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United India Under Fire: Pahalgam Bloodshed and the Dangerous Politics of Hate

Vidya Bhushan Rawat
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United India Under Fire: Pahalgam Bloodshed and the Dangerous Politics of Hate

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he massacre of tourists in Pahalgam must be unequivocally condemned, but our response should go beyond outrage. This attack has multiple ramifications, precisely what the terrorists and their cross-border handlers intended. The idea of a composite and united India has always posed a challenge to those who justified the partition of the country under various pretexts. There is no doubt that terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir cannot be sustained without the active support of Pakistan’s military leadership and religious political parties, for whom such acts serve as a convenient way to collect chanda (donations) across regions.

How we address this issue must be handled with diplomatic wisdom—not through rhetorical challenges or divisive politics at home.

The BJP and its leaders must understand that the call for a united India is not mere rhetoric—it is a fundamental necessity for building national strength. This is not the time for blame games or reinforcing ideological positions. What we are witnessing is an attack on India by Pakistan-supported terrorist outfits. The challenge lies in isolating and eliminating them, a goal that cannot be achieved through vote-bank politics or by appeasing bhakts (fanatical supporters).

The key is not to fall into their trap, even as we strengthen security at the borders and across the country. Jammu and Kashmir was returning to normalcy, and tourists had started visiting the region again. Once tourism and business thrive, many of the region’s problems would dissipate—something the terrorists are desperate to prevent. Their goal is to keep the state under permanent military presence so they can push the narrative of “Islam khatre mein hai” and justify their calls for jihad.

The ruling party must refrain from using this tragic incident to stoke anti-Muslim sentiments across the country. This is not a Hindu-Muslim issue, but a war being waged against India by terror groups based in Pakistan. These terrorists cannot survive without the support of Pakistan’s military establishment and religious leaders who remain driven by the unfinished, religion-based partition agenda.

Other questions—such as whether President’s Rule is better or whether the army should be given more powers—are technical in nature. What we must remember is that Pakistan wants Kashmir to remain in chaos and under military control so it can continue its propaganda about India violating Kashmiri rights. A democratically elected government bringing stability and normalcy to Jammu and Kashmir is the last thing Pakistan wants, as it directly undermines their narrative. Therefore, those calling for President’s Rule should avoid making such misguided demands.

Our condolences and solidarity are with the families and loved ones of all the innocent tourists slaughtered by barbarians in Pahalgam. Let us stay united and vigilant in this critical hour and defeat the designs of terrorists who seek to further their hateful agenda through bloodshed and division.

A $200 Billion Saudi Waqf, a $50 Billion Harvard Fund—And India Wants to Dismantle Its Own with Waqf Act 2025

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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A $200 Billion Saudi Waqf, a $50 Billion Harvard Fund—And India Wants to Dismantle Its Own with Waqf Act 2025

Kolkata: The Waqf Act 2025 will not only result in a loss of land for Muslims but also disrupt services provided to non-Muslims, claimed Ahmed Wali Faisal Rahmani, Ameer-e-Shariat, Imarat Shariah.

Presenting a report titled The Implications and the Way Forward as the Waqf Act 2025 Gets Implemented, Rahmani said, “Not only will it take away lands donated by Muslims for the benefit of mankind, but it will also halt the services that non-Muslims have been availing.”

Waqf, a Muslim religious endowment, is considered an ibadat (act of worship) in Islam and was first regulated by law in India in 1864. Today, over nine lakh acres of land are registered under Waqf, although observers believe the actual extent is ten times higher.

In his 90-minute-long report, Rahmani highlighted the numerous benefits provided by Waqf. “There are science colleges, B.Ed colleges, medical colleges, hospitals, clinics, educational trusts, madrasas, and orphanages that run on Waqf land. Muslims make up only 15 percent of India’s population. In Bihar alone, there are medical and B.Ed colleges where 85 to 98 percent of students are non-Muslims,” he said.

He added that Muslims are also facing significant losses due to the disturbance, decontrol, and demolition of mosques, madrasas, and graveyards (kabristans).

Rahmani recalled a time when Waqf offered comprehensive support—from the cradle to the grave. “When a child was born in a Waqf hospital, and if the mother died, Waqf would pay the nanny who took care of the orphan. When the child was of school-going age, they would be admitted to madrasas run under Awqaf. Students also received stipends. If they fell ill, they were treated at Waqf-run clinics and hospitals. In many cases, Awqaf institutions even helped them find jobs. Finally, upon death, they were buried in Waqf land.”

Amid the ongoing hearings on the Waqf Act 2025 in Supreme Court and “threats” from BJP MPs, Rahmani, a former IT professional, argued that the Waqf Act 1995 was amended based on propaganda and fake narratives against Awqaf properties. He warned that the amendments would negatively affect the education of thousands of students from marginalised communities.

He sought to debunk three common pieces of misinformation against Waqf:

  1. “There is no Waqf system in Muslim countries”
    Rahmani said, “There may not be Waqf Boards, but there are ministries—known as the Ministries of Awqaf—in countries like Turkey, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, and even Palestine. These ministries handle education, book printing, and mosque administration. You’ll be surprised to know that in Turkey, more than two-thirds of the land is still under Waqf. The largest endowment fund in the world today is in Saudi Arabia—the Al Haramain Waqf—valued at over $200 billion.”
  2.  “Wherever the Waqf Board points its finger, land comes under its control”
    “This is false,” he said. “To Waqf a property, 14 documents must be submitted. Government officials then verify the details with relevant departments. If no objections are raised within one year, it comes under Waqf. Even after that, a person can challenge it in the tribunal, and further appeal to the High Court and Supreme Court if necessary.”
  3. “Women have no role or benefit in the Waqf system”
    Rahmani said, “Historically, women have been among the biggest Waqf donors. In Gaya district, several hundred acres were donated by a woman. Another woman donated 250 bighas of land. Women have always been both donors and beneficiaries of Waqf.”

