Home Blog Page 106

कोरोना-काल में मातृ-साया की कहानी बयां करती ‘आंधारी’

आंधारी; अस्सी साल की एक बुर्जुग महिला मातंगी के जीवन पर आधारित उपन्यास है, जो महानगर के काका-नगर कॉलोनी में स्थित सी-100 चौमंजिला इमारत के अंदर संभ्रांत उत्तर भारतीय संयुक्त परिवार की मुखिया हैं, जिनके तीन पीढ़ियों के सगे-संबंधी, कर्मचारी और जीव-जन्तु एक ही छत के नीचे अपनी अलग-अलग रसोई, अलग-अलग खर्च और अलग-अलग निजता के साथ रहते हैं। इस चौमंजिला इमारत के नजदीक एक ऐसा परिवेश और पड़ोस भी है, जिनकी कहानियां सी-100 की कहानी के समानांतर एक रहस्यमयी संसार रचती हैं, जिनके बारे में जानने की इच्छा अंत तक बनी रहती है।

यह कोरोना-काल की अवधि में महामारी से जूझते उस बड़े परिवार की कहानी है, जिसमें लॉकडाउन के दौरान परिवार के सदस्य इस सीमा तक बिखर गए थे कि ज्यादातर तो मातंगी मां के अंतिम संस्कार तक में शरीक नहीं हो सके थे । यह वह दौर था, जब असंख्य शवों को किसी तरह ठिकाने लगाया जा रहा था, जिनके विवरण पढ़ते हुए न जाने कितने लोगों को लगे कि कहीं-न-कहीं उपन्यास में दर्ज अनुभव उनकी ही जिंदगी से जुड़े हैं और आखिरी में जब हम एक भरे-पूरे परिवार को टूटते हुए देखते हैं, तो त्रासदी की नींव पर दूसरी त्रासदियां घटती दिखाई देती हैं। इसके बावजूद यह मातृ-साया के संस्कारों की ही शक्ति होती है, जब विकटतम परिस्थितियों में सभी सदस्य भौतिक तौर पर अलग-थलग रहने के बाद भी भावनात्मक रूप से आपस में साथ ही होते हैं और अपनी-अपनी तरह से मातंगी मां का स्मरण कर रहे होते हैं।

आंधारी; साहित्य अकादमी से सम्मानित नमिता गोखले की अंग्रेजी कृति The Blind Matriarch का हिन्दी अनुवाद है, जिसका अनुवाद हिन्दी के सुप्रसिद्ध लेखक प्रभात रंजन ने किया है। हाल ही में राजकमल प्रकाशन से प्रकाशित 224 पृष्ठों वाला यह उपन्यास विषय, भाव और कहानी को बयां करने के ढंग तीनों स्तरों पर नवीनता लिए हुए है। साहित्य का प्रमुख तत्व संवेदनशीलता का प्रसार माना जाता है, विशेषकर इस दृष्टि से यह उपन्यास पाठकों को अधिक संवेदनशील बनाने की विशेषता रखता है। वहीं, भाषा का सौंदर्य कहानी के विवरणों में है, लेखिका अलग से भाषा का आडंबर रचने की कोशिश करती नजर नहीं आती हैं, बल्कि भाषा कहानी में ही है सधी, सपाट और लयबद्ध। उदाहरण के लिए उपन्यास के शुरुआत में ही एक जगह, ”दोपहर की नींद में उन्होंने कभी उलझे हुए सपने नहीं देखे, लेकिन आज अतीत के कुछ उलझे हुए सपने दिखाई दिए। वह अस्पताल में बिस्तर पर पड़ी थीं, पैर फैलाए, कोई गीत गा रही थीं। दीवार पर एक घड़ी टंगी हुई थी, जिसकी गोल आकृति चांद और सूरज जैसी लग रही थी। आकाश में कहीं एक हवाई जहाज दुर्घटनाग्रस्त होकर जमीन पर गिरा। घड़ी चिड़िया बन गई और कमरे में चक्कर काटने लगी। कुक्कू, कुक्कू, कुक्कू, कुक्कू, खुली खिड़की से बाहर जाते हुए उसने जैसे घोषणा की। उसके बाद सपना टूट गया, गायब हो गया, और वह अपनी राजस्थानी रजाई के नीचे पसीने-पसीने हो रही थीं, तभी लाली उसके लिए चाय और बिस्कुट लेकर आ गई।”

इसी तरह, मातंगी मां के इर्द-गिर्द बुनी कहानी में कई पात्र आते हैं, जिनके बारे में भी अलग से बताने की बजाय कहानी के क्रम में ही अलग-अलग अंतराल में बताते हुए आगे बढ़ा गया है, कहने का अर्थ है कि कहानी प्रधान है, भाषा की तरह इसमें शामिल कई सारे पात्र भी कहानी के प्रवाह में हैं, पढ़ते हुए जबरन लादे गए नहीं लगते हैं, पात्र खासी संख्या में हैं और एक के बाद एक तीव्र गति से आते हैं, जिस प्रकार संयुक्त परिवार में कई सारे पात्र इसी तरह शामिल रहते हैं और आते-जाते हैं, ठीक उसी प्रकार मातंगी मां के आसपास पोता राहुल, पुत्र सतीश, बहू रीतिका, बड़ा पुत्र सूर्यवीर, पुत्री शांता, सूर्यवीर का गोद लिया पुत्र समीर, सेविका लाली और मुन्नी, लाली का रिश्तेदार भतीजा पप्पू, ट्रम्प नाम की बिल्ली, डाबर नाम का कुत्ता, महिला इंस्पेक्टर बबली तथा सेन दंपत्ति घिरे रहते हैं। इन पात्रों की संख्या से भी जाहिर होता है कि एक कहानी में कितनी सारी छोटी-बड़ी कहानियां गुंथी पड़ी हैं, जहां एक हद के बाद चीजों की व्याख्या करना जटिल लगने लगता है, लेकिन उन्हें पढ़ते हुए सब स्पष्ट होता जाता है। देखा जाए तो यह 2022 की ताजा तरीन कहानी है जिसका सिरा 1930 के दशक तक जाता है, जिसमें बहुत कुछ पूरा है, फिर भी ज्यादातर अधूरा ही।

