Save the people of the Bengali Muslim community from persecution and eviction,” the letter pleads. Civic rights group Bhumi (Bhumiputra Unnayan Morcha of India) has condemned the evictions. “These are Indian citizens who’ve lived here for generations,” said Imraz Sheikh, a representative of the group. “If eviction is necessary, where is the rehabilitation plan? Why this cruelty?”

They also informed BHUMI that “women were subjected to lewd stares when they returned after bathing, along with threats of false legal cases being filed in their husbands’ names. Meanwhile, liquor and drug dens were set up near the slum area.”

Some have alleged that outsiders—specifically non-Bengali goons—have established these drug and liquor dens.

However, when residents complained to the police, instead of taking action, the police began evicting them from their decades-old homes.

Ahmed Hasan Imran, Chairman of the West Bengal State Minorities Commission, confirmed receipt of the complaint. “I shall be forwarding the same to the concerned authorities and Nabanna so that they get State intervention in their plight on humanitarian grounds,” he said. He added that Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee is known for her humane approach, and he hopes suitable alternatives will be arranged.

The episode has reignited a larger debate about the rights of long-established slum communities in rapidly urbanising cities like Kolkata. Critics argue that unchecked eviction drives in the name of development are displacing vulnerable populations without due process or rehabilitation. For the families of Rajabazar, the issue is not just legal—it’s existential.

“Where do we go now?” asked Shehzadi Bibi. “We didn’t ask for palaces. We just want our children to be safe, to study, and to live with dignity.”