He also rejected the claim that Waqf is the third-largest landholder in India after the Railways and the Army. “Even three Hindu temples in Odisha own more land than Waqf properties,” he noted.

On the allegation that Waqf properties lack documentation, he clarified, “There is documentation—it is called Waqfiah. It contains details about the donor’s intentions, the appointed mutawalli (caretaker), and other specifics. The deterioration in documentation has only happened in the last 150 years.”

Rahmani warned that one of the most profound impacts of the Waqf Act 2025 would be that people would now have to buy land for burial grounds.

“By destroying the Waqf system, it’s not just about taking away land from Muslims—this is an erasure of the history of Muslim religious endowments and a blow to shared civilisational values. There was a time when Dalits, denied access to water elsewhere, drank from Waqf wells,” he concluded.

The programme, “Waqf Act 2025: A Direct Threat to Indian Muslims,” was organized by young educator and Umeed Global School founder Wali Rahmani, along with Rafay Siddiqui and Mohammad Nooruddin of the Good Human Foundation. Several speakers participated, including Maulana Shafique Qasmi, Maulana Shabbir Alam, Dr Neelam Ghazala, and Uzma Alam.

धार्मिक आज़ादी पर मोदी सरकार का हमला: वक्फ संशोधन कानून संविधान, इतिहास और न्याय के खिलाफ़- झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा

Shahnawaz Akhtar
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धार्मिक आज़ादी पर मोदी सरकार का हमला: वक्फ संशोधन कानून संविधान, इतिहास और न्याय के खिलाफ़- झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा

Censor Board’s Double Standards on Phule: Protecting Propaganda, Silencing Revolution

Vidya Bhushan Rawat
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Censor Board’s Double Standards on Phule: Protecting Propaganda, Silencing Revolution

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he film Phule, about Jyotiba Phule and Savitri Mai Phule, was expected to be released today. However, it is now scheduled for the last week of April due to protests by the Brahmins and the changes forced by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) or Censor Board, which has been thoroughly discredited at the moment.

I do not closely follow what happens in the tinsel world, particularly when anything is planned about a historical figure. I am always cautious, and I have found that, most of the time, our filmmakers show deep disrespect for historical facts and create their own. Bombay cinema today has become the backbone of the Hindutva grand narrative-building exercise, which has emerged from WhatsApp gossip.

The shameless Censor Board, which passes disgraceful and distorted films like The Kashmir Files, The Kerala Story, and even propaganda films about Indira Gandhi without much scrutiny or questioning, is now asking the makers of Phule to remove certain sentences.

The Censor Board members are highly ‘offended’ by the ‘anti-Brahmin’ sentiments in the film. Jyotiba Phule was a revolutionary whose work went beyond merely critiquing Brahmanism; he provided an alternative to India’s most corrupt and racist ideology. The Satyashodhak Samaj was a movement that offered modern values as an alternative. Anyone who has read about the lives of Jyotiba and Savitri Mai would vouch for the fact that they were among the most extraordinary couples in India. There are very few like them.

The contempt and humiliation that Savitri Mai faced at the hands of the Peshwai Brahmins are well documented. It is well known that a Brahmanical caste order was strictly enforced in two of the erstwhile Princely states of India: one was Peshwai in and around Pune, and the other was the Travancore Kingdom, where Dalit women were not allowed to cover the upper part of their bodies.

It is not surprising that the Brahmanical elite feels offended by Phule on screen. They have used their privileges to control the narrative, but now Ambedkarites have come of age and are challenging them. With more and more Dalit-Bahujan intellectuals and filmmakers picking up the issue and making documentaries and films, the prohibition is vanishing, and hence this issue has arisen. Those who have read the works of Phule, Ambedkar, and Periyar know well that they critique the Brahmanical system but never harbor hatred for any individual Brahmin. It is important to understand that distinction. Phule started his first school for girls, particularly for Brahmin widows, as he knew well that the largest number of widows—or child widows—came from the Brahmin community.

The Phule couple were extraordinary individuals who lived their lives in alignment with the mission they believed in. They adopted a son, born to a widowed mother. To protect that woman from harassment and harm, Phule gave the child his name, and later, that person—named Yashwant Rao—carried forward his parents’ legacy and served the people till the end of his life. Phule’s actions were anything but ordinary, and all of us, whether Brahmin or non-Brahmin, should emulate the path of Satyashodhak as shown by him. He was an organic intellectual, and his work impacted the lives of India’s Bahujan Samaj.

A good film about Jyotiba Phule and Savitri Mai Phule will inspire the youth of India if they learn to look beyond their jaatis and false pride.

The Censor Board cannot dictate terms, and its false sense of Brahmanical pride must be called out. The makers of the film should speak to political executives and, if necessary, take the matter to court. If they win, it could be a pivotal moment. They must not allow the Censor Board to bully them and should consider approaching the court.

It is shameful that the film Phule has been delayed for the wrong reasons due to this partisan approach. The Supreme Court must step in and speak up.

Critiquing the Brahmanical system is an integral part of India’s historical journey—from Brahmanism to Humanism, which then forms part of our Constitution. The values of Phule, Ambedkar, and Periyar represent modernity, rationality, and humanism. Let us celebrate their lives so that our younger generation understands their struggles and benefits from their ideas.

A big revolutionary salute to Jyotiba Phule and Savitri Mai Phule.

