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When Words Are Expunged From Records of Parliament?

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When words are expunged from the records of Parliament? What are the constitutional provisions? What are ‘unparliamentary’ words and who decides on them?

These questions came to the forefront after parts of Rahul Gandhi’s speech in parliament containing allegations favouring the Adani group of companies were expunged. Lok Sabha speaker Om Birla ordered to remove parts of Rahul Gandhi’s observations on President Droupadi Murmu’s speech at the outset of the budget session.

There is nothing new in it and it is not rare, rather it is fairly routine that parts of speech or sentences or words are removed and there are laid down rules for this. The Presiding Officers of the House decide on which parts of the proceedings should be removed.

Article 105(2) of the Constitution says, “No Member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said…in Parliament or any committee thereof”.

But members can not say whatever they want and their freedom of speech is limited or restrained.

There are ‘Rules of the Parliament’ that govern members’ speech in either house of the parliament, good sense of members and the presiding officers have the right to control the members.

The main motive of these provisions is to ensure that members do not use defamatory, indecent, undignified or unparliamentary words inside the Parliament.

According to Rule 380 (‘Expunction’) of the Rules of Procedure and Conduct of Business in Lok Sabha: “If the Speaker is of opinion that words have been used in the debate which is defamatory or indecent or unparliamentary or undignified, the Speaker may, while exercising discretion order that such words be expunged from the proceedings of the House.”

Besides, Rule 381 says, “The portion of the proceedings of the House so expunged shall be marked by asterisks and an explanatory footnote shall be inserted in the proceedings as follows: “Expunged as ordered by the Chair’.”

But what are unparliamentary words and who decides on them?

The speaker of the Lok Sabha and the Chairperson of the Rajya Sabha have the sole discretionary right to take a call on ‘unparliamentary’ words.

They have found a large number of words in English, Hindi and other Indian languages to be ‘unparliamentary’ and expunge these words.

At the end of each session of the parliament, a compilation of ‘unparliamentary’ words is published.

When such a compilation was published for the first time, references were taken from debates and phrases, declared unparliamentary by the pre-Independence Central Legislative Assembly, Constituent Assembly of India, the Provisional Parliament, the first to the tenth Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, state legislatures, and Commonwealth parliaments like that of the United Kingdom.”

Some of the words declared unparliamentary are: Abused, Ahankar, Anarchist, Apmaan, Asatya, Ashamed, Baal Buddhi, Bechara, Behri Sarkaar, Behri Sarkaar, Betrayed, Bloodshed, Bloody, Bobcut, COVID Spreader, Chamcha, Chamchagiri, Cheated, Chelas, Childishness, Corrupt, Coward, Criminal, Crocodile Tears, Dadagiri, Dalal, Danga, Dhindhora Peetna, Dictatorial, Disgrace, Dohra Charitra, Donkey, Drama, Eyewash,
Foolish, Fudge, Gaddar, Ghadiyali Ansu, Girgit, Goons, Hooliganism, Hypocrisy, Incompetent, Jaichand, Jumlajeevi, Kala Bazaari, Kala Di, Khalistani, Khareed Farokht, Khoon see Kheti, Lie, Lollipop, Mislead, Nautanki, Nikamma, Pitthu, Samvedanheen, Sexual Harassment, Shakuni, Snoopgate, Taanashah, Taanashahi, Untrue, Vinash Purush, Vishwasghat.

The later compilations also include references to phrases that, in addition to those forbidden in some Commonwealth Parliaments in 2020, were deemed unparliamentary in the Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, and state legislatures of India in 2021.

It is also significant to note that certain keywords might not seem unparliamentary unless they are read in context with the other terms used during legislative sessions.

“If a member uses a word that could be unparliamentary or indecent and hurts the decorum or dignity of the House, the head of the reporting section sends it to the Speaker or the Presiding Officer citing relevant rules and precedence with a recommendation to expunge them.”

Under Rule 380, the Speaker has the discretion to expunge the word or usage. Once the Speaker expunges the word or usage, it comes back to the reporting section which removes the word from the records and mentions it in the proceedings as “expunged as ordered by the chair”.

At the end of the session, a compilation of words removed from the records, along with reasons, is sent to the Speaker’s office, Sansad TV, and the editorial service for information.

Expunged portions of the proceedings cease to exist in the records of Parliament, and they can no longer be reported by media houses, even though they may have been heard during the live telecast of the proceedings.

Speaker Om Birla ordered to expunge 18 portions from Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Lok Sabha in the debate on the motion of thanks to the president.

Congress spokesperson Gurdeep Singh Sappal announced on Twitter that on Birla’s order, 18 portions of Gandhi’s speech were expunged.

Birla objected to some of the claims made by Gandhi. He also asked him to stop showing two photographs, one of which showed Modi and Gautam Adani together in a flight cabin and the other Modi waving at people while boarding a flight allegedly owned by the Adani Group.

Amidst the BJP MPs’ protests against Gandhi’s allegations, Birla kept requesting the Congress leader and other members to not make any accusation without proof.

Best vs the Best – Will Indians outshine Aussies again in Border Gavaskar Trophy?

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As India and Australia get ready to lock horns once again, it is indubitable that a Test series between the two giants is one of the most exciting chapters in the annals of cricketing lore. When the two sides begin the battle for the Border-Gavaskar Trophy in Nagpur, arguably the biggest rivalry in world cricket will unfold in a 4-match Test series where the touring Aussies and the Indians are likely to be tested to their limits.

There’s plenty at stake for both teams and if Team India manages to win the series 2-1 or with a better margin, they will virtually seal a spot to meet the Aussies again in the World Test Championship final. If they clinch the series, India also will be the top ranked side across all formats which is a huge feat itself. For Australia, it’s a series their star player and former skipper Steven Smith has termed crucial and added that if they win, it will be “bigger than an Ashes series (win).”

The sobering fact for Australia and a grim reality that stares them ahead of the series is that they have won a series in the country only once in the last 54 years. It was the win under Adam Gilchrist’s captaincy in 2004. In fact, Aussies have won just 1 Test match in their last 4 tours of India. No wonder most Aussies now regard a win in India as their ‘final frontier’.

