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تاریخ فراموش نہیں کی جاتی

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ایودھیا میں متبادل مجوزہ مسجد میں ایک ایسا عجائب گھر بنانے کی ضرورت ہے جس میں روز اول سے ابتک بابری مسجد کی شہادت کی پوری سچّی تاریخ محفوظ کی جائے۔فرنگیوں سے لے کر کانگریس تک یکے بعد دیگرے بننے والی حکومتوں اور  ترقی پسند اتحاد اور قومی جمہوری محاذ  اور بی جے پی تک جو گندی، ریا کارانہ سیاست کا کھیل کھیلا گیاوہ بھی محفوظ کیا جائے اور یہ بھی ریکارڈ کیا جائے کہ  بابری مسجد کی مسماری کےبعد کس طرح ملک میں کثرت پسند فسطائی طاقتوں کو عروج ملا اور کیسے  مابعد شہادت گجرات، اتر پردیش، مہا راشٹر، بہار اور بقیہ ہندوستان میں مسلمانوں کی نسل کشی کے واقعات ہوئے اور ملک بھر میں مسلمانوں کے خلاف دہشت کا بازار گرم کیا گیا۔ اس کا بھی بیان ہو کہ عدالت  نے اکثر یتی فرقہ  کی اجتماعی ضد کی تسکین کی غرض سے انصاف کی پامالی کا ارتکاب کیا۔ یہ بھی بتایا جائے کہ نام نہاد آزاد فکر شہری معاشرہ نے کیسی پتھریلی خاموشی سے یہ سب کچھ ہوتے دیکھا۔

یہ عجائب گھر بناتے وقت یاد رکھا جائے کہ جیسے یہودیوں نے  ہولوکاسٹ کے بعد اوش وز میوزیم بنایا اسی طرح ہمیں بھی میوزیم بنانے کی ضرورت ہے۔ ہمیں ان دلالوں کی بات نہیں سنّی جو دیدہ و دانستہ چیزوں کی طرف سے غفلت برت کر انہیں مسلم فرقہ کے اجتماعی حافظہ سے مٹا دینے کیلئے اس پر سہل پسندانہ زور دے رہے ہیں کہ جو ہوا سو ہوا، ماضی کا قیدی بنے رہنے میں عقلمندی نہیں ، ہمیں آگے کی طرف دیکھنا چاہئے۔

جی درست ہمیں آگے بڑھنا چاہیے، یہ لازمی ہے لیکن اس کا مطلب قطعی یہ نہیں کہ ہم اپنی تاریخ مکمل فراموش کر دیں۔ اسرائیل وقت کے لپیٹے میں تھم نہیں گیا لیکن یہودیوں نے سینکڑوں فلموں، ڈراموں، افسانوں، ناولوں اور یادداشتوں میں اپنے ادب، ثقافت اور آرٹ میں اپنے اُوپر ہونے والے مظالم کی چھوٹی سے چھوٹی تفصیل درج کرتے ہوئے اسے یقینی بنایا کہ ظلم اور ناانصافی کی ایک چھوٹی سی چھوٹی واردات بھی چھوٹ نہ جائے اور ہر تفصیل آنے والی تمام نسلوں تک پہنچتی رہے۔ آپ تصور کریں، این فرینک کی ڈائری  اب 70 سے 80سال گزر جانے کے بعد بھی ہندوستان سمیت پوری دنیا  میں آسکولی بچوں کے نصاب میں جا گزین  ہے۔

یاد رکھیں جو فرقہ اپنی تاریخ کو بھولنے اور ترک کرنے کے رجحان میں مبتلا ہو وہ اسی تاریخ کی زد میں آنے کے خطرہ سے دو چار رہتا ہے  اور ایسا ہو تو زیادہ بڑا المیہ رونما ہوتا ہے۔

اس لئے میں یہ مطالبہ کرتا ہوں کہ اس مجوزہ مسجد کی اراضی پر اور جو کچھ بنانے کا منصوبہ ہے، بنایا جائے مگر مظالم کی تاریخ کا میوزیم بھی تیار کیا جائے

Bhopal Gas Leak survivors have particular reason to remember Motilal Vora

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Motilal Vora who died on December 21, a day after he had turned 93, had a humanitarian quality not so common among the political class. Survivors of the 1984 Bhopal Gas Leak Disaster have a particular reason to remember him. According to the late Abdul Jabbar, Convener of Bhopal Gas Peedith Mahila Udyog Sangathan (BGPMUS), Vora, as Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, had shown a genuine concern for the gas-affected people; he would go to their dingy places to see their conditions for himself, sometimes in bad weather, and talk to them about their problems and needs. No other Chief Minister had done that. In fact, those who succeeded him as Chief Minister undid what Vora had done or wanted to do to lessen the suffering of the survivors.

Jabbar, for instance, gave credit to Vora for starting the stitching centres for providing employment to the gas affected women. Over 3000 women, incapable of doing any hard work, were happily engaged in this remunerative activity, forgetting their handicap. Quite congenial atmosphere prevailed in those stitching centres. However, the dismantling of the project started when Sunderlal Patwa of BJP became Chief Minister in 1990 and the process of winding up was completed by Digvijaya Singh’s Congress government which took office in 1993.