From Saffron to Star of David: Decoding the Disturbing Signals of Bengal’s Ram Navami

Nousheen Baba Khan
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From Saffron to Star of David: Decoding the Disturbing Signals of Bengal’s Ram Navami

[dropcap]A[/dropcap] recent article by Jawhar Sircar, the former Rajya Sabha member and IAS officer, published in The Wire, argued that communal riots in India, particularly during Ram Navami, are no longer spontaneous but strategically planned, funded, and carried out with impunity. He traces the roots of this phenomenon to historical events, beginning with the 1980s Ram Janmabhoomi movement, and even earlier, to the Rath Yatra of LK Advani and Doordarshan’s Ramayan in 1987. Supporting his arguments with multiple anecdotes, he stressed that Bengal, with no traditional Ram Navami celebration, has been forcibly introduced to armed processions post-2017. These efforts aimed to create religious polarisation where none existed, especially after the BJP’s electoral failures in 2014 and 2016.

Sircar’s argument can be vividly mirrored and substantiated by the recent Ram Navami procession at the Barrackpore Lok Sabha constituency in the district of North 24 Parganas. Once an industrial hub, it has become a flashpoint of communal tension in recent years, particularly after Arjun Singh, a former Trinamool Congress (TMC) leader who turned BJP strongman, emerged as a key figure. Known for muscle power and riot-mongering, Arjun Singh has instrumentalised Ram Navami as a show of Hindu assertion.

On April 7th, on the side of B.T. Road in Titagarh, part of the larger Barrackpore constituency, the Ram Navami procession passed by. It had all the hallmarks of celebration: saffron flags fluttering, devotional music, young men in festive attire, and rhythmic chants of “Jai Shri Ram.” It was fervent, visible, and emotionally charged. The atmosphere was intense, but not necessarily violent. Yet something about it felt unignorable. What we witnessed, needless to elaborate, spoke more through the silences between chants than through the decibels of the loudspeakers.

Now, moving slightly north to the Bhatpara constituency, after coming across a recent police complaint and a few viral social media posts, tensions simmered again in the Kankinara area — not just due to the events, but also due to the pattern.

Ram Navami, like many other festivals in India, is not the domain of any one political party. As a religious celebration, anyone can participate, and Hindu leaders from different political backgrounds often do. But festivals have not remained untouched by political currents.

As Irfan Ali Engineer argued while discussing Holi, religious festivals are increasingly being weaponised for communal polarisation. Though his critique was not Bengal-specific, the underlying mechanism is mirrored in multiple geographies. In his view, it’s not the faith or the festival that causes division, but the deliberate repurposing of these public rituals into performative shows of dominance, often at the cost of inter-community harmony.

Engineer’s framework, though rooted in the context of Holi, resonates powerfully with recent developments in West Bengal, especially the Ram Navami processions that, over the years, have undergone a clear shift in tone—from devotional celebration to political signalling.

Take, for instance, the Ram Navami procession in the Barrackpore Lok Sabha constituency where two prominent political figures, Somnath Shyam, MLA of Jagatdal, and Arjun Singh, MP of Barrackpore constituency, joined in as part of the larger religious event. Their presence per se isn’t contentious—or not—is a debate. Ram Navami, after all, is a religious celebration, open to participation across party lines. What is disturbing was the incident that started from the Mazdoor Bhawan, BJP party office located at Meghnamore, Jagatdal, where a group of young men emerged not with saffron flags alone, but waving Israeli flags.

This display wasn’t just unusual. When wearing a keffiyeh—a cultural symbol—can get you detained in Ontario, Canada, flaunting the Israeli flag in a religious procession is a matter of honour for the complicit.

As Arjun Singh reached Kankinara, he was seen holding the Israeli flag, which he also acknowledged in video footage. While this act may be defended under the guise of symbolic solidarity, its implications—especially in a communally sensitive area like Barrackpore—are deeply troubling.

The justification that Arjun Singh offers for carrying the Israeli flag is that Israel is a “friend of India.”

But what kind of friendship are we endorsing—military? Ideological? Selective solidarity?
Can a religious festival be used to endorse a foreign state’s political agenda?
Is it really about religion anymore, or has it become a performance of power?

His repeated invocation of the term “Jihadi” in the same footage further sharpens the edge of this symbolic aggression. It is not merely political rhetoric; it is a deliberate dog whistle, designed to otherise and vilify the Muslim community. When leaders equate Muslims or dissenters with “jihadis” (remember Corona Jihad instigated by the same Arjun Singh during lockdown), that underlines the message that Muslims are threats, outsiders, or enemies. In such a context, waving the Israeli flag—which, in the present geopolitical moment, carries significant communal overtones—serves as a calculated provocation.

One might say, those who casually use “jihadis” to describe Muslims find natural comfort in waving the flag of a state currently associated with military aggression, war crimes, and genocide. Such gestures are not about faith; they are about power, polarisation, and political gains—or a premise for the upcoming 2026 Assembly elections in Bengal.

This is not just conjecture. In Barrackpore, residents take immense pride in their shared heritage. A vivid example is the Karbala Grounds located in areas like Titagarh and Kankinara, among others. Here, during Muharram, Hindus and Muslims have historically participated with equal devotion. In such a context, when two individuals allegedly flared a saffron flag marked Bhagwa on the Kankinara Karbala ground, it was seen as an incitement to communal tension. The response from the locals was immediate and unified—they gathered at the Bhatpara police station, demanding the arrest of the men responsible.

But the question remains: should the leaders not be held to a higher standard in volatile times? When festivals become political theatres, and peace becomes performative, what are we left with?

The question isn’t whether festivals should be celebrated. They must be, and vibrantly so. The concern is how, where, and to what end. If faith is the core, then coexistence must be its soul. But if political signalling is the driver, then even joy can be laced with intimidation.

As Irfan Engineer and Sircar both point out, “Communalism doesn’t erupt overnight. It simmers in silence, builds through symbols, and bursts forth through orchestrated rituals.”