Both sides are evenly matched and are coming off great seasons since their disappointments in the T20 World Cup in Australia last year. The Aussies have come for this litmus test of their test-playing skills after an undefeated summer. With four wins out of five Tests this summer, as well as recent tours of the subcontinent under their belt.

India too is on a roll in the past few months. But much of their focus has been on White ball cricket. While Rohit and Virat are both in good touch, an added bonus for India is the efflorescence of Shubhman Gill who has been in sparkling form in recent months and lends an added dimension to India’s batting riches. Another move that many fans are looking forward to is the introduction of Suryakumar Yadav in Test Cricket. As the series may well be decided on who plays spinners better, experts feel Surya in the middle order can be a game changer.

A few injuries, however, have altered some of India’s initial plans for the team combination. Shreyas Iyer, having been in remarkable form of late, is not yet certain to play the first Test in Nagpur. With Rishabh Pant recovering from his freak accident, the place for a keeper in the side is up for grabs too. Cricket pundits feel that while K.L.Rahul can do the job, it might be too big an ask of him, especially since he is a key element in the batting department. Luckily, in Ishan Kishan India have an effective replacement for Pant, both as keeper and aggressive, left-handed batter. 

Meanwhile, Australia is going through injury concerns of their own. Cameron Green, Mitchell Starc and Josh Hazelwood will miss the first test. The Aussies have a powerful batting line up with great depth. Their recent success in Pakistan was on the back of some heavy scoring by Usman Khwaja and Steve Smith. However, veteran David Warner is in patchy form and has a rather modest Test record in India. Also, Khawaja, Alex Carey, Travis Head and Marcus Labuschagne will face a far sterner spinning test than what they battled in Pakistan and Sri Lanka.

But a slew of left handers in the top order will have Ashwin licking his lips. If most experts are to be believed pitches for the series are likely to be dry, spin-friendly tracks with uneven bounce, something that Ashwin will look forward to. The wily off-spin wizard had created history in 2021 by becoming the first bowler to take 200 wickets of left-handers. Ashwin is likely to be one of the toughest tests for the Aussies and the entire series could well hinge on how well the Aussies tackle Ashwin.

India’s spin contingent poses quite a stern test overall. There are reports that Kuldeep Yadav, who has been bowling with a lot of guile in recent months, may also be in the playing XI as India could start the series with 3 frontline spinners. In such a scenario, it is a toss-up between Yadav and Axar Patel since a fit Ravindra Jadeja will surely figure in the playing 11 and could be a potent threat to the Aussies.

In contrast, a spate of injuries to the finest pacers on both sides – Bumrah, Starc, Green, Hazelwood – have blunted the pace threats for the moment. But if India produce rank turners through the series, Nathan Lyon would be a major factor in the series. Indian batters have not been very good in playing spin for the past many years as was recently highlighted by the dramatic collapse in the second Test against Bangladesh.

Moreover, Lyon has also been very effective against Cheteshwar Pujara and Virat Kohli. Both the Indian batters have scored prolifically against him in Australia but on Indian pitches, story is far different. Lyon has dismissed Kohli 4 and Pujara 5 times respectively and he is also just behind the Aussie legend Shane Warne for most wickets in Asia by a non-Asian spinner. He has 34 wickets in India from 7 Tests and his economy rate has been getting better with every tour.

The Aussies will look to partner Lyon with one of Ashton Agar, Todd Murphy and Mitchell Swepson. But what strengthens the Aussie spin attack are the additional options of part-time spinners like Travis Head and occasional leg spinners Steve Smith and Marnus Labuschagne. While many fans may care about who scores more runs between Kohli and Smith, the series may well be decided by who picks up more wickets between Ashwin and Lyon!

Debate Rages In India Over Who Should Pick Judges: Government Or Collegium?

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Should judges pick their colleagues or the government should have a bigger role in picking judges?

This question has surfaced in India with the federal Law Minister and the Chief Justice going public on the issue.

The judges of the Supreme Court got selected by their colleagues through a system called the collegium. Under the system, the collegium, comprised of the judges of the apex court, recommend names to the government. The law minister forwards the recommendation to the Prime Minister, who advises the President to appoint judges.

But the government wants radical changes in the system and a bigger role for itself. The vice president and the law minister have been vocal on this issue. Law Minister Kiren Rijiju taunted by saying, “Across the globe, judges do not appoint judges. But in India, they do.”

Vice President Jagdeep Dhankar also attacked the system and questioned the Supreme Court judgement that over- ruled the government decision of abrogating the Judicial Service Act.

The Narendra Modi government enacted a law in 2015 enabling the federal government to constitute a federal commission that would include the law minister. This commission would replace the decade-old collegium system.

The apex court said only it could safeguard the rights of the citizen ‘by keeping it absolutely insulated and independent from the other organs of the government.’

India’s higher judiciary has capitulated to the governments and the ruling parties in the past. The government too had put pressure on the judges by superseding, transferring and not confirming them.

On the other hand, there are instances of judges being given plum postings after their retirement.

The collegium system might have taken away the power of the government of intimidation and applying the carrot and stick policy.

However, the collegium has been criticised for being slow and lacking transparency.

The Supreme Court has the recommended strength of 34 judges, but it has only 27 at present. Less number of judges means slower justice. More than 40 million cases are pending in courts at different levels, 70,000 of these in the apex court.

There are reasons for the slow process of the collegium system. It meets too infrequently, it meets only when the chief justice and other four judges of the panel are available. It met only 12 times between 2017 and 2020.

Second, the collegium system does not foresee a vacancy and plans in advance though it is clear that all judges would retire at 65. Seldom a vacancy has been filled immediately after the retirement of a judge.

The recommendations are sent to the judges in batches of two to four.

The government sits on the recommendations too long. It has also been found that the government has sent back the recommendations after long and on sometimes on frivolous grounds.

On the other hand, instead of trying to improve the condition by co-operating with the collegium, the government asserts that it can seek a reconsideration of the names.