Through Vora’s efforts, some Centrally funded projects for economic rehabilitation of the gas disaster survivors were started during his period. The most important of these was a “special industrial area” which envisaged setting up of small and medium scale industrial units over a 21-hectare piece of land. The industrialists were to be invited for setting up their units, which would not require heavy labour. The electronics industry and the diamond cutting industry were identified, to begin with, as suited to the requirement. It was announced at the time that 10,000 gas-affected persons would get direct employment in the units to be started in the first phase. Even construction work had started. But his successor Sunderlal Patwa abandoned the project and allotted the sheds, already constructed, to the Central paramilitary forces for housing their units.

Starting from humble beginnings, Vora was handpicked by Indira Gandhi for replacement of Ramgopal Tiwari as the PCC chief on the eve of the 1985 Assembly elections. Rajiv Gandhi, who succeeded his mother after the latter’s’ assassination, was so much impressed by Vora’s hard work during the elections that Vora became a natural choice for the Chief Ministership after Arjun Singh was shifted to Punjab as Governor within 24 hours of his having been sworn in. Arjun Singh, who had opposed the party ticket to Vora in 1980, had not only included Vora into his cabinet but had also to accept him as the Chief Minister in 1985.

Vora, however, did not have the requisite support in the party and could never really come to his own. He had to tread cautiously, as a bureaucrat who had worked with him remarked. Vora’s pious intentions and his lack of confidence were illustrated by two incidents. One related to Bharat Bhavan. Arjun Singh had made himself and his cronies’ life trustees of this multi-arts complex. Vora did not think it was good in a democratic set-up. He made the noting in the file to the effect that the structure of Bharat Bhavan should be changed. But he himself failed to act. (The structure was later changed by Sunderlal Patwa).

The second relates to his second term when he had replaced Arjun Singh who was forced to step down following adverse remarks against him in the High Court judgement on the Churhat lottery scam. Vora included in the terms of reference of the proposed Commission of Inquiry the construction of (Arjun Singh’s) Kerva mansion also. Later on he withdrew that part of notification, but leaving sufficient evidence in the files about his real intentions.

A journalist, who had seen Vora’s political career from close quarters, was impressed by Vora’s concern for the underprivileged. He once accompanied Vora and some high officials on the eight-seater State plane to Shahdol. Looking at the condition of the airstrip there, the pilot declared that the plane would be able to take off with not more than four passengers. Vora himself made the selection and one of the passengers on the plane was a peon while the senior civil and police officers were asked to make their own arrangement for return to Bhopal.

Not just a meal, Kolkatans fast for eight hours in solidarity with farmers

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Kolkata: On Kisan Diwas, Kolkatans expressed their solidarity with the protesting farmers demanding repeal of the new farm laws by not just skipping a meal but by skipping it for eight hours at a stretch.

Farmers across India and especially at the Singhu border had called upon people to skip a meal to express their solidarity with the protesting farmers on December 23rd, the Kisan Diwas.

In Kolkata people as young as 15 to 80 year-old senior citizens attended the day-long fast at Ladies Park in central Kolkata and sat there from 9 am till 5 pm on Wednesday.

Significantly, seventy five percent of the participants were young girls and students. Most of the participants did not even drink water to show their solidarity with the protesting farmers.

The protest fast was organised by Centre For Peace & Progress and Purple Foundation

Trust deficit between farmers and government

The Chairman of Center for Peace & Progress, Om Prakash Shah, told eNewsroom, “Students, professors, homemakers and people from my age group, all participated.”

On being asked how significant this ongoing farmers’ protest is for the common man of the country and for the future of India, the Chairman said, “If farmers have to protest and it gets longer because the government continues to ignore their concerns then it is not in the interest of the country. It is important that the PM take the initiative to resolve the issue now.”

kisan diwas skip a meal fast farmers kisan farm laws bills
In Ranchi too, people skipped their meals in solidarity of farmers : Courtesy: Vinod Kumar/FB

Shah, who has organized several peace dialogues between India and Pakistan, further elaborated, “There is total trust deficit. Farmers believe that what the government is doing, they are not doing for their welfare. Farmers are questioning the government for passing the Bills in a hurry. They are questioning the government for not talking to them, the stakeholders. They are concerned why the government did not take the opposition into confidence and why they rejected the demand to send the Bills to the Select Committee. When you wish to bring about fundamental changes, you should talk to stakeholders. But the Bills got passed by voice votes and not by actual voting.”

“Supreme Court also asked the Solicitor General whether the three laws could be kept in abeyance but SG replied that he could not say anything without talking to the government. After that nothing was stated,” he further added.

The veteran activist warned the government, “Longer this protest gets in this chilly winter, more hardened the feelings of the protesting farmers will be against the government. Already several deaths have taken place. It is not a happy situation.”

How will skipping a meal help the farmers’ movement?