Many of us are boycotting global brands like PepsiCo, Unilever, Nestlé, P&G, and McDonald’s—brands that either operate in or support Israel. Lists are shared widely. Indian alternatives are being explored, including Reliance products. But has Reliance spoken out against what’s happening in Palestine?

No.
Have they supported Israel openly?
Not officially.
But has silence become the new alignment with power?
More often than not, yes.

This is why it hurts even more when the same political forces waving Israeli flags here claim to be caretakers of Indian Hindus.

Because how can they speak for those when Hindus across India are speaking for Palestine and resisting Israel?
How can they hijack symbols of devotion to serve a divisive narrative?

Even the platform you are reading this on—what it promotes, what it censors—it shapes our thinking too.

Why were Israeli flags carried during Ram Navami in Kankinara?

What message does it send to both Muslims and Hindus in Bengal who have always co-participated in their shared rituals?
What exactly are we being trained to cheer for?
Is consumer activism enough, or are we also responsible for the narratives we normalize?
Because this is not just about chips, shampoo, or boycotts.
We are not just choosing what to consume.
We are choosing what to fund.
And, crucially—what to remain silent about.

But there’s more.
A few days ago, the RTI activist Jiten Nand of the No NRC Movement (Metiabruz) said something that echoed louder than ever.
We were trying to figure out a way—any way—to send relief to Gaza.
I reminded him of the political climate, how dissent is being strangled, and how the state machinery is being used to monitor, harass, and arrest people for caring too loudly.
And then he said something, and I am sharing that with you:

“Let the transaction happen in my name. It will be transparent, it will be accountable. And even if I am arrested, I won’t mind. Because if I don’t stand with Gaza now, in any form, I won’t be able to forgive myself.”

That sentence is a reminder:
That neutrality is not safe. It’s surrender.
That silence is not peace. It’s compliance.
And that sometimes, choosing to act is the only way to live with ourselves.

I’m not telling you what to boycott or whom to vote for.
I’m asking you: Can we afford to look away when we smell what’s cooking in the garb of religion right before elections—and how genocide continues, even after public outrage around the world?
Can we still claim innocence when symbols of culture and devotion are turned into tools of hate?

From Waqf to Churches to Adivasi Lands: Who’s Safe in BJP’s India?

ScribeShah
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From Waqf to Churches to Adivasi Lands: Who’s Safe in BJP’s India?

[dropcap]P[/dropcap]arliament recently passed the Waqf Amendment Bill, calling it the ‘Unified Waqf Management, Empowerment, Efficiency and Development Act, 1995, UMMID,’ in short. In the wake of the LoP, Rahul Gandhi stated that after this, the religious properties of other communities will be targeted. He was on the dot, as immediately after the passage of the bill, the RSS mouthpiece Organiser published an article about the property of the Catholic Church. Though it immediately withdrew the article, the message was loud and clear.

One Jharkhand minister expressed her anguish that similarly RSS-BJP will target the Adivasi properties. Who will be in the line next? During the debate on the bill the non-BJP NDA allies like Nitish Kumar, Chandrababu Naidu, Chirag Paswan and Jayant Singh Choudhary also fell in line with the BJP and betrayed the Muslim community in the worst possible way. Had they any principles of pluralism they could very well stopped the bill from passing. As Pastor Martin Noemollers classic anguish shows the methods of Fascists is to target one group at a time with the help of others and then be and by crush the other communities. The case of Catholic Bishops is also in line with the same they have enthusiastically supported the Waqf Amendment bill, but tragically they may be the next targets. They are a strange group, deeply infested by Islamophobia and so in a shortsighted manner are supporting the communal strategies.

Waqf is a property donated by Muslims (even others can donate) for religious purposes. India has a vast property which comes under this provision. While claims are that Waqf is the third largest property owner in the country as such, Hindu trusts and temples have much more property. The present amendments in the Waqf are totally dictated by the Hindu nationalist agenda to diminish the control of Muslims in the Waqf Board.

The control of Hindu temples and trusts is exclusively in the hands of Hindus. Now Waqf, in contrast, will have non-Muslims on the Board and the district collector will be the main authority in issues related to ownership of the property. The contrast between the ownership of Hindu trusts and Waqf is partisan and the Government is determined to undermine the authority of Muslims in these matters.

The minority minister Kiran Rijuju, in his speech introducing the bill, said that the bill is being aimed at bettering the condition of poor Muslims. Waqf as such is for religious and social purposes. Poverty alleviation is the job of the Government, and this government in particular has washed its hands in this direction. Be it Muslims or Hindus or poor from other communities all Government policies are directed to serve the big Corporate.

If his logic is correct why not begin with the majority Hindu community? Our Hindu temples and trusts have astronomical wealth which can nurture many educational institutions, and health facilities and support employment generation. Why is this Government, guided by the RSS agenda of the Hindu nation, not undertaking the task of ensuring that temple trust properties are used to help poor farmers, unemployed youth and other marginalized sections of society?

Kiran Rijuju claimed that many poor Muslims have thanked him for undertaking this! Good joke! Thousands of Muslim organizations have registered their opposition to this Amendment which the BJP is imposing on the country to reduce the power of the Muslim community. It is a warped argument that many poor Muslims have urged him to implement.

As far as democratic and secular values are concerned BJP cares the least about it. Its visible tears for the plight of Muslims in India will shame the Crocodiles. It is Muslims who have been the worst victims of BJP’s coming to power in the centre. They are being beaten for offering Namaz on roads, being targeted for eating beef, being boycotted in Hindu Festivals or on the pretext of Corona Jihad or spitting jihad among others. Despite the counter instructions from the Supreme Court the states are using bulldozers against Muslim properties.