In a written reply to a question posed by Communist Party of India (Marxist) member John Brittas, Rijiju said, in parliament house that there are 18 such cases.

“Government can seek reconsideration of names recommended by the SCC, and as on 31.01.2023 there are a total 18 proposals on which reconsideration of SCC has been sought. SCC decided to reiterate 06 cases, in 07 cases SCC has desired updated inputs from the High Court Collegiums, and 05 cases have been decided to be remitted by the SCC to the High Courts.”

In a veiled attack, the Law Minister, in response to another question said that various High Court collegiums were in ‘breach’ of the six-month timeline to send advance recommendations to fill upcoming judicial vacancies.

Elaborating his point of view, Rijiju said that the government has yet to receive recommendations for appointment of 236 vacancies-191 for present and 45 anticipated vacancies during the next six months.

Explaining the delay and claiming that the government was doing its best to clear the backlog as soon as possible, he told the upper house that a total of 142 proposals recommended by the High Court Collegiums were at “various stages of processing”.

He also said that four recommendations were pending with the Supreme Court Collegium and 138 were under various stages of processing within the government.

The collegium system has also come under scathing attack for alleged lack of transparency, nepotism and ignoring people from marginalised segments of the society.

The High Court and the Supreme Court collegia have been attacked for ignoring people of the SC, ST,OBC and religious minorities.

Replying to a question raised by BJP member Sushil Modi, the Law Minister said that out of 554 High Court judges appointed since 2018, as many as 430 belonged to the general category.

Rijiju also informed that 58 judges were OBCs, 27 were religious minorities, 19 were SCs and six belonged to the ST community. He mentioned that the general category judges accounted for over 77% of all appointments.

As it may appear lopsided, Rijiju explained the reason. He said that constitutional provisions guiding the appointment of judges in the Supreme Court and High Courts do not provide for any specific reservation.

He said, “The government remains committed to social diversity in the appointment of judges in the higher judiciary and has been requesting the Chief Justices of High Courts that while sending proposals for appointment of judges, due consideration be given to suitable candidates belonging to SCs, STs, OBCs, minorities and women to ensure social diversity.”

It is interesting that the present central government, which is on a privatization spree that is effecting reservation system, is taking the plea of reservation against the collegium system.

“Collegium system is better than government appointing judges; but it is non-transparent, non-objective and riddled with nepotism,” said senior lawyer Prashant Bhushan in an online event published by Live Law.

कृषी प्रधान देश में किसानों के साथ बजट में छल 

हर साल देश में बजट देश की आर्थिक आवश्यकताओं की समीक्षा  करने व उनके लिए उचित धन आवंटन करने के उद्देश्य से बनाया एवं प्रस्तुत किया जाता है। यह प्रक्रिया समान्यतया हर देश प्रदेश इकाई यहाँ तक की किसी गरीब व्यक्ति के घर तक में की जाती है। बजट के द्वारा आवश्यकता व् उपयोगिता के आधार को निश्चित किया जाता है ताकि सामान्य संतुलन बना कर भविष्य की चुनौतियों को साधा जा सके। उपलब्ध संसाधनों में धन को अर्जित करना व् उसके खर्च को नियंत्रित करना ही बजट की सफलता निर्धारित करता है। एक विशाल देश में सभी वर्गों की मूलभूत आवश्यकताओं के अनुरूप ही सुचारू व्यवस्था स्थापित करके देश को प्रगति की राह पे बढ़ाया जा सकता है। भारत में हर साल देश के बजट का निर्धारण किया जाता है। देश के वित मंत्री को ये जिम्मेदारी दी जाती है जो समय की सरकार की नीतियों को स्पष्ट करता है।

इस वर्ष 2023-24 का बजट अधिक महत्वपूर्ण माना जा रहा था क्योंकि अगले वर्ष वर्तमान सत्ताधारी नरेन्द्र मोदी सरकार की फिर से आम लोकसभा चुनाव में परीक्षा होनी है। नरेन्द्र मोदी सरकार का ये लगातार दूसरा कार्यकाल है। बजट के द्वारा सरकार अपनी योजनाओं दृष्टिकोण और उपलब्धियों को भी देश की जनता के सामने पेश करती है। 1 फरवरी को लोकसभा में प्रस्तुत बजट से कई तरह की प्रतिक्रियाएं सामने उभरने लगी है। कई वर्गों से निराशा के स्पष्ट संकेत सामने आये हैं।

कृषि प्रधान देश में आबादी का एक बड़ा भाग खुद को उपेक्षित व् ठगा हुआ पा रहा है। बढ़ती महंगाई घटते रोजगार से परेशान हालत में समानय नागरिक सरकार से अपेक्षाएं रखे हुए था की पिछाले कुछ वर्षों की विषम परिस्थितियों जिनमे महामारी काल भी शामिल है का कोई समाधान निकलेगा परन्तु बजट की समीक्ष करने पर उसकी समान्य बुद्धि को भी एक झटका महसूस होने लगा। दूसरी और इस बजट ने विशषज्ञों को भी हैरान कर दिया है की आखिर सरकर किस दिशा में बढ़ना चाहती है।

बजट में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण कृषि क्षेत्र को वर्तमान सरकार ने जिस तरह से उपेक्षित किया वह किसानों को स्तब्ध कर रहा है। अभी एक वर्ष पहले ही देश के प्रधानमंत्री ने किसानों से माफ़ी मांगी थी और उनके हितों को सुरक्षित करने के अपने प्रयसों को दोहराया था। लेकिन बजट में वह संकल्प बिलकुल नदारद है।

नियत और नीतियों में अंतर धरातल पर साफ दिखाई देने लगा है। फसलों पर न्यूनतम समर्थन मूल्य सुनिश्चित करने के लिए कानून बनाए जाने, किसानों के कर्ज माफ़ी, बीज व् उरवर्क की गुणवत्ता पूर्ण उपलब्धि, बिजली सिंचाई की सुचारु व्यवस्थाओं का निर्माण, फसलों की सरकारी खरीद के लिए मंडियों का विस्तार व् आधारभूत ढांचा, फल सब्जियों के लिए मुल्य निर्धारण व् भंडारण व्यवस्था, फसल बिमा योजना द्वारा किसानों को समयसार उचित मुआवजा, प्रकिर्तिक आपदा से फसलों के नुकसान की भरपाई, कृषक  समाज को स्वास्थ्य व् शिक्षा के लिए अनुदान, ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में रोजगार की उपलब्धता अदि अनेक बिन्दुुओं को वित् मंत्री ने छूआ तक नहीं।