Social activist Ujjaini Halim, who has just recovered from Covid-19, too skipped her lunch in solidarity with the protesting farmers.

“I believe in the farmers’ movement and if farmers are in distress then it is a distress for the entire population. Knowing that those who feed us are going hungry and fighting for their rights I too skipped my meal.”

She added, “People asked me how skipping a meal will help farmers’ movement? My answer is, the farmers’ movement is integral to the Right to Life and by extension Right to Food. And Right to Food does not mean only supply of the food but extends to the people who grow that food. People without whom there can be no food. Right to Life and Food is a Fundamental Right. No government can deny its citizens their Fundamental Rights. The Indian government has to abide by the Constitution of India. The government has to ensure that the Fundamental Right is upheld. To express this fact of law and in solidarity, I skipped my meal.”

Jharhand too observed fast and sit-in

Expressing their solidarity with the protest farmers, people sat at iconic Gandhi Statue at Morahabadi Ground in Ranchi between 11 am to 3 pm. Besides them, people at Jamshedpur and Giridih too skipped a meal on the call of farmers.

Angry over installation of Arun Jaitley’s bust, Bishan Singh Bedi quits DDCA membership

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New Delhi: Exhibiting a rare streak of courage that has been shown any Indian sportsman, former Indian cricketer Bishan Singh Bedi expressed anguish over the installation of an statue at the Firoze Shah Kotla ground. In protest he has asked the Delhi District Cricket Association (DDCA) to remove his name from a stand named after him.

The legendary left arm spinner also quit the membership of DDCA on the issue.

In a strong worded letter mailed on Tuesday night to the president of DDCA, Rohan Jaitley, son of Arun Jaitley, the left hand spinner not only alleged that during the tenure of Jaitely senior, not only did corruption flourish in Kotla, but also that DDCA didnt understand the Universal cricket culture.

Significantly, BJP which takes a morally high stand on nepotism in politics, has so far found nothing wrong in Jaitley junior, being the president of DDCA or the son installing his father’s statue as legacy. Bedi’s letter also highlights nepotism in the cricketing world.

For eNewsroom readers, we are sharing below the letter as it is.

Dear Sir,

I write this letter with a heavy heart & deep sense of embarrassment. I’m old enough to know that one doesn’t talk ill of the dead. And I hope you are also old enough to be in the know of my personal relationship with Late Arun Jaitley was never quite on the same page.

Let’s say we weren’t really cricketing buddies when he was the President of DDCA. My reservations about the choice of people he hand picked to run the day to day affairs of DDCA is well known. I remember walking out from a meeting at his residence whence he was unable to throw out a rowdy element using terribly foul language. I think I was too head strong, too Old school, & too proud an Indian cricketer to be co-opted into the corrupt darbar of sycophants Arun Jaitley mustered at the Kotla during his stewardship. It pains me no end to point out the far from flattering facts about DDCA’s unsavoury past, but trust me it has a context. I was not raised to carry on the fight to the next generation. But I was also taught that if I firmly believe in taking a stand I must stick with it. But sadly this is how it has unfolded. Keep in mind, these are the ills of nepotism-you get blamed for decisions you weren’t part of and you can’t even give the excuse of absence. As I observe now even in your leadership DDCA’s court culture of fawning obeisance continues.

After the Feroze Shah Kotla was named hurriedly & most undeservingly after Late Arun Jaitley my reaction then was maybe somehow good sense might prevail to keep Kotla sacrosanct. How wrong I was.

Now I gather a statue of Late Arun Jaitley is going to be installed at the Kotla. I’m not at all enamoured with the thought of a statue of Arun Jaitley coming up at Kotla. I pride myself as a man of immense tolerance & patience.. but all that I’m afraid is running out. DDCA has truly tested me & forced me to take this drastic action. So, Mr President I request you to remove my name from the stand named after me with immediate effect. Also, I hereby renounce my DDCA membership.

I’ve taken this decision with sufficient deliberations. I’m not prone to disregard the honour that was bestowed upon me. My gratitude to Justice Sen & the Committee of M/s Dr ND Puri, Dr Ravi Chaturvedi, Vijay Lokapally, & Neeru Bhatia, all people of social & professional eminence, who extended the warm gesture to Mohinder Amarnath & myself, will never fade. But as we all know with honour comes responsibility. They feted me for the total respect & integrity with which I played the game. And now I’m returning the honour just to assure them all that four decades after my retirement, I still retain those values.

A mere Google search would have helped to know that Late Arun Jaitley’s tenure at DDCA was riddled with corruption. You being a lawyer should also know the cases of massive misappropriation of funds are still pending in courts. Late Arun Jaitley I’m told was an able politician. So its the Parliament & not a cricket stadium which needs to remember him for posterity. He might have been a good cricket fan too, but his dillance with cricket administration was dubious & left much to desired. This is not a rhetorical assessment but a factual appraisal of his time at DDCA. Take my word, failures don’t need to be celebrated with plaques & busts. They need to be forgotten.