आंधारी की नजर से समकालीन भारत का परिदृश्य

उपन्यास में कहीं भी प्रत्यक्ष या परोक्ष तौर पर मातंगी को ‘आंधारी’ नहीं कहा गया है। इसके बावजूद, हिन्दी में उपन्यास का नाम ‘आंधारी’ नाम दिया गया है। दरअसल, मातंगी का चरित्र अंधेपन के आजू-बाजू तैयार हुआ है, जिसमें उनकी आंखों की रोशनी कमजोर पड़ते हुए आखिरी में हमेशा के लिए चली जाती है। कोरोना-काल में जब वह दूसरी बार दूरदर्शन पर महाभारत धारावाहिक का एपिसोड सुन रही होती हैं, तो उनका ध्यान वर्ष 1988 में लौटता है। उस मिथकीय धारावाहिक के संवादों को सुनकर जैसे उनके दिल में धक से लगता था। राजा धृतराष्ट्र, अम्बिका और विचित्रवीर्य का पुत्र जन्म से अंधा। धृतराष्ट्र ने कंधार की राजकुमारी गांधारी से विवाह किया था, गांधारी ने विवाह के बाद अपनी आंखों पर पट्टी बांधकर देखना छोड़ दिया था। (पृष्ठ-126, 127)

यह उपन्यास समकालीन भारत और विशेष तौर पर हिन्दी पट्टी को भलीभांति विश्लेषित करता है, जिसमें हिन्दी साहित्य की कविताएं, हिन्दी न्यूज चैनलों के समाचार, हिन्दी धारावाहिक, बॉलीवुड फिल्में और उनके अभिनेता-अभिनेत्री क्रमश: कोरोना-काल में राष्ट्रीय व अंतरराष्ट्रीय राजनीति की छाया में मौजूदा समाज के सामयिक संकट से जुड़ते जाते हैं। जैसे कि कहानी के क्रम में एक जगह, ”शांता ने टेलीविजन चला दिया, वह किसी ऐसे चैनल की तलाश में लग गई जो कोरोना वायरस को लेकर पगलाया हुआ नहीं हो। एक चैनल पर दिखा कि मध्य-प्रदेश की सरकार के सामने चुनौती खड़ी हो गई है। विधायकों को बंधक बनाकर रखा गया था। ‘राजनीति का नाटक हमेशा मनोरंजक होता है,’ उसने अपने आप से कहा, ‘और शिक्षा देने वाला भी।’ लेकिन, पांच मिनट समाचार देखने के बाद उसने टेलिविजन बंद कर दिया। (पृष्ठ-28, 29)

आज के दौर में जब वाम और दक्षिण पंथ की वैचारिकी पहले से कहीं अधिक आक्रामक, संगठित और सतह पर आकर टकरा रही है, तब पोपले गालों और झुर्रीदार हाथों से धीरे- धीरे रुमाल पर बारीक कढ़ाई करने वाली मातंगी मां जैसा चरित्र संबल देता है, जिनमें अपने परिवार को संभालने के लिए सैनिक जैसा साहस और संतों जैसा धीरज सुकून का भाव है। एक सरल लेकिन विशिष्ट घरेलू महिला की संवेदनशीलता सत्ता-पोषित वैचारिकी पर कहीं अधिक भारी जान पड़ती है, जिनके भीतर मानवीय तथा समतामूलक स्वभाव का ऐसा पक्ष सामने आता है जिसमें कहीं किसी तरह का स्वार्थ नहीं है, यहां तक की आसपास के जीव-जंतुओं के प्रति तक भेद नहीं है। सियासी स्वार्थ सिद्धी के समय में सी-100 की कांच की-सी दुनिया का हर पात्र कितना मासूम, भोला और प्यारा नजर आता है, क्योंकि वह एक मातृ-साया के संस्कारों में जो पला और बढ़ा है। उपन्यास को पढ़ते हुए बारम्बार यही लगता है कि हम पत्थर वाली दुनिया के लोग नर्म दुनिया के लोगों के बारे में पढ़ रहे हैं, जो महामारी के चलते जब ढहता हुआ दिखता है तो बड़ी पीड़ा होती है और खुद को असहाय पाते हैं।

कहीं हम एक परिवार थे

बाजारवाद की चपेट में पल रही हमारी पीढ़ी जो हर भाव और चीज को मोल-भाव की दृष्टि से देखती है, जब कभी कोरोना की विभीषिका को दोबारा पढ़ेगी तो उसे पढ़ते हुए यह हैरानी भी हो सकती है और समझने में मुश्किल भी कि भारत में ऐसे बड़े परिवार वर्ष 2020-22 तक भी शेष थे, जो साथ रहते हुए भावनात्मक स्तर पर परस्पर एक-दूजे से इस सीमा तक जुड़े हुए थे कि घर के कर्मचारी और पड़ोसी भी कहीं-न-कहीं परिवार के ही हिस्सा थे, जहां मातंगी मां का ढहना असल में भारतीय संयुक्त परिवार का ढहना है, जिसके अवशेष के रूप में उनके पुत्र, पुत्री, नाते, रिश्तेदारों की कहानियां रह जाती हैं, जो उपसंहार में बारी-बारी से आती हैं।

वहीं, उपन्यास में बार्बेट चिड़िया का रूपांकन बड़ी बारीकी से आता है। इस लिहाज से एक झलक देखें तो, ”खिड़की से नीम का पुराना पेड़ दिखाई दे रहा था, जिसकी शाख पर बार्बेट चिड़िया गा रही थी। टू-हे-टू-हे। क्या यह पिछले साल की बात है, जब उनको चिड़िया मिली थी, सड़क के किनारे सेमल के पेड़ के नीचे घायल पड़ी हुई? असहाय, अजीब-सी, अभी उसने उड़ना भी नहीं सीखा था।…”लाली ने चिड़िया की देखभाल की थी, ताकि उसके पंख के घाव भर जाएं और फिर एक दिन वह उड़ जाए। दूसरी ओर, घायल चिड़िया को पकड़ने और पुन: उसे उड़ाने की कड़ी में समीर भी लाली के साथ बार्बेट चिड़िया से सह-संबंध स्थापित करके अपनी-अपनी कहानियों से जुड़ी मनोदशा बयां कर रहे होते हैं। (पृष्ठ-95, 96)