बजट में कृषि मद में पिछले वर्षों की अपेक्षा अबकी बार अधिक प्रावधान किये जाने की उम्मीद थी जिस से सरकार द्वारा 2016 किये गए किसानों की आय को 2022 तक दुगना करने के वायदे को सार्थक किया जा सकता लेकिन इसके विपरीत कई कटौतियां कर दी गयी।

कृषि क्षेत्र के लिए पिछले वर्ष एक लाख चौबीस हजार करोड़ का खर्च का प्रावधान था (1,24,000) जो इस बार 6.8% घटा कर एक लाख पंद्रह हजार पांच सो इकतीस (1,15,531) कर दिया गया। लगभग आठ हजार चार सो उनहतर (8469) कम किये गए। जबकि पिछले  कुछ वर्षों से मौसम कृषि के लिए अनुकूल ही रहा है, मानसून निरंतर खेती के लिए बेहतर रहा।

प्रधानमंत्री फसल बिमा योजना में पंद्रह हजार पांच सो करोड़ (15,500) को 12% घटा कर तेहरा हजार छै सो पचीस (13,625 ) करोड़ कर दिए गए।

प्रधानमंत्री किसान सम्मान निधि में पिछले वर्ष अड़सठ हजार करोड़ (68,000) रखे गए थे वो भी 12% घटा कर  साठ हजार करोड़ (60,000) कर दिए गए हैं।

बजट में कृषि का हिस्सा पिछले वर्ष कुल बजट का 3.36 % था वो भी लगभग तीस हजार करोड़ (30,000) कम करके इस वर्ष 2.7% कर दिया।

उर्वरक पर जो अनुदान पिछले वर्ष  तक जो दो लाख पच्चीस हजार करोड़ की (2,25,000) की थी उसको  22% कम करके एक लाख पिचहत्तर हजार (1,75,000) कर दिया गया है।

कृषि यंत्रों पर जो जी एस टी लगाया गया था उसको कम नहीं किया गया। उसके कम होने से किसानों का फसल उत्पादन के ख़र्च में कमी आ सकती थी जिस से उनको लाभ मिलने की संभावना बढ़ सकती थी। उसपे कोई बदलाव नहीं किया गया।

इसी प्रकार मनरेगा के मद में जो राशि पिछले वर्ष नवासी हजार चार सो करोड़ (79,400) थी को घटा कर साथ हजार करोड़ (60,000) कर दिया गया जबकि  इस योजना के तहत अधिकतर ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों के छोटे व् भूमिहीन किसानों व् मजदूरों को स्थानीय स्तर पर कुछ दिन निश्चित काम मिल जाता था जिस से उनके लिए कुछ आय हो जाती थी।  हालाँकि इस योजना के अंतर्गत कम से कम 100 दिन निश्चित रोजगार देने के प्रावधान हैं।

कृषि भूमि सिंचाई के लिए बारह हजार नो सो चव्वन करोड़ (12,954) को घटा कर अब दस हजार सात सो सतासी (10,787) करोड़ कर दिया गया।

राष्ट्रिय कृषि विकास योजना के तहत पूर्व वर्ष में दस हजार चार सो तेत्तिस करोड़ (10,433) का प्रवधान रखा गया था जिसे कम करके सात हज़ार एक सौ पचास (7,150) किया गया !

कृषि उन्नति योजना के लिए विगत में सात हजार एक सौ  तिरासी करोड़ (7,183) मंजूर किये गए थे अबकी बार वहां भी कमी कर के सात हजार छियासठ (7,066) किया गया है।

मूल्य सहायता व् बाजार हस्तक्षेप व् अन्नदाता आय संरक्षण योजना में भी आबंटन करीब समाप्त कर दिया गया। पिछले बजट में जिसमे पंद्रह सौ करोड़ (1500) रखे गए थे उसमे अबकी बार केवल एक लाख रुपये ही रखे गए हैं।

खाद्य सुरक्षा जिसे राष्ट्रीय खाद्य सुरक्षा  कानून के अधीन लागू किया गया था जिसमे धन का आबंटन  केंद्रीय सरकार की प्रतिब्धता है जो पिछली बार दो लाख सतासी हजार एक सौ चुरानवे (2,87,194) था को कम करके एक लाख सतानवे हजार तीन सौ पचास (1,97350) करोड़ किया गया है।

बजट व् वित्तमन्त्री निर्मला सीतारामन् के भाषण में ऐसा प्रतीत हुआ के सरकार अनुमानित खर्च कम करके निजी क्षेत्र को बढ़ावा देना चाहती है। 2011-12 में कृषि क्षेत्र में कुछ खर्च जो की 5.4% था से तुलना करने पर अब खर्च कम करके 4.3% कर दिया गया है। वित् मंत्री द्वारा कृषि क्षेत्र में निजी निवेश को बढ़ावा देने के लिए जो सुझाव सामने रखे गए जैसे की एग्रीकल्चर एसकलेटर फण्ड जिसके द्वारा ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में एग्री स्टार्ट अप के लिए युवाओं को प्रोत्साहित किया जा सकेगा धरतल पर कल्पनिक अधिक लगता है। ज़्यदातर घोषणाएं कृषि व्यपार केंद्रित ही सुनायी पड़ी जबकि कृषि व्यपार कृषि उधम से बिलकुल भिन्न है।

प्रकिर्तिक खेती व् जैविक खेती को प्रोत्साहित करने के लिए एक नए मिशन की घोषणा की गई जिसके अंतर्गत चार सौ उनसठ करोड़ का खर्च प्रवधान किया गया। जिसके  क्रियांवन की कोई रूपरेखा स्पष्ट नहीं।