Mr President, if ever you get to travel to the cricket stadiums around the world you will find how aesthetically challenged Kotla is and how it lacks the grandeur of a Test Centre. You need to be educated that sports administrators don’t need to be self serving. People who surround you presently will never inform you that it’s WG Grace at Lord’s, Sir Jack Hobbs at the Oval, Sir Donald Bradman at the SCG, Sir Garfield Sobers at Barbados & Shane Warne of recent vintage at the MCG, who adorn their cricket stadiam with the Spirit of Cricket never out of place.. so when the kids walk into these stadiums these majestic statues or busts enhance & enliven the inspiring stories of these past heroes that their elders tell them. Sporting arenas need sporting role models. The place of the administrators is in their glass cabins.

Since DDCA doesn’t understand this Universal cricket culture, I need to walk out of it. I can’t be part of a stadium which has got its priorities so grossly wrong & where administrators get precedence over the cricketers. Please bring down my name from the stand with immediate effect.

You needn’t worry about me or my legacy. God Almighty has been very kind to me to keep me alive with my cricketing convictions. I don’t wish my strength of character to be maligned by my silence or association to this unsporting act.

Modi’s farm laws will mean death of fair price shops

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An inevitable consequence of Modi’s farm laws will be the gradual death of public distribution system (PDS). Through PDS, an estimated 75 crore people, belonging to the economically weaker sections, are provided essential commodities such as wheat, rice, sugar and kerosene through a network of about five lakh fair price shops across the country. This is, or rather was, done by the Central and State governments from the stocks they replenished periodically under the provisions of the Essential Commodities Act 1955. This Act now stands repealed.

The Act of 1955 provides that the Central government is responsible for procurement, storage and transportation of food grains and other commodities like kerosene to the State. It is the State’s duty to ensure distribution of the commodities to the eligible consumers through fair price shops. Besides, the State has the responsibility to identify the beneficiary families, issue ration cards and also to set up fair price shops and monitor their proper functioning.

The Act went beyond helping the economically weaker sections through subsidised food grains and other essential commodities. It empowered the Central government to regulate or prohibit the production, supply, distribution and trade of any commodity “for maintaining or increasing supplies of any essential commodity or for securing their equitable distribution and availability at fair prices, or for securing any essential commodity for the defence of India or the efficient conduct of military operations”.

More significantly, the government had the power to direct the grower to ‘sell the whole or a specified part of the quantity held in stock or produced or received by him’ to the ‘Central Government or a State Government or to an officer or agent of such Government or to a Corporation owned or controlled by such Government’. This helped the Central and State governments to replenish their stocks. The procurement was done by the Central government through Food Corporation of India (FCI) and by a State government through its Department of Food and Civil Supplies. As the bulk of produce was purchased by the government agencies, farmers were sure to get minimum support price (MSP) announced by the government.

Under Modi’s three farm laws, this has become part of history. Now it is between farmer and businessmen. Both the farmers and consumer are now at the mercy of businessman. If the businessmen join hands, for instance, and decide on a price for a certain produce, the farmer will become helpless. Similarly, if half a dozen big businessmen form a cartel (which Modi’s new Acts allow) and corner the entire production of wheat in MP, Rajasthan, UP, Gujarat, Haryana and Punjab, the consumers will be at their mercy as to when they bring the commodity to the market for sale, in which quantity and at what price. This has happened during the 1980 Lok Sabha elections in case of onion which was not then covered by the Act of 1955.

Tussle over Tagore between Amit Shah and Mamata Banerjee ahead of assembly polls in Bengal

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Kolkata: Poll-bound Bengal today witnessed a political tussle over Tagore between Narendra Modi’s second-in-command Amit Shah and state chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s party. It was the second act of the day’s Tamasha as the prime minister visited Guru dwara Rakab Gunj Sahib in Delhi. He paid obeisance to the martyred Sikh Guru Teg Bahadur while forcing Sikh and Jat farmers to suffer the bitter cold under the open sky for three weeks for being stubborn on their demands for withdrawal of pro-corporate farm laws.

Had the poet cum philosopher been alive today, he would have left Shantiniketan in Bolpur, his second home and Karam Bhoomi, which still hosts his Visva Bharati, now a central university in sheer disgust. Shah, a hardcore RSS appratchik turned BJP leader is poles apart from Rabindranath Tagore’s ideas on pluralist Bengali and Indian culture, his vision about our syncretic civilizational ethos and mission for universal brotherhood. For that matter, Shah is far off from the worldview of the best known Gujrati, M K Gandhi who met Tagore at Bolpur and forged a bond despite their many differences. 

Nevertheless, the shrewd politician tried his best to appropriate Bengal’s best icon by virtually kicking off BJP’s poll campaign in Tagore’s Karam Bhoomi while using every photo optics in places steeped in the poet’s memories. He visited Visva Bharati campus, spoke of the Nobel laureate’s contribution in Indian freedom struggle and culture and Gandhi-Tagore meeting.

Shah also enjoyed Bengali dishes at the home of a Baul singer in the company of Bengal BJP honchos. It is another matter that the household as well as the campus were sanitised from all protesters including students, teachers and other troublesome fellows. Even the movement of the host family members were restricted by the VVIP’s security minders.