इसी तारतम्य में कहानी और चरित्रों के भाव परिवेश और परिवेश के प्रतीकों से जुड़ते हैं। जैसे कि बार्बेट चिड़िया को ही केंद्र में रखते हुए देखें तो यह चिड़िया कथानक में दो से तीन बार आती है। कभी मातंगी मां उसके साथ उड़ने की अभिव्यक्ति जाहिर करती हैं, तो कहीं समीर उसकी आवाज में खुद के लिए भविष्य के संकेत ढूंढ़ रहा होता है-”बता दे, बता दे, बता दे।” (पृष्ठ-195)

और अंत में कोरोना का अभिशप्त कर देने वाला समय पीछे छूट गया था, जहां सब पहले जैसा था और नहीं भी था। कितना विकट समय था जब देश की हालत चरमराई हुई थी, और दिल्ली, मुंबई में लॉकडाउन लगा था, तब मातंगी मां की मौत अपने घर से बहुत दूर उत्तर भारत के पहाड़ों पर होती है, लेकिन अंतिम संस्कार के लिए उनकी पुत्री शांता के साथ लाली और समीर ही रह जाते हैं। संयुक्त परिवार के बाकी सदस्य उन्हें अलविदा तक नहीं कह पाते हैं।

कुल मिलाकर, उपन्यास के आखिर में कही गई यह बात ही जैसे इसका सार भी है, ”कहीं हम एक परिवार थे, भारत एक देश, वह एक वायरस ही नहीं था, एक राक्षसी बीज था…।” विक्रम संवत 2078। एक काल का अंत था। एक युग का अंत।

 

TMC wins the bypolls, gets historic victory in Asansol but Ballygunge comes with a message

0

Kolkata: Bollywood actor Shatrughan Sinha broke the jinx of Trinamool Congress by winning the Asansol Lok Sabha seat with more votes than former Bharatiya Janata Party MP Babul Supriyo had secured in 2019.

Supriyo, the singer, however, could not claim an empathetic win in his assembly bypoll as TMC got almost 21 per cent fewer votes than what late Subrata Mukherjee had secured during last year’s assembly poll.

However, TMC won Asansol for the first time after coming to power in 2011. Sinha defeated BJP’s Agnimitra Paul by over three lakh votes.

The Bollywood actor got 56.62 per cent votes against Agnimitra who managed 30.46 per cent.

After the historic result, the actor thanked Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and took a jibe at his former party. He quipped, ‘Khamosh BJP’.

“Mamata Didi’s wish is our command. This is a historical moment and the victory is not just for TMC but also the people of Asansol. The entire team of TMC worked together to confirm the victory. I will do everything to work for the people,” said Sinha addressing the media.

From 1989 to 2014, the Asansol Lok Sabha seat belonged to the Communist Party of India (Marxist) after which BJP had won the seat twice in 2014 and 2019. On both occasions, it was Supriyo who had won the seat for the saffron brigade.

Accepting the defeat, BJP candidate Agnimitra Paul said that the ‘mandate’ of the people should be accepted.

On the other hand, even though TMC candidate Supriyo won from Ballygunge, the Left Front broke the debris and became the main opposition pushing BJP into the distant third position.

Supriyo though he won the Assembly seat by over 20000 votes by getting 51199 total votes, the Left Front’s Saira Shah Halim got 30940 votes.

It can be noted that in two wards CPI (M) had taken the lead and TMC remained second.

Supriyo after winning the seat said that the victory was of ‘Ma Mati and Manush’.

“The CPM and BJP did a deplorable campaign against the TMC. Those who had tried to malign Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee through false allegations got the answer in the result. I dedicate the victory to TMC Supremo Mamata Didi,” said Supriyo.

The former BJP minister was pointing out the No Vote To Babul Supriyo campaign which was a call by civil rights activists asking Ballygunge voters not to vote for Asansol riots accused Supriyo.

“The Ballygunge bypoll mandate has a clear message for ruling TMC that it did not take minorities for granted. TMC’s vote share has reduced drastically and the secular voters of Ballygunge have not accepted Mr Supriyo,” reacted Manzar Jameel, an activist.

Meanwhile, the singer did not forget to slam BJP, his earlier party for not giving ‘respect’ to the Bengalis.

Saira claimed that the result was a ‘morale victory’ for her party.

“The CPM has emerged second and we will soon discuss the vote share within the party. The result is a moral victory for us. Though now we are the main opposition, very soon we will defeat TMC,” said Saira.

Notably, the security deposits of the candidates of both the national parties– the BJP and the Congress have been forfeited in Ballygunge.

After the poll debacle in both the seats, BJP MP Saumitra Khan said that the ‘inexperienced’ state leaders should be replaced to win Bengal.

“There are many things to learn from Trinamool Congress. The inexperienced leaders should be replaced or else there will be more debacles for the BJP. The suspended party workers should be immediately brought back and a review should be made for such loss,” pointed out Khan.