फरवरी 2019 में पीएम किसान सम्मान निधि की पहली किश्त 11.84 करोड़ किसानों को दी गयी थी, मई-जून 2022 में 11वीं किश्त मात्र 3.87 करोड़ किसानों को दी गयी है, किसानों की संख्या में 67% की कमी आ गई है। कृषि मंत्री ने ये नहीं बताया के ये संख्या कम क्यों की गई।

इन सब पहलुओं के कारण किसानों की निराशा मुखर रूप से सामने आई है। किसान अपनी समस्याओं के लिए स्थायी व् ठोस समाधान चाहते हैं। बढ़ते कर्ज के कारन किसानों की आत्महत्य करने की घटनाओं में पिछले कुछ वर्षों में बहुत वृद्धि हुयी जिसके समाधान के लिए वर्तमान सरकर ने किसानो को आस्वस्त किया था लेकिन उस दिशा में कुछ खास बदलाव नहीं आ पाया।

एक अत्यंत महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका किसानों की हमेशा से रही। किसान सदियों से जलवायु का संरक्षक रहा है, उद्योगों, मशीनीकरण, वाहन, शहरीकरण, पूंजीपति उपयोगितावाद ने जलवायु को, पर्यावरण के अति दोहन से अनियंत्रित किया है। जितना कार्बन प्रदूषण उद्योगों द्वारा किया गया उसके लिए विकसित देश ज़िम्मेदार हैँ लेकिन उन्होने अपने किये को चालाकि से ढ़कने के लिए ऐसा प्रचार तंत्र खडा किया जिसने विकासशील देशों को इसका जिम्मेदार ठहरा दिया। कार्बन क्रेढ़िट के नाम से मिलने वाले अर्थिक समायोजन को सरकारें उद्योगपतियों को जलवायु संरक्षण के नाम पे बांट देती हैं। किसान को कुछ नहीं मिलता  सिवाये दोष के।

किसान कौमों, ज़मींदार कौमों, खेतिहर कौमों क्षेत्रपति समाज के लिये हमेशा ही बड़ी चुनौतियां खडी रही लेकिन सरकारों ने उनके प्रति गंभीरता से समाधान नहीं किये, इस लिये ये समाज पिछड़ता रहा। एक असंतोष निरंतर इस समाज में बना हुआ है। वर्तमान मे पूंजीवादी ताकतें क्षेत्रपति समाज की जमीनों पे आँख लगाये है। एक बड़ी साजिश की बड़ी चुनौती फिर से सामने है। अगर क्षेत्रपति समाज अब भी धर्म जातियों मे बंटा रहा तो आने वाले भविष्य मे अस्तित्व नहीं रहेगा।

Unsung Hero: Bhopal’s Syed Abid Helps Bring Stranded Citizens Home From Across The World

Bhopal: A man has been quietly helping Indian citizens caught in difficult circumstances in countries across the world for years.

Known for lending a helping hand to any family whose kin is trapped far away, he uses all his links and puts energy into the efforts to bring the person back home.

Syed Abid Hussain has mastered the skill to deal with the bureaucracy in different countries and with the use of social media, reunites such people with their families.

By profession, Abid is neither a bureaucrat nor a politician, who has contacts and departments to follow their instructions but he is just a painter and single man army.

And even not being associated with any government organisation, he has so far helped hundreds of people stuck in countries spread over the Middle East, West Asia, Europe and other parts of the world. Abid keeps getting calls and messages from families who have their kin caught in a country and even those whose whereabouts are not known.

The ‘Mesiah’ has developed a style of his own to resolve these cases. Whether it’s the case of a person who is untraceable or has been kept unlawfully by someone in a foreign land, Abid uses social media, particularly Twitter, to bring focus on the disappearance of the person or his plight. He tags officials of the particular country, their embassies and the Indian Embassy.

He also messages prominent personalities of the particular country, including peaceniks or activists, film actors, journalists and urges them to raise the issue. Subsequently, it comes in media in those countries, gets attention and opens the door to the person’s return.

During the Russia and Ukraine crisis, he helped dozens of youth to return with his efforts.

“I don’t have a strong financial background but I never take a penny for this work. It’s just for the sake of humanity and social work”, he says.

The number of people Abid helped bring back to the country is uncounted now. “I don’t do it for any number or statistics, I stopped counting, the figure is more than 500,” he says. “Whenever I get a call I start working on the mission. I feel that the victim’s family must not get depressed and lose hope”, he adds. One of the first cases that brought him nationwide attention was when he helped the family of a missing boy, Kailash Arjunwar.

“I found through a newspaper report about Kailash, who is from Madhya Pradesh that he had somehow overstayed on the other side of the border and was caught, and kept in jail. I began my efforts. After a long process, Kailash was rescued with the help of the foreign ministry. I constantly kept raising his issue until it got resolved”, he recalled.

Recently, Abid helped get 12 people from a country in West Asia to return to India. These people, Harendra Ram, hails from Siwan (Bihar), Jai Soorat (Ghazipur), Dharmendra Kumar (Deoria), Sheetal Singh (Kapurthala), Husan Lal (Jalandhar), Surendra Verma (Sant Kabir Nagar), Ved Prakash (Kushinagar), Hardas Prakash (Ghazipur) and Shiv Locahn of Mau along with others were reunited with their families.

From yet another country, he helped bring 48 persons back to India, in January.
A painter by profession, he was born in Faizabad, UP.

Abid, 38, says that when he started helping people stuck in foreign lands, he came to know about a lot of factors, especially how some people who are less educated are fooled by their employers or agents who take them to those countries but they end up working as bonded labourers sometimes & are even not allowed to contact families.

When Abid comes to know about a family that has a person ‘lost’ in a country, he takes documents and contacts the government, foreign ministry, the particular country’s consulate and embassies in both countries. Mostly he manages to get them returned. Former Minister for External Affairs Sushma Swaraj also used to know him for his efforts.
Sandeep Kumar, who was helped rescued by Abid recalls, “Our company had promised a job in the construction sector. After paying money to the agent, we were cheated.” “Our families told Abid bhai, who started the campaign because we couldn’t do anything. He also ran a hashtag to save us and this led to action (return),” says Sandeep, who is thankful to the activist for his role.