However, despite ban on any protest in and around the campus by the university authority, a group of students and activists raised slogans and waved black flag during Shah’s visit there.

The poet was instrumental in popularising the tradition of Baul-Fakirs, the rural bards of Hindu-Muslim mixed faith and part of the pan-Indian Bhakti movement, mainly by lower castes poor. The party and its Parivar which strive on rabid religious polarization, Brahminical social order and denial of Dalit identity are no takers of the sentiments of these early Indian seculars and libtards.

Rabindranath tagore amit shah mamata banerjee bengal tmc bjp
In against of Amit Shah picture putting above Rabindranath Tagore by BJP, TMC leaders protested in front of Tagore’s ancestral house in Jorasanko

Nevertheless, the cultural symbolism is part of political strategies. So Shah in his latest visit since Saturday continued to pay tribute to Tagore, Swami Vivekananda, Ishwar Chandra Vidya sagar and other Bengali icons and praised Bengali Asmita or identity-based pride. The coinage was first heard in Gujarat polls after 2002 communal pogrom under the watch of Modi-Shah duo. 

He had pressing reasons to play up Bengali sentiments as Mamata and her party, Trinamool Congress, has been harping on cultural identity while calling BJP a party of outsiders, essentially north Indian. Bengal’s Hindu thinkers and mainstream politicians have largely conflated Bengali and Indian nationalism in terms of liberal Hinduism and modernist universalism, a far cry from the creed of reigning Hindutva forces. 

The state BJP, despite having a bunch of feuding Bengali leaders, is still run by Delhi minders and the party is yet to find a suitable boy as a chief ministerial material. Nonetheless, Shah took pains to insist that Mamata would be challenged by a ‘son of the soil’.

During and after his impressive road-show, Shah trained his gun on Mamata’s Parivarbad, an allusion to her nephew Avishek whose control over the TMC has triggered defection of some party MLAs to BJP. More defectors are to follow along with their comrades from the lefts and Congress, he thundered. Corruption and political violence by Mamata’s men were other two major charges that he harped on. But he did not forget his signature tune: war on ‘Ghuspetia’ s or infiltrators from Bangladesh, an euphemism for Muslims. 

However, Shah was cryptic on the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment Act that has promised to induct Hindus and others from neighboring countries but barred Muslims. “The law will be in vogue after the rules are rolled out,” he said without further elaboration. The BJP needs to dangle this carrot before the electorally important Matuas and other Hindu scheduled caste latecomers from Bangladesh before the assembly polls. 

But it is a double-edged sword for the saffron party as the majority groups in Assam and other north-eastern states are doggedly opposing CAA. They fear it will regularize Bengali Hindus now excluded from the controversial Assam NRC that has made more than 19 lakhs people virtually stateless, mostly Bengali settlers for generations. TMC is hoping to counter the CAA bait with the further exclusion of Bengali, Hindus and Muslims under the National Register for Citizenship proposed by Modi-Shah regime.

In Kolkata, Trinamool Congress leaders staged a counter show at Tagore’s ancestral home in Jorasanko. Senior TMC leaders upped their ante against the saffron camp. Maintaining that BJP has insulted Tagore by printing his photo below Amit Shah during his campaign,they said that the ‘outsiders’ did not care about the respect that the icon had deserved.

The BJP Flex hoardings, with a photo of Shah on the top and image of Tagore in the middle and that of BJP leader Anupam Hazra underneath appeared in parts of Shantiniketan. Taking a potshot at the saffron camp, Panchayat Minister Subrata Mukherjee alleged that BJP’s poster has belittled the stature of Rabindranath Tagore. “Let the people of Bengal know that those who are ignorant of Rabindranath have come to occupy Bengal. They know nothing about Bengal and Bengali culture,” Mukherjee quipped.

36-9: Depressing present, ominous future

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“Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship,” said BR Ambedkar. As we reel under the weight of India’s ignominious Adelaide defeat, it is worth exploring what bhakti leads to in team sport.

One could say comparing sports to politics is unfair as sports are more like the performing arts, thriving on the pleasure of the spectators, and that pleasure often comes from the performance of an individual. True. But the art form team sport most resembles is drama — live and performed by a team of individuals, not editable like films if you make a mistake. And a play cannot be successful unless even the best actor in the team follows the plan. Even a Shakespearean tragedy can make a theatre full of people laugh if an actor as legendary as Sir Laurence Olivier decides to act the way he likes, disregarding co-actors, or the lighting, or the dialogues. It is the same for team sport (unless you are Diego Maradona, in which case everyone else is a prop), only difference being here nobody knows what happens in the end. Any such enterprise involving so many human beings inevitably involves a lot of politics. Theatre groups have come apart because of internal politics, so have sporting teams. But we are talking about much more. When the enterprise has grown into a billion-dollar industry like Indian cricket, it cannot but be influenced by macro-politics, too, because it is part of macroeconomics.