Religion, rituals and communal harmony in colonial Awadh

Qasbas in the colonial Awadh were the spaces where ‘we’ feeling was constantly (re)made across the narrow confines of religion and sect. Three major strands can be seen operating behind this pluralist tradition of the qasbas: Moharram rituals, Sufi traditions and the usage of Urdu as a medium of language. The religious calendar of Awadh was dominated by Eid, Dusshera, Muharram and urs (birth anniversary of a Sufi saint). Textual Urdu and contextual Islam united Hindus and Muslims of the qasbas. Thus we see that Saiyyid Ahmad Husain (d. 1933) a taluqdar of Motikpur and Nirauli and Ram Prasad solemnly observing Moharram together. Ram Prasad managed langar (free food served to the community). Muharram rites were transcommunal a century ago. Not only high caste Hindus but also labourers and artisans observed those rituals. ‘Over 50,000 to 60,000 devotees congregated during Muharram. One of the most impressive spectacles at such places was the tazia processions streaming along the streets, with a vast crowd of mourners that included Hindus of various classes and castes. Most of the qasbati people celebrated ‘Hindu’ festivals without the barrier of religion, mentioned Munshi Brij Bhushan Lal in his Tarikh-e Dariabad. The same was the case with Eid and Diwali. Muharram rituals were the cementing force not only for Hindus and Muslims but also for Shias and Sunnis. One can easily sense that Hasan inverts the narrative about religious rituals as the source of conflict to the source of harmony. ‘They [Shias, Sunnis, and Hindus across castes] all commemorated Muharram with equal solemnity.’ Readers might know that theologically Sunnis can either celebrate martyrdom because a martyr lives forever (zinda-e javed) or prefer plain solemnity. But for the Shias, Muharram occasions means ritually recreating the environment: an environment of mourning and atonement, sermons and recitations of dirges (marsiyas), public flagellation, julooszuljana (Husain’s horse) and the death of Abbas, Husain’s cousin. While the theologians of the nineteenth century Delhi and Awadh kept on splitting hairs on Shia- Sunni rituals, Sunni landholding families were busy commemorating Husain’s martyrdom and paying obeisance to ahl-e-bait (Prophet Mohammad’s immediate family). Sheikhs/Kidwais and other landholding Sunni families of Gadai (Barabanki) are one such example. Kidwais, in general, commemorated Moharram rituals across the Awadh region.

Apart from Muharram, the presence of Sufi shrines consolidated communal harmony. Just like Awadh was dotted with qasbas, so were the qasbas sprinkled with Sufi shrines. These were the spots where people, across social groups, bowed in front of their master (peer). ‘Sufism in a locality, as indeed on a pan-Indian scale, continued with its simple piety and gospel of love and absorbed heterodox elements’. So we find that William Crooke (1869–96), a civil servant, observed that the orthodox Hindu castes worshipped the quintets of the Panch Pir or famous local saints like Shah Madar (d. 1050) or Sakhi Sarwar. The history of such shrines and their influence over the locality can be traced back to early Mughals and Delhi sultans. Sufi saints and their successors got trusteeship over revenue-free land (madad-e mash). Chisti, Qadri and Sabri sufi orders were prominent. Rasauli had graves of Qazi Kidwa, Qazi Qeyamuddin and their family members who were the disciples of Nizamuddin Auliya (1238–1325), the great Chishti saint in Delhi. One of their descendants Aabash (d. 1472) became a Chisti saint and also followed Qadiri silsila (sufi order) through his matrimonial ties with Bansa (Hardoi district). Aabkash is also one of the forefathers of Abdul Majid of Dariabad (Bara Banki), the author-journalist. Abdul Majid Dariabadi’s father Maulvi Abdul Qadir (b. 1848) studied at the feet of Maulvi Muhammad Naim Farangi Mahali; so did his grandfather. Several members of the Kidwai clan in Baragaon were either educated at Farangi Mahal or recognized Abdul Bari as their spiritual preceptor. Sheikh Salahuddin Suhrawardy founded the Suhrawardy silsila in Rudauli during the Iltutmish time. Many other patron saints followed, along with their respective families. Rudauli had shrines of saints like Abdul Quddus Gangohi of the Sabiri silsila, and Sheikh Nasiruddin, who received land from Ibrahim Shah (1402–36). Satrikh (Barabanki) had the shrine of famous Sufi saint Sheikh Salar, the father of Ghazi Miyan Salar Masud. Masud’s shrine was built in Bahraich and had an associated shrine at Rudauli built in 1799. Rudauli was the place where, as the myth was, Zohra bibi was born as a blind girl and recovered her sight after the boon of Salar Masud. In the 1870s, average attendance at the Rudauli fair sometimes exceeded 6,000. This was to commemorate the death and thereafter a mythical marriage of Zohra bibi with Salar Masud.

Among the many mazaars was one prominent at Dewa town (Bara Banki) which had the shrine of Haji Qurban Ali Shah. He was the father of Haji Waris Ali Shah (1818– 1905). With time, urs of the son became more famous and many of his devotees attributed miracles to him. His murids ranged were mostly women, poor and lower castes from distant places. Among the rich followers of Dewa Sharif were Thakur Pancham Singh (zamindar of Mainpuri district), Raja Udyat Narayan Singh (Suratgunj in Awadh), Moti Misser Vakil (Bhagalpur) and Guru Mohun Singh (a Thakur zamindar from Bhagalpur). All these instances, among many others, make a compelling case for understanding pluralism as the signature of colonial qasbas. ‘The presence of Hindus, Sikhs, Parsis, and Jews around the urs revealed the vitality of popular beliefs as against the strict codes of Islamic orthodoxy.’

 

This essay is based on Mushirul Hasan’s From Pluralism to Separatism: Qasbas in Colonial Awadh (2004).

Nature enhances mental health

0

Natural landscapes, such as beaches, water, forests, parks, and mountains, the availability of public open spaces used for public entertainment and sports reduce attention deficit disorders. Green restoration improves preschooler spatial working memory and cognitive functioning improves when children walk in nature.

According to the latest IPBES report, urbanization can increase isolation from nature, which in turn prevents people from harnessing mental health benefits of being surrounded by natural environments. It also creates risky exposure to the type of air pollution that primarily affects mental health.

“The positive impact of nature, including green environment and clean air, is significant for soft mental health problems like depression and anxiety, which have become the focal points in the 21st Century human situation, especially after the recent epidemic,” says Dr Nimesh G Desai, Senior Consultant in Mental Health, Public Health Expert, Former Director of IHBAS, Delhi.

Children who play in greenspace for 30 minutes have an  increase in sustained mental ability and found greenspace to be restorative. Taking micro-breaks to view nature can help with attention restoration.

“Environment is before human beings. Animals and plants do not do anything harmful. Human beings create climate change. Through my actions, I am creating awareness about growing plants and conducting plantation drives, and workshops in schools – to bring awareness and behavioural change, says Vibhu Rakesh, an environmentalist, and sustainability entrepreneur.

nature enhances mental health environment greenery
Courtesy: hotelexecutive.com

Nature has healing effects

In elementary-level classrooms, green walls (described as a wall with green plants) can provide restorative impacts to school children. Results show that children in classrooms where a green wall was placed scored better on tests for selective attention. The green wall also positively influenced children’s classroom evaluations. When integrating a school garden into the curriculum, children’s physical activity increased and sedentary behavior decreased. Children who receive breaks and time outside in nature,  exhibit improved concentration. According to a study, by placing plants in a classroom can improve performance, with children progressing through the school curriculum 20-26% faster.