In the case of Babar Ali, who was stuck in Mozambique, the family approached Abid. “Babar was promised a big salary but when he reached there, he was not paid and made to work 18 hrs daily apart from harassment and torture”, said his family members. “He made a video and managed to send it. Then Abid took up the case and the Embassy acted, bringing Babar back”, a family member mentioned.

Abid has been felicitated many times and got awards too for his work.

Abid has been affectionately called ‘Bajrangi Bhaijan’ because of the movie and the similarity of his work with the Salman Khan starrer Bollywood flick.

Will Balancing Acts Of Election Year Budget Create Jobs?

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Will the 10-lakh crore of capital expenditure make the Indian economy robust enough to create hundreds of thousands of jobs?

Will it generate tax revenue enough to fuel its expenditures and fill the gap between the income and expenditure of the government?

Or is the Budget 2023-24 an election-year exercise to appease all with little hope of fulfilment of any of the promises made?

Even the most ardent admirers of Modinomics will have to ponder over these pertinent questions if they analyse the last full- budget presented before the General Elections, next year.

The Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman appears to have passed the political test of coming out with a budget that targets its constituencies-the OBC, Dalits, tribals, other subaltern sections and the younger generation though symbolically, rather than in substance.

She announced that 38,000 teachers will be appointed for 748 tribal schools under the Prime Minister Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups Development Mission and allocated Rs 15,000 crore for it, she tried to lure the people living in the tribal areas, whom the BJP loves to call ‘vanvasi.’

As many nine states are going to polls this year, and many of them have a sizable number of scheduled tribe populations. Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura are the states with majority of tribal population.

Similarly, Nirmala Sitharaman allocated Rs 79,000 core, a whopping hike of 66% for the Prime Minister Awas Yojna, a house construction scheme for the rural poor.

She has also promised to transfer a huge amount of Rs 2.2 lakh crore to 114 million farmers.

The finance minister announced an outlay of Rs 10 lakh crore for the capital expenditure or the capex, as it is popularly called. She signalled to the construction sector and everyone else related to it that they might make a killing. She also might have thought that it would boost steel, cement and other related fields and create hundreds of thousands of jobs.

Similarly, Sitharaman wanted to woo the younger generation searching for jobs by announcing certain sops for the MSMEs, startups, green energy and labs for future technologies.

Prime Minister and his colleague Sitharaman have complained many times that not more than two percent of the vast population of more than 130 crore pay direct taxes. While preparing the budget of the year, the Finance Minister chose to appease the middle class taxpayers by symbolism rather than in substance.

She announced that people with an annual income upto Rs 3 lakh will not have to pay, earlier this limit was Rs. 2.5 lakh. So, she gave a relief of Rs 50,000 only. Considering the RBI-estimated inflation rate of 5.2%, this will be much less, starkly insignificant.

But the finance minister has other plans for the taxpayers as well. Considering the fact that there are not many takers of the New Tax Regime, introduced three years back, she made an interesting announcement-those with an annual income of less than Rs. 7 lakh will not be taxed. The minimum tax rate of 5% will be levied on annual income of Rs 7 lakh to 9 lakh. She also announced certain deductions and reductions to incentivise people of other income brackets to shift to the new tax regime.

The New Tax Regime has no deduction or concession.

The budget has some inherent flaws indicating that either the Finance Minister is a too optimistic person, completely disconnected from the economic realities of the country or she has tried to fool the country deliberately.

The budget has projected a nominal growth rate of 10.5%, assuming that the inflation rate will not be more than 4%. But the RBI has projected an inflation rate of 5.2% for the first half of the financial year. Even if the inflation rate for the second half of the financial year is 4% as projected, the average inflation rate will be 4.6%. It will upset the budget estimates.

Clearly, the budget has over-estimated the growth prospect.

Sitharaman has tried her best to strike a balance between good politics and good economics. But it seldom happens.

By cutting subsidies, freebies and also pumping money into capital expenditure, she has tried to prepare a budget that angers no one and also generates some inputs for real and long-time growth.

But the finance minister has not made arrangements to generate enough revenue to fuel the expenditure. She has tried to appease the middle-class in symbolism with no substance. She has ruthlessly cut the allocations for MGNREGS and other employment generation schemes, with no alternative ways for job-creation. Sitharaman has cut subsidies leaving the most vulnerable segments of the society in lurch.

A good politics is a bad economics and vice-versa. An attempt to juggle up both is bound to fail.

Meanwhile, the finance minister has slashed the allocation for the Ministry of Minority Affairs by about 38%.

She made an outlay of Rs 3097.60 crore, much less than last year’s allocation of 5020.50 crore.

Out of the total outlay, Sitharaman has made an allocation of Rs. 1,689 crore for education empowerment while Rs. 64.4 crore has been allocated for Skill Development and Livelihoods.

Welcoming the budget, Minority Affairs Minister Smriti Irani tweeted that the prime minister and the finance minister has ‘truly epitomised inclusive development’

Narendra Modi cabinet has no Muslim minister. It is also for the first time that the largest ruling party has no Muslim member in the parliament.

Journalist Siddiqui Kappan Released From Jail ‘On Bail’ After 28 Months

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Lucknow: Journalist Siddique Kappan released today from Lucknow jail after being granted bail. He was arrested over two years ago on his way to report the alleged rape and murder of a Dalit woman in Hathras, Uttar Pradesh. It sparked nationwide as well as outside India protests.

The UP police claimed that Kappan was going there with the intention of creating unrest and charged him with sedition and under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). The Enforcement Directorate later filed a money laundering case against him, accusing him of receiving money from the banned People’s Front of India.

In September 2022, the Supreme Court granted Kappan bail in the UAPA case, observing that no formal charges had been filed against him and the “Toolkit” document recovered by the state police only propagated a call for justice in the rape case. Three months later, he was granted bail in the money laundering case as well. However, he remained in jail due to bureaucratic lapses until he was finally released.