Ramachandra Guha has already spoken out on how the Board of Control for Cricket in India is actually being run by the country’s ruling dispensation. Cricketers, journalists, analysts, even discerning fans understood much of it anyway because there is hardly any attempt to hide it. Hence, we are now aware of the hold national politics has on the administration of cricket. What we are perhaps not realizing is the impact of our politics on people directly involved with the action on the field.

To quote Sanjay Manjrekar, “It’s important to not look at 36 in isolation but at 165, 191, 242, 124, 244, and then at it. These are team totals in their last three Tests (two in New Zealand) when the ball moved. This is all India could muster, and they lost all three. So, 36 as a low score may be an aberration, but of late India have been incompetent as a batting unit when the ball has swung or seamed.” The string becomes longer if you count India’s totals on their last tour of England in 2018, where the team lost the series 1-4. It reads: 274, 162, 107, 130, 329, 352/7 declared, 273, 184, 292, 345. Just three 300-plus totals in ten innings. If we go back to the 2017-18 series in South Africa, where India could only win the dead rubber, the totals are: 209, 135, 307, 151, 187, 247. One 300-plus total in six innings. All this is technical information, but one needs to ask “why”. Why no improvement in the ability to play the moving ball despite this string of low totals? The answer is arrogant denial — typical of Team India’s management as well as the country’s management.

One can only rectify a mistake after admitting it. But Ravi Shastri and Virat Kohli never admitted there was a problem. The huge wins in between against the West Indies, Sri Lanka, South Africa et al in calmer conditions, and the historic victory on their last tour Down Under helped in brushing the flaws under the carpet. After losing the five-Test series 1-4 in England, Shastri, instead of owning up to failure on two consecutive big foreign tours, remarked, “If you look at the last three years, we have won nine matches overseas and three series… I can’t see any other Indian team in the last 15-20 years that has had the same run in such a short time, and you have had some great players playing in those series.” He was conveniently forgetting India’s series wins in England and the West Indies in 2007; the 2008-09 win in New Zealand, apart from the heroic performances in England and Australia in 2002, 2003-04, 2007-08. He was also papering over the fact that his team’s overseas wins include teams which are hardly competitive today. It reminds one of the government’s convenient tweaking of methodology for calculating GDP to make the emaciated economy look robust. A journalist asked Kohli whether that tag suits his side. He hit back “What do you think?” When the journalist said he was not sure, the visibly angry captain said, “That’s your opinion.” The nonchalance in calling inconvenient truth just an opinion stunned many but not all, because we were already living in a country where economic distress due to demonetization was just an opinion as the ruling party had won elections even after that.

Kohli’s support for demonetization was overt, not covert. It is natural for him then to think truth is owned by the powerful, rest is an ignorable opinion. That approach may win elections but does not win matches. However, denying facts is acceptable as it is the age of post truth. So much so that after a disaster like 36-9, a captain can say “You can make a lot of team plans but in such important (pressure) situations the individuals have to keep the correct mindset…” Mindset is alright but not a word about repeated collective technical failure!

Who cares? Most will forget this Saturday, even this series, as soon as some T20 matches are won. Those who don’t, should remember what Kohli told somebody in 2018, when he said he likes English and Australian batsmen more than Indians. “I don’t think you should live in India then… you should go and live somewhere else no. Why are you living in our country and loving other countries?”

Fair enough. It has long been said that the captaincy of the Indian cricket team is the toughest job in India after the Prime Minister’s job. Don’t we ask people finding faults with our PM to go to Pakistan? If that kind of hero worship is fine in politics, it should be fine in cricket. One can neither question the PM, nor the cricket captain and/or coach. They are always right. Even when the team delivers the worst batting performance in our Test history.

This is where bhakti in cricket has brought us. To be fair to Kohli and Shastri, we have always been a country of hero-worshipers. We would not have called Sachin Tendulkar the god of cricket otherwise, but at least he had the sense to understand the game is still bigger than him. It would be a tragedy if the much-loved Indian cricket team were to suffer one shameful defeat after another because of the brazenness cricketers are picking up from contemporary Indian politics. In the last few years, Team India cricketers have shown more interest in getting disliked commentators removed than removing chinks in their own armour.

It would be an even bigger tragedy if Kohli, destined for cricketing greatness, loses the plot inebriated with power. By the time he hangs up his boots, representing the new India will cease to mean anything as it shall be old. Politicians have machinery and machinations to create history. Kohli only has his bat.

Shah thunders against Mamata’s Parivarbad but inducts babalogs and tainted turncoats of TMC

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Midnapore/Kolkata: Union home minister and BJP number two Amit Shah, today bagged ten Bengal MLAs in his kitty, seven from Mamata Banerjee’s TMC and two from the Lefts as well as one from the Congress. A TMC MP has also changed the side. Mamata suffered the biggest jolt ahead of assembly polls in the state as her former cabinet minister and influential young leader, Suvendu Adhikari was the key catch for Shah in his bid to oust Bengal’s big sis from power.