Mr Modi put the Constitution on his forehead as a mark of respect. It was in the backdrop of campaigning for the 2024 general elections when the INDIA coalition was carrying the Constitution as the major symbol of its campaign. For BJP Constitution is a mere showpiece. In Uttar Pradesh, anyone opposing the Waqf bill will have to give a bond of RS 2 Lakhs, so much for our democratic freedoms in this regime!

The Waqf Amendment Bill violates the Indian Constitution in letter and spirit. P Chidambaram summarizes it well “…Courts have recognized a waqf that was created by a non-Muslim, and examples are many. Further, under the existing law, a waqf is, by and large, independent and autonomous. The highest regulatory body in a State is the Board of Waqfs which consists of members who are all Muslims and the Chief Executive Officer is required to be a Muslim. The Board in exercise of its powers is required to “act in conformity with the directions of the waqf, the purposes of the waqf and any usage or custom of the waqf. The only body that has adjudicatory jurisdiction over waqf(s) is a Tribunal which is a judicial body presided over by a District Judge.”

The bill introduced by the BJP stands its spirit on the head and smashes its original purpose. This is one more step to intimidate and disempowered the Muslims. The question of corruption in the matters of Waqf is a serious matter. The Anna-Kejriwal campaign for Jan Lokpal has demonstrated that such methods don’t work. What can remove the corruption from the body politic of our institutions by making them more transparent and democratic? This applies not only to Waqf but also to most of the religious organizations controlling wealth and land.

The jumping in of Organiser with the article on Catholic prosperities reminds us that those supporting the assault on the Muslim community should not be under the illusion that they can save themselves by supporting the attacks on other minorities.

While protests among the Muslim community are picking up all those believing in democratic and plural values need to support these, and stand in solid unity with them. The turncoats, those for power and pelf for their selfish interests stand exposed and hopefully, the countrymen will rise up in the forthcoming elections and other campaigns to show them their place in the dustbin of our History. 

The Great Iftar Deception: How Politicians Feast While Muslims Suffer

Kamruzzaman Choudhury
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The Great Iftar Deception: How Politicians Feast While Muslims Suffer

[dropcap]A[/dropcap]s the holy month of Ramadan arrives, political parties and leaders begin organizing grand Iftar parties one after another. At first glance, these events may seem like gestures of solidarity toward Muslims. However, in reality, they are nothing more than political strategies where the real issues of Muslims remain unaddressed.

Political parties attempt to project themselves as well-wishers of the Muslim community by hosting these gatherings. Yet, in practice, they keep Muslim leaders away from mainstream politics, fail to introduce policy reforms for their upliftment, and continue treating them merely as a vote bank.

The Reality Behind the Mask of Iftar Parties

Like every year, various political parties and leaders will once again host lavish Iftar events attended by celebrities, businessmen, and religious figures. But the crucial question remains: Do these parties bring any real change to the lives of Muslims?

  • Are there concrete plans for the educational advancement of Muslims?
  • Are efforts being made to create employment opportunities and reduce unemployment?
  • Are tangible steps being taken to maintain communal harmony?

If the answer is ‘No,’ it is evident that these Iftar parties are nothing but political spectacles.

political iftar parties ramadan muslims leadership sonia gandhi akhilesh yadav
On March Sonia Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav and Jaya Bachchan attended IUML’s iftar party | Courtesy: ANI Photo

The Double Standards in Dealing with Muslim Leaders

Political parties maintain a hypocritical stance when it comes to Muslim leadership. On one hand, they organize grand Iftar parties to showcase their so-called inclusivity. On the other, they deliberately sideline Muslim leaders from key decision-making roles. The political isolation of Muslims has become a serious concern, with parties preferring to engage with Muslims only as voters rather than as stakeholders in governance.

This marginalization is not accidental—it is the result of a systematic political vilification campaign driven by the right-wing ecosystem. Any meaningful engagement with Muslims or policy measures aimed at their upliftment is quickly labeled as “appeasement politics.” Even non-right-wing parties have failed to challenge this narrative. Instead of resisting the deliberate exclusion of Muslims, they have chosen to play it safe, avoiding any confrontation with right-wing propaganda.

political iftar parties ramadan muslims leadership Nitish Kumar chirag paswan
Nitish Kumar attends Chirag Paswan hosted Iftar party in Patna on March 24 | Courtesy: IANS

The Need for Muslim Leaders in Mainstream Politics

If the true welfare of Muslims is the goal, mere Iftar parties are insufficient—political inclusion is essential. When Muslim leaders are integrated into core decision-making processes, real policy changes can occur.

  • Muslim representation in political parties must be increased.
  • Genuine efforts should be made to address the socio-economic issues faced by Muslims.
  • Muslims should be given leadership roles based on merit rather than being reduced to a minority vote bank.
  • Political parties must actively challenge the false narrative that engaging with Muslim issues is “appeasement.”

The outward glamour of Iftar parties does not translate into real progress for Muslims. Instead, political parties must implement concrete policy changes to ensure the upliftment of the community. Muslim leaders must be given the space to play a natural and effective political role. Only through inclusive politics—not political tokenism—can real development be achieved. Most importantly, parties must find the courage to break free from the fear of right-wing propaganda and stand for genuine representation and empowerment of Muslims.