Interacting with nature, especially with the presence of water, can increase self-esteem and mood, reduce anger, and improve general psychological well-being with positive effects on emotions or behavior. In fact, moving to homes with greener areas positively influences mental health even after three years post-move. Moving to a less-green area significantly worsens mental health within one-year post-move, but returns to pre-move mental health status thereafter. This is true for public green spaces as well. City park area quantity and accessibility are strong predictors of physical and community well-being. Similarly, studies in Perth, Australia found that people in neighborhoods with high-quality public open spaces had better mental health than those with low-quality public open spaces. Features that made an open space “high quality” included irrigated lawns, walking paths, lighting, water features, playgrounds, and birdlife.

Environment enhances physical and mental health

A study by the Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center shows a link between high traffic-related air pollution and anxiety levels. While air pollution and other environmental hazards pose a threat to our mental health, healthy environments can help us feel better and even have a curative effect. Local governments can play a key role in tackling mental health crisis by reducing air pollution, enhancing the availability of green spaces or establishing electric and non-motorized transport initiatives, for instance.

nature enhances mental health environment greenery
Courtesy: earth.com

The natural world presents countless other health benefits. According to the latest Global Environmental Outlook, forests for example can promote physical and mental well-being. “The full health benefits of the natural world are too extensive to list,” said Inger Andersen, Executive Director of the UN Environment Programme, adding that nature is “the ultimate healthcare system”.

“Whenever I want to rejuvenate and replenish my spirit, I go for a walk in a garden or some forest.

A few days back while taking a walk in a beautiful garden, I saw a bee, trying to extract nectar from a red flower. I paused and continued looking at it, while she was busy doing her job. I was watching her in awe, time stood still like I was going through this mindfulness meditation. Suddenly this beautiful poetry came out of that moment;

Aren’t we all searching for the nectar

Not knowing

That like a flower carries it within

So do we.

“Being in nature is the best way to set the mind free and soar,” says Dr Jitesh Khanna, Multi Awardee entrepreneur, social activist, writer, and poet.

Nature certainly has a positive, calming impact on the well-being of a person. One needs to find ways to co-exist with nature.

“I look forward to my time in the garden I created 35 years ago. I don’t need therapy as long as I have my green buddies. I don’t remember when and how I got into gardening but it helps me stay sane amidst everything,” says Manju Boruah, Sustainable environment entrepreneur.

No Vote to Babul Supriyo and Ballygunge bypoll

0

Kolkata: Today was the last day for campaigning in Ballygunge constituency for the by-election. Here it is important to mention what happened to the dissent’s campaign #NoVoteToBabulSupriyo when only a year back, #NoVoteToBJP pioneered by the same people were allowed to operate across the state.

The same set of people who had been instrumental in spearheading the CAA-NRC protest. They claim that both their campaigns had directly benefited the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) during the 2021 assembly polls.

Babul Supriyo, the Bollywood singer and former BJP minister is accused of the 2018 Asansol riots. Since he was inducted into TMC, since then several intellectuals expressed concern as to why a ‘hate monger’ has been taken in the party, which claims to be doing secular politics. But, when Supriyo’s name was announced from the Ballygunge seat, it angered many as minority voters were a decisive factor. It is being seen as minorities who voted TMC en masses, are being taken for granted and a riot accused has been put on them. Soon, protests from small to major get started in Kolkata.

However, on April 1, when activists gave a call for ‘No Vote To Babul Supriyo’, the protesters were arrested even before they could raise any slogan near Park Circus Maidan, Kolkata. The city which witnessed protests now and then, soon found that 26 people including Prasenjit Bose, Manzer Jameel, Imtiaz Mollah and Amit Dasgupta being removed from the protest site and taken to different police stations. It happened despite protesters had permission from the Election Commission.

no vote to babul supriyo ballygunge bypoll
A Facebook post by one of the activists Manzar Jameel, who spearhead No Vote To Babul Supriyo campaign

However, it did not stop here. When they were released and they pledged to organise a rally in support of Communist Party of India (Marxist) candidate Saira Shah Halim, they were not permitted to hold it on April 7. The permission was denied saying that there is another rally in the same location by other political party. It was TMC’s National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee’s roadshow in support of Babul Supriyo.

This time the Election Commission, with reference to the Kolkata police, denied the permission. But, the larger question which arises is – werent two parties allowed to hold their rallies in the same locality at the same time earlier? On April 8, another group of civil rights activists gave a call for a rally to promote the No vote to Babul Supriyo, but they were denied permission too.

“What is happening now, has never happened in Bengal. One after another permission is being denied for political rallies. Is it a democratic Bengal?” rued activist and CPI-ML member Sumon Sengupta. CPI-ML was part of the No Vote To BJP campaign. Not only did its cadres actively participate in the campaign but the party’s National General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya had addressed rallies too.

Now it will be interesting to see whether suppressing dissent will have an impact on the voting, which will take place on April 12.

There are mainly four political parties candidates in the fray for the Ballygunge by-election– TMC’s Babul Supriyo, Saira Shah Halim of CPM, Congress’ Karuzamman Choudhury and Keya Ghosh of BJP.

Abhishek hits the streets to campaign for Babul Supriyo, police do not allow dissenters to rally

0

Kolkata: As the polling date for Ballygunge by-election is approaching, the ruling party, Trinamool Congress, which is facing opposition for fielding former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) minister Babul Supriyo as a candidate, has had to change its campaign strategy.

Hailing from the film industry, Bollywood singer could have been a crowd puller, but because of Supriyo being an accused in the 2018’s Asansol riots, his pictures are not being used for Abhishek Banerjee’s proposed rally. While TMC chief and Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee’s pictures are there on the posters along with the party’s National General Secretary, Supriyo is nowhere placed on the new posters. The rally is important for TMC as it is facing major criticism for nominating a former BJP leader as its candidate from Ballygunge, a minority-dominated constituency.