Clash of political ambition with Mamata’s nephew Abhisek, her de facto heir apparent and a TMC MP as well as misgivings against the ‘high-handedness’ of the party’s hired poll manager Prashant Kishor who was once Narendra Modi and Nitish Kumar’s poll strategist apparently triggered these defections. Shah and Suvendu thundered against the Parivarbad or Bua-Bhatija Raj of Bengali variety at BJP rally in Midnapore on Saturday.

But the irony of double standards remains unmistakable. ‘The party with a difference’ has no qualms in welcoming Adhikari whose father as well as brothers are either TMC MPs or MLA. The family even manages local municipalities East Midnapore district, a decade-long fiefdom. Earlier, Shah-led BJP had inducted Mamata’s former second in command, Mukul Roy and former Kolkata mayor, Shovon Chatterjee, despite both being targeted under Narada-Sarada scam by the CBI and ED. More defections are likely to follow from the TMC as the BJP is are dangling both carrots and sticks to Mamata’s men who are facing corruption and other charges.

Left-Congress combine, now reduced to a distant third position at the hustings, are gleeful over Mamata’s discomfiture reminding that she had done the same kind of ruthless poaching into their ranks earlier. But many in Bengal’s left-liberal civil society and minority community members feel that all these traditional rivals are only paving ways for their own doom by making room for Shah, the reigning master of defections and horse-trading in Indian politics.

Busy in defending their own stables from Shah and his men, neither TMC nor other anti-BJP parties have undertaken the rural campaigns against the new farm laws despite announcing such moves. This has helped BJP to harvest the fruits of its powerful propaganda.

Shanti Dutta Majhi, a farmer said that he has heard that the bill is not against the farmers and it is just being hyped by the opposition. “People are saying that the bill is perfect and the opposition is making ruckus over it for political gains. The farmers of Haryana are rich in comparison to what we are. They are just staging drama. All I know and see is the PM Modi is with us”.

BJP is also playing up the anti-incumbency sentiments over the denial of benefits under government schemes to supporters of rival parties even rival factions of the ruling party, a long time menace in Bengal.

I am told that the BJP government has started giving subsidies of 6000 rupees to farmers. But due to Mamata Banerjee we are not receiving them,” stated Majhi.

Recalling the days when he used to spend nights under a tarpaulin with his family, Gobindo Purohit said that he now hopes to get a permanent roof under Pradhan Mantri Abhash Yojana.

“The TMC Supremo before coming to power promised several things but was of no avail, ” said Purohit. He alleged that the middlemen of the TMC demanded ‘cut money’ to get their problems solved and even to reach the right quarter money was charged.

However, Kolpona, an aged lady claimed that she was given money and food to attend the rally with her family and relatives.

“I come from a very poor family. Getting two meals and a few hundred for coming and attending the rally is a good deal,” said Kolpona. She was ,however, cynical about Shah’s comment that the ‘BJP will build Shonar Bangla’, “No government does good for anyone. I am hearing these fake promises since childhood.

A family member of Kolpona, (who refused to name) thinks that the poaching before the election is common.“If the BJP thinks TMC is bad, why are they inducting their leaders? We are just played upon and after election Bangla will be as it is,” said the relative of Kolpona.

Battle for Bengal heats up, so the resistance of anti-BJP protesters

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Kolkata: Amit Shah will never know Ganesh Rajbhar or Rahiman Bibi.

Nevertheless, when the BJP’s Chanakya and union home minister netted a school of fishes out of Mamata Banerjee’s troubled water ahead of Bengal polls at a big rally in Midnapore today, the teenager son of a rickshaw-puller and the middle-aged domestic help joined a much smaller protest march against him and his boss, Narendra Modi in Kolkata.

Both the participants were visibly enthusiastic in responding to slogans like ”Dangabaz Amit Shah Bangla Theke Hat Uthao (Riot-monger Amit Shah, Hands off Bengal), Krisak Mara Krisi Aain Batil Koro (repeal the anti-farmer farm laws), CAA-NRC-NPR Manchi Na Manbo Na (we do not accept the CAA-NRC-NPR). The rally was organised by No NRC Movement, an umbrella body of some left oriented civil society groups.

anti-nrc amit shah tmc kolkata BJP
Ganesh Rajbhar

Ganesh, a student of class six, insisted that he joined such rallies because he is opposed to religious divides among his friends and communities in Kamarhati, a mixed population working class neighborhood in the city’s north suburb. “Our families have been staying here for long and I have Muslim friends. We speak both Bengali and Hindi. Now my Muslim friends are afraid that they will be driven out as Bangladeshi. If I can meet Modi, I would request him to stop this divisive politics. Hindu-Muslim-Sikh-Isai must stay together,. There is no need for NRC,” the boy said.

Rahiman Bibi and her neighbors like Golapjan Haldar, Jahanara Bibi, Sophia Begum– all domestic help are facing double existential threats for being the poorest of the poor and minority. “Sometimes, we begged on streets during the lockdown period as flat- baris (middle class apartments) denied entry to domestic helps. Our bustee landlords are threatening to evict us as we failed to pay rent. On the top of all fears is the threat to kick us out of Bengal as Bangladeshi just because we are Muslims. But we are no less Indian than Modi-Shah. This is our ancestral home too,” Rahmani said.