इतिहास की अदालत में औरंगजेब: न्याय, मिथक और राजनीति

ScribeShah
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इतिहास की अदालत में औरंगजेब: न्याय, मिथक और राजनीति

[dropcap]इ[/dropcap]स दुनिया में अजनबी की तरह आया और इसे छोडते समय भी मैं अजनबी ही हूं”, लिखा था औरंगजेब ने अपने एक खत में अपनी जिन्दगी के आखिरी वक्त में।

वह जानता था कि उस से गलतियां हुयीं। उसने अपने बेटे से कहा, “मैंने राजधर्म का पालन नहीं किया। मैं प्रजावत्सल नहीं था। मैंने अपना जीवन व्यर्थ में गंवा दिया..ㅣउसने यह भी लिखा, “प्रभु हम परिणाम निराशा।” प्रभु मेरे पास हैं, लेकिन मेरी आंखों की ज्योति क्षीण है, इसलिये उनकी प्रोज्ज्वल प्रभा को मै नहीं देख पा रहा हूं।”  इस आत्म स्वीकृति में सूरदास की प्रार्थना  “मो सम कौन कुटिल खल कामी”, तुलसीदास के विनय भाव “अब लौं नसानी, अब न नसैहों” या  George Herbert की भक्ति भावना “Love bade me welcome; yet my soul drew back, Guilty of dust and sin” की अनुगूंज है।

औरंगजेब जन्मजात योद्धा था और एक महत्वाकांक्षी और निपुण सेनापति के रूप में उसे बहुत-सारी सफलताएं मिलीं जिनमें उत्तर में चटगांव और दक्षिण में दक्कन सल्तनत और कर्नाटक क्षेत्र पर विजय सम्मिलित है। उसने निश्चित तौर पर भौगोलिक रूप से भारत के एकीकरण में योगदान दिया, लेकिन चूंकि उसकी प्रशासनिक दृष्टि एक धर्म विशेष से प्रभावित थी, वह सफल प्रशासक नहीं बन पाया। अपने साम्राज्य की वैचारिक आधारशिला को मजबूत करने के उद्देश्य से उसने अनेक मंदिरों को धरा ध्वस्त किया, लेकिन उसका परिणाम उल्टा निकला। वह नहीं समझ पाया कि भारत के सफल सम्राटों की राजनीतिक विचारधारा “सर्वधर्म समभाव” पर आधृत रही है।

हर व्यक्ति के जीवन में कुछ सकारात्मक पहलू होते हैं। औरंगजेब का व्यक्तिगत जीवन सीधा-सादा था। वह आलमगीर था, जिल्ले इलाही था, लेकिन कहा जाता था कि वह अपने खर्च के लिये सरकारी खजाने नहीं खोलता था। वह कॅलिग्राफी (सुलेखन)  में सिद्धहस्त था और कुरान की नकल करने से जो कुछ पैसे वह  कमाता  था, उसी से उसकी जरूरतें पूरी हो जाती थीं। उसने सार्वजनिक स्थानों पर मदिरापान, बादशाह को सोने से तौले जाने, पटाखों और आतिशबाजी के उपयोग आदि प्रथाओं पर रोक लगायी जिससे मुल्क में सादगी को बढावा मिला। गांधीजी को भी औरंगजेब की सादगी पसन्द थी। उन्होंने कहा, औरंगजेब अपने हाथ से बनाई टोपी पहनता था जिससे स्पष्ट होता है कि चर्खा स्वावलंबन का प्रतीक है। उन्होंने एक बार यह भी कहा, मुगल जिसके शासनकाल में राणा प्रताप और क्षत्रपति शिवाजी जैसे प्रतिद्वंदी शासक पैदा हुये, की अपेक्षा ब्रिटिश शासक जिसने विरोध की हर आवाज को निर्ममता से कुचलने का प्रयास किया, अधिक निरंकुश है। विलासिता में आकंठ डूबे हुए आज के धनकुबेर राजनेताओं को औरंगजेब के निजी जीवन की सादगी से सबक लेनी चाहिए।

मुगल शासक औरंगजेब
मुगल शासक औरंगजेब

चूकि औरंगजेब तत्कालीन विश्व के सबसे शक्तिशाली और समृद्ध साम्राज्य का सम्राट था, उसकी ख्याति सात समुद्र पार  फैली और उसके जीवनकाल में ही इंग्लैंड के पोएट-लाॅरियेट जाॅन ड्राइडेन ने उस पर Aureng-Zebe नामक नाटक लिखा। फारसी कवियों और लेखकों ने उस पर कवितायें लिखीं, किताबें लिखी। गुरु गोविंद सिंह ने “जफरनामा” (विजय पत्र) जो वस्तुतः चमकौर के युद्ध के बारे में औरंगजेब के नाम लिखा गया लम्बा पत्र है, की रचना की। भवानी दास समेत अनेक चित्रकारों की तूलिका ने औरंगजेब के चित्र बनाये जो आज भी लंदन के ब्रिटिश म्युजियम, विक्टोरिया एंड अल्बर्ट म्यूजियम और यूएसए के हार्वर्ड आर्ट म्यूजियम, क्लीवलैंड आर्ट म्यूजियम, मेट्रोपॉलिटन म्यूजियम ऑफ आर्ट, स्मिथसोनियन, एशियन आर्ट म्यूजियम, न्यूजीलैंड के ऑकलैंड म्युजियम आदि स्थानों में सुरक्षित हैं।

औरंगजेब एक व्यक्ति नहीं, भारतीय इतिहास के प्रवाह का अंग है। उसके कब्र को तोडा जा सकता है, लेकिन हम अतीत में प्रवेश कर इतिहास की उस धारा को नहीं बदल सकते जो औरंगजेब के सिंहासन से उठी थी। सत्रहवीं से लेकर इक्कीसवीं सदी के अनेक इतिहासकारों, साहित्यिकों और चित्रकारों ने अपने अपने ढंग से उस प्रवाह को अंकित किया या उसका आकलन और विश्लेषण किया जो आज दुनियाभर के पुस्तकालयों और अजायबघरों में सुरक्षित हैं और जिनकी डिजिटल काॅपी इन्टरनेट पर उपलब्ध है। क्या हम उन्हें भी मिटा सकते हैं? क्या हम औरंगजेब को विस्मृति के गर्भ में डाल सकते हैं?