Significantly, after the massive mandate TMC got in last year’s assembly election, Mamata Banerjee did not campaign for the party during bypolls. However, it will be interesting to watch whether she campaigns for Supriyo or not, whom she announced as a candidate but is opposed by a large section of society for his anti-minority acts.

When the candidature of Supriyo for Ballygunge constituency was announced, respective area’s TMC councillors had put up hoardings seeking votes, which had Abhishek-Mamata and Supriyo pictures. But within a fortnight, the Bollywood singer has gone missing from the party’s latest posters, or he is not being shown along with Mamata-Abhishek.

Interestingly, yesterday also, in a rally conducted by Tollywood stars to express their support for TMC candidate, but Supriyo was not present.

Meanwhile, citing Abhishek’s rally, Kolkata Police, as well as Election Commission, did not allow the People’s March in favour of CPM candidate Saira Shah Halim. The march was announced to be led by the No Vote To Babul Supriyo campaigners.

abhishek banerjee tmc babul supriyo ballygunge bypoll

“We strongly condemn the denial of permission for a Rally in support of Left Front candidate Saira Shah Halim in the Ballygunge Assembly constituency by the Kolkata Police and Election Commission. The Rally was scheduled for tomorrow (April 7, 2022), starting from Rafi Ahmed Kidwai Road (KMC Ward 61) at 3.00 pm,” said in an statement issued by civil rights activists Prasenjit Bose and Manzar Jameel.

It further reads, “Permission for the Rally was sought by a representative of the candidate on April 4, 2022, following the due process. Permission was denied on the ground that another party had applied for a rally at the same time and venue. Kolkata Police and Election Commission could have easily adjusted the route or timing of our procession, for which we were prepared. Our application was rejected without providing any alternative. ”

“We strongly feel that the Kolkata Police and Election Commission are denying permission for our procession because of pressure from the Trinamool Congress. It was at the behest of the Trinamool Congress that the police had arrested 26 activists of the anti-NRC movement on April 1 when they had tried to bring out a similar procession from Park Circus 7-point crossing, which was approved by the Election Commission. The Trinamool Congress wants to throttle the voices of dissent against its candidate Babul Supriyo, who has a tainted past in the BJP,” alleged Bose and Jameel in their statement.

بالی گنج میں شہری حقوق کارکنوں کا نیا نعرہ۔ بابل سپریو کو ہراؤ

کلکتہ: شہر  کے بالی گنج اسمبلی حلقہ میں”بابل سپریو کو ووٹ نہیں” کا نعرہ لگانے والے، شہری حقوق کی حفاظت میں سرگرم 26 کارکنوں کی گرفتاری کے ایک دن بعد آج ان ہی مظاہرین نے اعلان کیا کہ اب وہ سابق بی جے پی وزیر اور ترن مول کانگریس کے امیدوار کی اس حلقہ میں شکست یقینی بنائیں گے_
 ماہر _ اقتصادیات اور شہری حقوق کارکن پرسن جیت بوس نے یہاں ایک پریس کانفرنس میں کہا کہ” ہم لوگوں کے پاس ریلی نکالنے کا اجازت نامہ تھا اور ہم لوگ پر امن احتجاج کرنے جا رہے تھے مگر پولیس نے ہمیں غیر قانونی طریقہ سے روکا”_ بعد میں پرسن جیت بوس نے مظاہرین کے موقف میں تبدیلی کا اعلان بھی کیا_
بوس نے بتایا کہ “ہم لوگ ریلی کریں گے۔ اس بار 7 اپریل کو ریلی ہوگی _ ہمارے ساتھ ( اسی حلقہ کی سی پی ایم امیدوار ) سائرہ شاہ حلیم بھی ہوں گی_”
شہری حقوق کیلئے سرگرم ایک کارکن منظر جمیل نے کہا کہ”ہم لوگ غیر سیاسی ہیں _ ہم نے سی اے اے_ این سی آر کے خلاف لمبی لڑائی کی قیادت کی ہے _ ہم نے ہی “بی جے پی کو ووٹ نہیں”  کا نعرہ بھی لگایا جس کا سیدھا فیض ترن مول کو پہنچا _ اس تحریک کی بنا پر اقلیت کے90 فیصد ووٹ  ترن مول کانگریس کی طرف گئے مگر حکمران جماعت کو ہماری پروا نہیں اور اس نے ضمنی چناؤ میں ایک ایسا امیدوار کھڑا کر دیا جو آسنسول فساد کا ملزم ہے_”
۔منظر جمیل نے مزید کہا “کل کی واردات کے بعد ہم لوگوں نے ان دو بنیادوں پر سائرہ شاہ حلیم کی حمایت کا اعلان کیا کہ وہ بابل سپر یو کے خلاف سب سے مضبوط امیدوار ہیں اور سی اے اے_ این سی آر احتجاج کے دوران ہمارے ساتھ مل کر لڑتی ر ھی ہیں_ اب یہ مہم با بل سپر یو کو ہرانے کیلئے چلے گی_”
ایک اور کارکن امتیاز ملا نے، جو 7 پارک سرکس پوائنٹ کراسنگ کے پاس رہتے ہیں، دعویٰ کیا کہ “ہم لوگوں نے بی جے پی کی مخالفت میں ٹی ایم سی کو ووٹ دیا تھا اور اب اس نے بی جے پی کے دل بدلو کو ہم پر تھوپ دیا ہے اور اب جب کے ہم لوگ اس کی مخالفت کر رہے ہیں ہمیں اپنے علاقہ میں مخالفت بھی کرنے نہیں دی جا رہی ہے_”
انہوں نے کہا کہ “بنگال اور خاص کر کلکتہ ایسی جگہ ہے جہاں امن پسند لوگ رہتے ہیں لیکن بابل سپر یو بد تمیز انسان ہیں_”
 امتیاز ملا نے حملے تیز کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ”جو لوگ اسمبلی انتخابات میں شکست کھا چکے ہیں انہیں ممتا بنرجی اب پارٹی میں لا کر جیت دلانا چاہتی ہیں_ ہمیں اُنہیں جواب دینا ہوگا کہ ہم ایسے کسی سماج دشمن کو جیتنے نہیں دیں گے_یہ معرکہ خیر اور شر کے درمیان ہے_ سائرہ ایک نیک خاتون ہیں جب کہ بابل جرائم آشنا ہے_  یہ فیصلہ اب عوام کو کرنا ہے کہ کس کی حمایت کی جائے_”
فیصل خان نے کہا کہ “بابل سپر یو جیسے لوگوں کو بنگال پسند نہیں کرتا کیونکہ یہ امن اور ہم آہنگی کا گہوارہ ہے_ ایسا امیدوار چاہئے جو اس خصوصیت کا ہو_ یعنی امن پسند اور ہم آہنگی کا علمبردار_”
ای نیوز روم کے اس سوال پر کہ کل کارکنوں کو گرفتار کرتے وقت پولیس ٹی ایم سی کے کیڈروں سے ہدایت لے رہی تھی ، بوس نے جواب دیتے ہوئے کہا کہ “ادھر کے کئی برسوں سے ریاست میں امن و قانون کا نظام مفلوج ہے _ پولیس انتظامیہ پوری طرح سیاسی رنگ میں رنگ گئی ہے _ بوگ توئی میں کیا ہوا؟ کیس کھلا اور بند ہو گیا_قتل کے واقعات جاری ہیں اور پولیس  ایڈ منسٹریشن قتل ہونے دے رہی ہے”_
انہوں نے کہا کہ “پولیس کو آئین کی پیروی کرنی چاہئے _ ملک کے قانون کی پیروی کرنی چاہئے_ لیکن یہاں انتظامیہ قانون کو پس_ پشت ڈال کر سرگرم _ عمل ہے۔ حکمران جماعت اور پولیس دونوں لا قانونیت کو ہوا دے رہی ہیں_”
 اس سوال پر کہ آپ کہ رہے ہیں بابل سپر یو کو ووٹ نہ دیا جائے اور وہ کہ رہے ہیں کہ بابل کو ووٹ دیا جائے، آپ کو یہ کیسا لگتا ہے ، بوس نے کہا” یہ تو ہوتا ہے۔ہم یہی کہ رہے ہیں۔ کسی کو اگر یہ کہنے کا حق ہے کہ بابل سپریو کو ووٹ دیں تو ہمیں بھی یہ بولنے کا حق ہے کہ بابل سپر یو کو ووٹ نہ دیا جائے “_