Opposition parties and civil society groups have condemned Kappan’s arrest as politically motivated and an attempt by the Uttar Pradesh government to avoid negative media coverage. The police have claimed that Kappan and others arrested with him are members of the banned Popular Front of India and its student wing, the Campus Front of India.

However, Kappan has repeatedly denied any involvement in terror activities or financing and argued that he was on his way to Hathras for journalistic work.

After his release, Kappan stated that he will continue to fight against the “draconian laws” and said he doesn’t know who benefitted from his being in jail. The opposition and civil society groups have also criticized the BJP government’s efforts to muzzle the media.

“False allegations were put against me. I am happy to be out now,” said Kappan.

US National Press Club Urges Indian Government to Rescind Ban on BBC Documentary

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Washington: National Press Club, a leading voice for press freedom in the United States and worldwide, has strongly condemned the ban on BBC Documentary- India: The Modi Question by the Indian Government.

The international press body argued with the Government of India to let people decide whether to watch or not.

Meanwhile, hundreds of students are getting suspended or being detained for screening the documentary on university campuses across India.

NPC’s president Eileen O’Reilly as well as Gil Klein, president of the National Press Club Journalism Institute jointly issued a statement on the decision by the government of India to censor the airing of a BBC news documentary probing the role Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have played in the 2002 Gujarat riots.

It reads, “India should be proud that it is the largest democracy in the world, but it cannot hold on to that identity if it continues to erode press freedom, persecute journalists, and suppress news that holds a mirror up to its shortcomings. Since Modi came to power, we have watched with frustration and disappointment as his government — time and time again — has suppressed the right of its citizens to a free and independent news media.”

And added, “We strongly urge the government of India to rescind its ban on the BBC documentary and to allow the citizens of India to decide for themselves whether they agree or disagree with its findings. The BBC is one of the most respected news sources in the world and is known for its high editorial standards.

We also demand in the strongest terms, the government stop its persecution of journalists and suppression of press freedom in India.”

After the BBC aired a two-part documentary entitled ‘ndia: The Modi Question’ on Jan. 17, the Indian government used its emergency powers to ban it from being aired in the country. Modi’s government also forced Twitter and YouTube to block the documentary in India under an unjust 2021 information technology law, which the National Press Club has previously criticized.

The BBC documentary examines PM Modi’s role in the 2002 Gujarat riots when he was chief minister of the western Indian state. During the riots, thousands of predominantly Muslim Indians were killed, many were raped and Muslim establishments were set on fire. 

The Indian Supreme Court exonerated Modi in 2012 of wrongdoing but the documentary notes the British Foreign Office produced an unpublished report claiming Modi was ‘directly responsible’ for enabling the impunity of violence that led to the killings.

Founded in 1908, the National Press Club is the world’s leading professional organization for journalists.

The National Press Club Journalism Institute promotes an engaged, global citizenry through an independent and free press. The NPCJI is the nonprofit affiliate of the National Press Club.

Glorious Triumph for Indian Girls in Inaugural U19 T20 World Cup – Women’s Cricket in India Ready for Big Leap!

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The Indian Under-19 Women’s Cricket Team scripted history by thrashing England and lifting the maiden ICC U-19 Women’s T20 World Cup 2023. At Potchefstroom in South Africa, the Shafali Verma-led side turned January 29 into a Super Sunday for Indian Sport with their clinical demolition of England by 7 wickets. By being crowned World Champions in the inaugural U-19 Women’s T20 World Cup, the ‘Women in Blue’ won their first-ever ICC title nearly 50 years after women’s cricket began in the country.

The English side was undefeated in the tournament but in the one-sided final, they were simply no match to the Indian eves who dominated from the start. Captain Shafali Verma, who is also a member of the senior team, decided to field first. An excellent bowling effort saw India skittling England out for just 68. Fast bowler Titas Sadhu bowled with discipline and her tight spell was rewarded with 2 wickets for just 6 runs. Spinners Archana Devi and Parshavi Chopra also picked 2 wickets each, setting up an easy task for the batters.

Indian girls didn’t have any difficulty in chasing a below-par total of 69 runs and romped home in barely 14 overs!! The English side was outplayed, thoroughly. Somya Tiwari and Gongadi Trisha stitched a breezy 46-run partnership to ensure a famous victory for India after a quick start by Shafali.

Prior to the dominant display in the final, India topped their Group D, which had South Africa, UAE and Scotland. But in the Super Six round against Australia, the team was bundled out for 87, which the Aussies chased comfortably. The Indian team bounced back with a thumping win over Sri Lanka and assured themselves a semi-final spot against New Zealand. All-round brilliance in the Semis saw the Indians crush the Kiwis by eight wickets.

India’s triumph at the inaugural U19 T20 World Cup is being seen as a sign of far happier days for women’s cricket in the country. It comes just days after Women’s Premier League (WPL) netted huge gains. Just broadcasting rights alone fetched Rs 951 crores. And five franchises were sold for a massive Rs 4,669 crore. In fact, the bidding for teams of the inaugural WPL broke the records of the inaugural men’s IPL in 2008.

team india u19 t20 world cup women cricket

Most experts believe the U-19 glory as a culmination of a process that has been gathering pace over the past decade. It comes three months after Indian girls lifted the Asia Cup for the seventh time in October 2022. That victory came barely a month after the men’s team had failed to even reach the finals of the Asia Cup. 

Earlier, in ICC events in the last few years, India had narrowly missed title triumphs. In the 2017 ODI World Cup, little-known Harmanpreet Kaur from Punjab had played an amazing knock of 171, which got India to the final – and women’s cricket suddenly gained mass recognition in the country. Despite India’s narrow loss in that World Cup final, when the team returned home, fans thronged the airport in thousands. It was the first major sign that fans had started recognizing that it was not only the Men in Blue but also the Women in Blue who were playing stellar cricket and deserved their love and support.

If that wasn’t enough, India also reached the final of the 2020 Women’s T20 World Cup but lost to Australia. Besides Harmanpreet and the equally popular Smriti Mandhana, it was the-then-16-year-old Shafali Verma who played a crucial role in that tournament and became an overnight sensation in the country. This lot has, of course, benefitted tremendously from the experienced duo of former skipper Mithali Raj and Jhulan Goswami, who were active stars till recently.