All the women in their mid-fifties were furious with the BJP regime under Modi-Shah. “Both are shameless and heartless. They could not provide us food and shelter while compelling our husbands and sons to come back home during the lockdown. Now they are forcing farmers to accept the farm laws. They are ruining the lives and livelihood of the poor like us,” Golapjan added.

anti-nrc amit shah tmc kolkata BJP
Rahiman Bibi

All of them were scared of talking as this correspondent asked their names and places. “We know there are reporters who talk to us sympathetically but write against us,” Saphia Bibi remarked. “Come what may, we won’t allow NRC to happen in Bengal”, was their common refrain.

The students and middle class participants in the rally carried posters and festoons linking successive legal and administrative moves by the Centre. These included the CAA-NRC-NPR, sweeping reforms in labor laws and farm laws as well as electricity bills and environment related rules in addition to arrests of social activists across the ideological spectrum under anti-terror laws. They raised slogans — Arr korbo na dhan chas, dekhbo sala ki khas (we won’t grow paddy anymore, let us see what these rascals will eat, dharmo noy, bhat de (we want food, not religion), and somosto raj bandir nishorto mukti chai (we demand unconditional release of all the political prisoners).

“All these laws are pro-corporate and anti-poor. They are trying to divide Hindus and Muslims in the name of divisive citizenship laws and Love Jihad while wooing Dalits and Adivasis not to join the growing mass protests. Now they are calling Sikh farmers as Khalistani and Pakistani agents or Maoists as they have demanded the release of leading activists of people’s movements. But farmers have not fallen prey to the Sangh Parivar provocations,” Malay Tewari, one of them, said.

Alluding to Amit Shah’s Midnapore rally, Biplab Bhattacharya, one of the organisers cautioned against the increasing dangers of communal and casteist polarisation in poll-bound Bengal. The rally ended with the burning of effigies of Modi and Shah.

However, some of the participants felt unhappy over the poor turnout in the rally, in contrast to the massive one held last year under the same banner. This is more a reflection of the divisions within the assorted anti-BJP forces in Bengal than the general public mood, they felt. “Unless we stop nitpicking over our mutual differences and pull up our socks ASAP, we will pay a heavy price in the coming months,” a veteran observed.

BJP moves from communal to inhuman politics, say farm bills protestors

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Kolkata: Showing solidarity with the protesting farmers, Soukat Beriwala chose to march from Raja Bazar to Moulali, demanding for the farm bills to be repealed. Beriwala, son of a farmer, maintained that the bills aim not just at looting the farmers but also the common man, and hence urged everyone to be firm and not support the BJP-led central government on the implementation of these ‘inhuman bills’.

“BJP was testing water with CAA and NRC last winter. This year they have the farm bills. This government knows only how to put the common in a difficult situation. They are neither working for the benefit of the people nor are they worried about our problems. Rice and pulses are a staple diet for the poor and ironically they are no longer part of essential commodities,” stated a rather agitated Beriwala.

The march, organised under the banner of United Forum for National Integrity (UFNI), witnessed over hundreds of people march in solidarity with the protesting farmers from Raja Bazar to Moula Ali. They had a single demand – withdrawal of the farm bills that the Narendra Modi led BJP government is trying to implement.

Chanting slogans against the BJP government for bringing ‘inhuman bills’ one after the other, the forum urged the people of West Bengal to show solidarity with the protesting farmers stationed at the Delhi Haryana border.

Hansu Khan, a farmer from Bengad, had to give up his cultivable land during the Left Front government said that both the BJP and Left Front government are just the different sides of a coin.

“I was forced to give up my cultivable land for setting up the Nano car factory by Tata. The price I was offered was way too less than the actual price. I was also threatened by the then Left Front government to not oppose them. Now, BJP is as foul as the CPI (M) was. They are trying to take away the basic rights of the people – the right to live and eat in India. The saffron camp thinks they can do anything with money power,” said Khan while walking with other participants of the rally.

Talking about the ‘inhuman tendency’ of the BJP government, Sohaib, a retail shop owner maintained that he many a time felt like committing suicide as for him no matter what the BJP government will carry on with their ‘inhuman activities’.

“They (BJP) have power and nothing can turn them down. From communal politics now they are playing inhuman politics. Had they been standing by the Hindus that they claim then at least for the Hindus they would have done something good. But they have done nothing good either for Hindus or people of other religions. Building a temple can fool some of the people but the lower and working class will not be mesmerized by temple or mosque. I feel like ending my life as nothing can be changed so easily,” cried Sohaib.

It is pertinent to mention that Raja Bazaar, during the anti-CAA movement had its own ‘Shireen Bagh’ to register their constant protest against CAA and NRC that the BJP government is wanting to implement.

Echoing the same Muftar Ahmed, spokesperson of United Forum For National Integrity said if needed this forum would stage continuous demonstrations until the BJP government withdraws the three new farm bills.