हर युग में इतिहासकार युगबोध के आधार पर इतिहास के नये सवालों से जूझता है। बीसवीं सदी के आरंभ से लेकर आज तक पेशेवर इतिहासकारों ने हजारों पुस्तकें लिखी हैं। वे गलत इतिहास नहीं हैं और हम उन्हें खारिज नहीं कर सकते। वे  इतिहास के अधूरे पन्ने हैं, अधूरी व्याख्यान हैं।  कोई भी इतिहासकार इतिहास की सम्पूर्ण, सम्प्रभु  तथा सर्वमान्य व्याख्या नहीं कर सकता। शिबली नोमानी, यदुनाथ सरकार या Audrey Truschke ने औरंगजेब पर जो पुस्तक लिखी है या इरफान हबीब, सतीश चन्द्र आदि विद्वानों ने औरंगजेब के शासनकाल की राजनीति, अर्थतंत्र और समाज पर जो लिखा है, वे उसके युग, जीवन, कर्म, विचार या प्रभाव से सम्बन्धित सभी प्रश्नों का समुचित और समग्र उत्तर नहीं देते। आज से पचास साल बाद कुछ नयी  शोध सामग्रियां, नये पुरातात्विक साक्ष्य प्रकाश में आयेंगे, कुछ नये मुद्दे खडे होंगे और इतिहासकार नये ढंग से औरंगजेब का विश्लेषण करेंगे। हम इस बात पर ध्यान देने की जरूरत है कि अतीत कभी भी स्वतः और सहज भाव से  इतिहास में परिणत नही होता। एएनयू की टेरेसा मौरिस सुजुकी और कुछ अन्य इतिहासकारों ने इस बात पर जोर दिया है कि अतीत के साक्ष्य जिनमें प्राचीन भाषाओं में लिखे शिलालेख, इतिहास-पुस्तक, पुरातात्विक उत्खनन में पायी गयी सामग्रियां और कलाकृतियां शामिल हैं, को समझने वाला और इतिहास-शोध की प्रविधि में प्रशिक्षित व्यक्ति के शोध कार्य ही अतीत और वर्तमान के बीच  सफल रूप से मध्यस्थता की भूमिका निभाते हैं और अतीत के कुछ पक्ष को हमारे सामने मूर्तिमान करते हैं, हमारा उससे साक्षात्कार कराते हैं।

आज देश में मुगलकालीन इतिहास के इर्द-गिर्द भीषण समस्या इसलिये खडी हो गयी है क्योंकि मुस्लिम शासनकाल के अतीत और हिन्दुत्ववादी वर्तमान के बीच की मध्यस्थता हिन्दुत्ववादी संगठनों से जुड़े संत समाज या भक्तगण कर रहे हैं और पेशेवर इतिहासकारों को पब्लिक डिस्कोर्स में हाशिये पर फेंका जा रहा है। ऐतिहासिक तथ्य के निर्णय मे जिसकी लाठी, उसका कब्जा, जिसकी सत्ता टीवी चैनल, फिल्म और अखबारों के माध्यम से पब्लिक डिस्कोर्स पर उसका कन्ट्रोल।

Gadkari’s Muslim Dream vs India’s Harsh Reality: Why the Largest Minority’s Aspiration Hits a Wall

Munaz Anjum
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Gadkari’s Muslim Dream vs India’s Harsh Reality: Why the Largest Minority’s Aspiration Hits a Wall

[dropcap]M[/dropcap]uslims are labelled as “Abdul” and “puncture wallahs,” always stereotyped as madarsa chhaap, kathmullahs, and despised as illiterate, conservative people who don’t want higher education. Nitin Gadkari says he wants Muslims to become engineers and doctors — but that’s easier said than done.

So let’s check the reality, it is very ugly.

Article 335 ensures a fair representation in government jobs for SC/ST communities. But what about Dalit Muslims — Halalkhor, Mehtar, Bhangi, Kalwar, Chamar, Kunjara, Pasmanda, and many others?

Caste doesn’t exist in Islam as doctrine, but in India, caste exists everywhere — including among Muslims. These are India’s Dalit Muslims. Their oppression is real, but their rights are denied.

Under Article 341, SC reservations are extended to Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist Dalits — but not to Dalit Muslims or Christians. The logic? “You converted, so your caste no longer exists.” However, on the ground, discrimination remains the same. The law picks and chooses whom to protect, no?

Let me share the data that tells the story:

According to the NSSO and the Sachar Committee, Muslims have lower literacy rates, fewer job opportunities, and higher poverty levels than even SC/ST communities.

Only 2.2% of Muslims in India make it to higher education, compared to 7% of SCs and 5% of STs. Muslims are more backwards than ST/SC.

Article 40 talks about decentralization — but village panchayats remain caste fortresses, sidelining both Dalits and Muslims.

Article 44 mentions the Uniform Civil Code — but the focus is only on Muslim personal laws. Hindu Undivided Family tax benefits continue, but Muslims are told “Shariah Law Nahin Chalega.” Gazab ka hypocrisy hai bhaisaab!!

No. This isn’t just about education. The system is built to keep “Abdul” in his place.

Deny them education.

Deny them reservations.

Deny them justice.

How many Muslim representatives are in Lok and Rajya Sabha, the two houses of Indian Parliament? Please go and check.

Notwithstanding if a few manage to rise and question the system? Harass them, jail them.

Sharjeel Imam, an IIT graduate and JNU PhD scholar — was jailed under UAPA.

Umar Khalid, a history PhD, branded a riot conspirator for questioning the government.

Dr Kafeel Khan — his crime? Trying to save dying children. He was jailed.

Gulfisha Fatima, a student protester, was locked up.

Siddique Kappan was arrested on his way to report on the Hathras rape case.