Similarly, in the Commonwealth Games in 2022, Indian women won the silver medal after a narrow 9-run loss to Australia in the final. The Indian women nearly pulled it off against the five-time T20 champions Australia as captain Harmanpreet Kaur almost took India home with a fluent half-century in the chase of 162. She smacked the Aussie bowlers all around the park and stitched a 96-run stand with Jemimah Rodrigues. But India lost their last seven wickets for 34 runs and that collapse helped Australia to clinch the Gold. 

The glorious triumph in the Under-19 category now seems a fitting tribute to the efforts put in by countless players over the past 5 decades. It’s a win especially for a range of exceptional women whose names rarely figure in India’s glorious cricket history. These include among many others the pioneers like Shanta Rangaswamy and Diana Edulji who played for India for decades but hardly earned a penny to the long-serving Anjum Chopra, Mithali Raj and Jhulan Goswami to the current lot of Harmanpreet and Co.   

The first title triumph in an ICC event comes just a few weeks ahead of WPL, the world’s richest women’s sports league. The string of recent successes were finally rewarded by the BCCI when it announced pay parity in October 2022 for its contracted women cricketers. As a result, women cricketers will be paid the same match fee as the men, which is Rs 15 lakhs for Test matches, Rs 6 lakhs for ODI matches and Rs 3 lakhs for T20I games. By every reckoning, becoming U-19 World Champions is a watershed moment that could usher in a glorious future for women’s cricket in India with fans getting more chances to ‘bleed blue’!

What BBC Missed In Its Documentary India: The Modi Question

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British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)’s two-part documentary, India: The Modi Question has been released. The Government of India has banned the first part, so the second has also been removed from major social media platforms. The first part largely focused on the Gujarat riots 2002. This made many question why BBC needed to show a two-decade-old issue now? Even concerned citizens, who are worried about the wide-spread Islamophobia and the hate-filled environment in India seek answers to it. The second part of the documentary, came with all the answers, as it highlights the Narendra Modi government’s work done in the last eight years, or anti-Muslim acts.

It starts with mob lynching cases, Kashmir (abrogation of Article 370), reports on citizenship issue which led CAA-NRC protests in the country and also mentions about hate speech being made against Muslims in the country. It shows Assam was the lab for Citizenship Act and Jharkhand as the epicenter of mob lynching cases in India.

Second part begins with the Alimuddin Ansari case, he was lynched in Ramgarh in 2017. All the killers in this case are out on bail. Ansari’s was the first lynching case in India in which conviction took place. But, Jharkhand High Court granted bail to the accused and later Jayant Sinha, BJP’s Hazaribagh MP and then a minister in Modi cabinet had garlanded the murderers when they came out from the jail. It makes one wonder whether it was the impact of Ansari case that helped the killers get bail even after conviction in another lynching (Latehar case) where two people, including a 12-year-old boy who was beaten and then hanged to death – the first one in Jharkhand. Between 2016 to 2019, over 26 lynching cases took place in the state, and Hemant Soren-led JMM government came to power with the promise to make a law against lynching. Hemant fulfilled the promise but the bill was returned by the center appointed Governor.

The BBC team talks to Ansari’s wife, Mariyam Khatoon, and victims of citizenship issues as well as the protestors.

But, even for an organization like BBC, which made two episodes of almost an hour each, missed ‘two’ important issues that the Muslims faced or are still facing during the Modi regime. Or it can be said that since BJP came to power with a full majority in India, the party and its supporters remain involved in so many types of anti-Muslim activities that the two-hour-long BBC documentary could not cover it all.

Covid spreader

First, when the lockdown was imposed to break the chain of Covid-19 pandemic, the Tableegi-Jamaat was blamed as the spreader of the deadly virus, within a few days of imposition of the shutdown. Thousands of jamaat people were arrested, detained and humiliated. The markaz at Nizamuddin, Delhi was shut down. Later the media ran a campaign against Jamaat and tried to malign them in every possible way. When such things were happening, no ruling party BJP leader including Prime Minister Modi or Home Minister Amit Shah or anyone else condemned the act. BBC too missed this important issue in the two part series of India: The Modi Question.

Economic boycott

Another important issue, the call for the economic boycott of Muslims, which is an ongoing project, has not been mentioned. From time to time, the boycott calls took place but it intensified after Covid-19 lockdown. After every call, which takes place anywhere in India (especially in Hindi heartlands) Muslim hawkers (venders) get beaten, their identity is cross checked and are barred in several areas or localities. However, it could not find a mention in the docu-series.

BBC could have easily found both, the Jamaat victims and Muslim hawkers who could narrate their plight. They could have also questioned former Rajya Sabha Member and BJP leader Swapan Dasgupta about these issues, as he was given ample time to talk at length in the video.

The BJP leader got a chance to rebut every point mentioned by the BCC. But, no one can deny that what the BBC have shown in its two-part series has not taken place in the world’s largest democracy during BJP rule.

Politics of demolition

Besides the two issues that BBC did not cover, the bulldozer (in) justice against Muslims could also have been added in the documentary. From Delhi, Uttar Pradesh to Madhya Pradesh and in many parts of the country, this method has been used in recent times to further target the largest minority.

Earlier in India, in every criminal or civil case, due process used to be followed. But now, police have bypassed all the judiciary process and within two days, houses of the accused are being demolished.

Even during Covid lockdown evictions took place on a large scale.

Unofficial data shows that between March 2020 and July 2021 (during lockdown), 2. 57 lakh homes were demolished across the country. In the year 2021, total 3. 48 lakhs homes demolished. Datas also revealed that most of these states where it has been done are being ruled by the BJP.

After the citizenship issue, it has also created a humanitarian crisis in the country.

However, as it’s a very recent and latest addition among the many atrocities committed by the Modi-led BJP government, it may not come under the planning of the makers.

I was discussing it with senior journalist Uttam Sengupta, who agreed and said, “Hope it may lead to BBC to come up with another episode in future.”