Now it is not ‘No Vote To Babul Supriyo’ But Defeat Babul Supriyo: Civil Rights Activists

0

Kolkata: A day after the arrest, 26 civil rights activists who had given the call for, No Vote To Babul Supriyo, announced that they will now ensure the defeat of former BJP minister and Trinamool Congress candidate from Ballygunge.

“We had the permission for the rally, and we were going to organize a peaceful protest, but police stopped us unlawfully, ” said Prasenjit Bose, economist and activist. He later mentioned their change in stand.

“We will hold the rally and it will take place on April 7, along with Saira Shah Halim (CPM candidate),” informed Bose.

“Though we are a non-political group, we have led a long battle against CAA-NRC. We had also given a call to No Vote To BJP because of which TMC emerged as the direct beneficiary. This movement directed 90 per cent of the minority vote to TMC. But it does not care about us, and fielded a candidate who is an accused in the Asansol riots,” said Manzar Jameel, an activist.

“After yesterday’s incident, we have decided to support Saira Shah Halim, who is the strongest candidate against Babul Supriyo and fought with us during the anti-CAA-NRC protests. Now the campaign will be to defeat Babul Supriyo,” added Jameel.

Another activist Imtiaz Mollah, who resides near Park Circus, 7-point crossing, claimed, “We had given the vote to TMC in opposition to BJP and now it is putting BJP turncoats on us. And when we want to say No to it, we are not being allowed to say in our areas.”

“Bengal and Kolkata is a place where peace-loving people reside, but Babul is a badtameez (ill-mannered) person, ” he mentioned.

Mollah attacked sharply and alleged: “The people who we have defeated during assembly polls, now Mamata Banerjee bringing them into the party and wants them to win. We have to reply to her that we can’t not let such anti-social people win. It is a fight between good and evil and we know Saira is a good human while Babul is a criminal, now people have to decide whom to support.”

“Bengal does not like people like Babul Supriyo as it is a place for peace and harmony. We want a candidate who is of this nature,” said Faisal Khan.

On the query of eNewsroom that yesterday while arresting activists, police were taking instruction from TMC cadres.

Bose answered, “For the last many years, the law and order have been paralysed in the state. The police administration has been fully politicized. What happened at Bogtui is an open and shut case. Killing is going on and the police administration is letting it happen.”

“Police should follow the constitution and follow the law of the land. But here a lawless administration is functioning. The ruling party and police both are increasing the lawlessness,” he said.

When asked while you are giving a call for No Vote To Babul Supriyo, they are saying Vote For Babul Supriyo, how do you see it?

“It is fine. And this is what we are saying, if somebody has the right to say Vote For Babul Supriyo then we also have the right to say, No Vote To Babul Supriyo,” added Bose.

Even after EC’s permit Kolkata Police arrests ‘No Vote To Babul Supriyo’ protestors 

0

Kolkata: Protests are an integral part of the lives of Bengalis. But on Friday evening protestors campaigning for ‘No Vote To Babul Supriyo’ were in for a surprise, when at least 26 protestors including three women, who had been instrumental for the No Vote To BJP campaign during last year’s assembly polls were arrested by Kolkata Police.

And this happened despite the civil rights activists had taken permission for the event from the Election Commission.

People of Bengal are aware of the fact that No Vote To BJP had played a major role in helping Trinamool Congress get the historic mandate in the 2021 assembly election.

However, after returning to power for the third consecutive time, TMC inducted Babul Supriyo, a former minister in Narendra Modi’s cabinet and BJP MP from Asansol. Supriyo, has been accused by the Mamata governmentt for his alleged role in the Asansol riots, during which a minor son of an imam was killed. The move did make Muslims uncomfortable in Bengal.