Najeeb Ahmed, a JNU student who argued with the wrong people — vanished. No media noise, and no CBI action. Just another Muslim who went missing.

If Muslims remain uneducated, they’re called backwards.

If they get educated, they’re called “Urban Naxals” or “Islamists” or “Jihadis.”

If they demand rights, they’re told, “Go to Pakistan.”

Is the system broken?

No. It’s not broken.

It was designed and built this way.

A harsh reality!!

No wonder marginalized Muslims end up in ghettos. The system leaves them with no other choice but to remain silent!

Holi Through the Ages: From the Mughals to Modern Times, the Colorful Celebrations of Spring

ScribeShah
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Holi Through the Ages: From the Mughals to Modern Times, the Colorful Celebrations of Spring

[dropcap]H[/dropcap]oli is a very ancient Indian festival. It is mentioned in Dandin’s Sanskrit play Dasa-kumaracharita and Sri Harsha’s Ratnavali, both of which are 1300 years old. Holi is also mentioned in the Puranas of similar antiquity and is resplendent in all the performing arts.

The English were fascinated with this festival, right from the 17th century. The Oxford Dictionary called it ‘Houly’ in 1687, ‘Hoolee’ in 1698, ‘Huli’ in 1798, ‘Hoh-lee’ in 1809 and so on.

Holi goes by different names in India as well. It’s Phaguaa in Bihar and  Dol-Jatra or Dola Purnima in Bengal, Odisha and Assam. In Maharashtra, it is celebrated as Shimga and in Goa-Konkan this spring festival goes by the name Shigmo. They call it Ukkuli in southern Konkan.

Spring is, after all, the celebration of youth and some amount of unrestrained behaviour is visible in all cultures. Foreigners have recorded, right from the medieval period, that obscene songs were sung.  William Crooke noted this in the 1880s, and so did M.M Underhill, that lewd language was used in Holi, along with “free dancing of men and women.” The real Holi is said to be in Mathura and Vrindavan. Still, it is the Lathmar Holi of Barsana that takes the cake. As women beat up their menfolk with sticks, playfully with a touch of sensuality, that comes out openly through provocative songs.

As we move down the banks of the Ganga, we find Holi is celebrated as the patriotic Ganga Mela in Kanpur but Benaras must have its mud wrestling. Further down, the Phaguaa of Bihar, which is a predominantly Bhojpuri version, is celebrated with wild abandon and wet mud and clay often substitute colours. Intoxicating bhang made from cannabis, milk and spices and served as thandai has been an essential feature of the celebrations and the dances that come with the beat of the dholak only lift the mood even higher.

Andhra Pradesh celebrates Holi as part of Vasant Panchami but the folk of Karnataka and Telangana insist that it is not the demoness Holika that is burnt in the sacred fire. They say it is the naughty erotic god Kama-Devata, hence, they call it Kama-dahana. Destroying Kamadeva in spring is, however, easier said than done as the heart is lighter. This is evident in much of Holi’s ‘excesses’.

In Tamil Nadu, it is Panguni-Uthiram and people celebrate the marriage anniversaries of many pre-Hindu deities on this date. This was obviously to assimilate them into the broad band of Hindu worship. In Kerala, it is a rather low-key celebration called Manjal Kuli (turmeric bath).

When we head straight north to Punjab, we see how houses are painted afresh and how rural women create exquisite artworks called Chowk-Poorna, on cloth with colourful motifs. Holika burning is not a primary event as Holi is Basant Utsav, but it is certainly more religious than in other states. Punjab’s very important three-day festival Hola Mohalla usually coincides with Holi and is replete with kirtan, music and langar food. It is the occasion to forgive and forget and embrace one and all. The event concludes with a long, “military-style” procession near Takht Keshgarh Sahib, one of the five seats of temporal authority of the Sikhs.

Bengal has two traditions to uphold — Chaitanya Dev’s Dol celebrations and Rabindranath’s Basanta Utsav. Shri Chaitanya emphasised Krishna’s reunion with Radha during this scintillating Purnima that he insisted was Dol Yatra while the rest of India focuses on the mythology of good winning over evil during Holi when Holika gets killed in the very fire in which she was trying to murder Prahlad. The Basant Utsav that is commemorated in Bengal’s Santiniketan is a very graceful ceremony that was started by Tagore, in which young women and men dress up in bright yellow and welcome spring through exquisite songs and dances.

In Gujarat, Holi is a two-day festival, where raw coconuts and corn are thrown into the Holika bonfire and since the rabi crop is ripe, it calls for more intense celebrations: with dance, food and music. Mock fights between young girls and boys over a pot of butter milk adds to the general entertainment.

Incidentally, Holi was celebrated on a grand scale by Akbar and the two Mughal emperors who succeeded him —which is attested by numerous miniature paintings of this festival.

Celebrating spring is great but it is the season of the most diseases — air-borne and water-borne — that reach their peak in spring. The deadly smallpox is called Basant in Bengal. Interestingly, the Pracheen Smritis mention this festival centuries before Chaitanya, and remark that the so-called ‘lower castes’ uttered terrible profanities. More significant is its clear mention that “touching of the low caste on the second day of Holi, followed by bathing means that all kinds of illness are destroyed”.

This is an intriguing explanation, as Holi drew people of all castes to mix as they never did for the rest of the year. This intermingling must have conferred some of the immunity that the harder so-called ‘menial classes’ had to the more hygiene-conscious ‘upper strata’. The obsession of the upper castes for ‘purity’ actually made them more vulnerable to disease — very much like our NRIs get sick with the food we relish as their stomachs are more delicate.

Thus, Holi’s mandate to mix with all, irrespective of caste or class appears so gratifying but may well have served the purpose of acquiring better immunity — In fact, the gulal powder made from marigolds has protective medicinal properties.

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