Later, when Subrata Mukherjee, a former minister and MLA from the Ballygunge constituency died, chief minister Mamata Banerjee announced Babul Supriyo as a TMC candidate. Ballygunge has significant numbers of minority voters and is a deciding factor too. After the decision of the TMC chief, the No Vote To Babul Supriyo campaign began on social media.

A protest was scheduled at 4 pm at Park Circus, near Arsalan Hotel, but before it could start, Beniapukur Police station officials arrested Prasenjit Bose, Manzar Jameel, Imtiaz Mollah, Amitava Chakraborty, Faisal Khan, Amit Dasgupta and some others. While the protest call was given by Nagrik Manch, the same sets of activists were also part of the No Vote To BJP and No NRC campaign in the state.

“We were going to conduct a peaceful rally, but before we could start the event we had been arrested, is it democracy?” asked  Prosenjit Bose, economist and social activist.

While Manzar Jameel, another activist informed eNewsroom, “On our call to No Vote To BJP and Babul Supriyo when we were putting banners, police came to us and said, what is it? We said it was a call, then the police expressed surprise and said these things will not happen. Come with us, you are arrested.”

“We had neither raised any slogan nor marched anywhere, but before that, we were arrested by the police. Mamata Didi wants to make Bengal, like UP,” added an angry Jameel.

After 9 pm, all were released after filing personal bonds. After getting released, Jameel informed that they had the permission from Election Commission for the event.

Another activist, Rafay Siddiqui, who was also present at the site but somehow managed to escape from the police, told eNewsroom, “For Mamata government when No Vote To BJP campaign was going on, and it reached to every district of the state in four-five months, they had no issue, but as soon as No Vote To BJP begun, they stopped it undemocratically.”

Saira Shah Halim, Left backed CPM candidate termed the incident, as democracy being ‘shattered’.  

While Congress candidate Kamruzzaman Choudhury condemned the arrest and expressed his solidarity with the activists.

Bangla Sanskriti Mancha, a non-government organization that works for human and civil rights also condemned it.

There will be a press conference on Saturday at Press Club by the activists.

For the Assembly polls, people voted to keep BJP out of power but there is no such compulsion now, says Saira

0

Kolkata: Saira Shah Halim is a well-known personality in Kolkata since she participates in different national media panels, she is an educator, columnist and social activist. Her husband Dr Fuad Halim is also known as people’s doctor in the city and her father-in-law Hashim Abdul Halim has been the longest-serving speaker of the Bengal assembly. Saira’s father Zamiruddin Shah is a former vice chief of Army Staff and her uncle is veteran actor Nasiruddin Shah. Now Saira, a mother of two, has been fielded as a Communist Party of India (Marxist) candidate for the Ballygunge bypoll. Last year, Dr Fuad Halim had contested for the seat on CPM’s symbol. The Ballygunge bypoll has become interesting as the ruling Trinamool Congress has fielded former BJP minister and Bollywood singer Babul Supriyo. Supriyo has been accused of riots in Asansol in 2018. Saira talks at length to eNewsroom India, excerpts below.

eNewsroom: You come from a political family, still being an individual, there is a question, why did you choose to enter into politics? 

Saira Shah Halim: We were about to leave Kolkata for a vacation when I got a call from the CPM office that they wanted to field me from Ballygunge. They said that they want somebody who is above the party face. As I have been into social work for a long time and have seen politics closely, I accepted the offer. Also, Kolkata is a city of different cultures and we are proud of it. So I want to do something more to save this city from the people who are known for destroying the social fabric. I am here to end the politics of hatred. 

eNewsroom: You are fighting an election for the first time. But CPM is not having the phase it used to 20 years back. And recently its Bengal unit has seen an overall change in organizational structure, how are your party going to help you in this fight?

Saira Shah Halim: Party is fully behind me and giving me all its support. Comrades are working from morning to evening. Earlier, the situations were different, when people voted to stop BJP from coming to power. Now BJP’s threat is out of mind among the voters.

And people want to vote for somebody who can move along with every community, who believes in equality and wants to vote for educated people.

eNewsroom: Subrata Mukherjee, the former minister, after whose demise Ballygunge bypoll is taking place has been close to CM Mamata Banerjee and served long as an MLA, still what do you think three things needed to be done in the constituency?

Saira Shah Halim: It is not easy to fill up Subrata Mukherjee’s shoes. Still, there is some work needed to be done like the empowerment of women. There should be better sanitation work. The water and electricity distribution should be at par with metro cities. But there is one more issue that needs immediate attention is the smooth vaccination of school-going students. And their transition to settle in the school environment post-Covid lockdowns. So actually, a lot is needed to be done in the Ballygunge constituency.

Watch the full interview:

eNewsroom: How will you challenge Babul Supriyo, who has been MP and minister, and candidate of the ruling party, TMC?

Saira Shah Halim: I am attending rallies and doing door-to-door campaigns. While meeting people, I felt that people know that Babul Supriyo is a riot accused and opportunist too. He is being considered a turncoat and who knows he can again go back to BJP from where he has come.

eNewsroom: You are getting support on social media, but what are you doing to connect with the masses, common voters?

Saira Shah Halim: Yes, people are supporting us on social media and some campaigns are also running. I am requesting such people who are expressing support to us through social media and if they are our constituency voters to surely turn up to vote on the polling day. We are also doing rigorous door-to-door campaigns and will reach out to maximum people. 

eNewsroom: If wins, what three things will you do for the Ballygunge constituency?

Saira Shah Halim: As I said earlier, my priority would be to do more work for communal harmony, bring community closure. Kolkata is a city where people lived peacefully, its culture remains to respect each other’s practices and rituals, it should not get disturbed. There is also high inflation because of the anti-people policies of the BJP, for which we will hit the streets regularly. The issue of unemployment is also affecting a large number of youth. We will raise this issue so that the youth of Ballygunge can get employment.

eNewsroom: Will Nasiruddin Shah campaign for you? 

Saira Shah Halim: Yes, he might do. He had sent a video message when Fuad had contested. He was happy when heard that I am contesting. Right now uncle is in Gujarat shooting for a movie and when gets time, he can campaign here too.