Kolkata: When the name of Junaid Kamal was announced, a 32-year-old man, with the help of two crutches, tried to stand up from his seat and began moving towards the stage to be felicitated at Asma Memorial Trust’s function. Soon, the fine art teacher was assisted in walking to receive a memento, a plant, and a set of notebooks and pens.
It was the first time in his 13-year teaching career that the art teacher, who is associated with four different organizations in Kolkata and serves the community, was recognized as a specially-abled person (left leg and right paralysed).
“I am thankful for the felicitation. For someone like me, it is not only difficult to study, but getting a respectable job is another challenge. Even when you succeed, it is rare that people appreciate it in this fast-paced life,” the Academy of Fine Arts graduate told eNewsroom.
Junaid was not alone; at least 15 retired educators, from both government and private schools, were also felicitated at the event.
Dr Umar Khyyam (70) of Maulana Azad College, Mobark Ali Mobarak (65) from Bankura district Urdu School, Nurul Hoda (62) of Kankinara Himayatul Ghurba High School (underprivileged), and Ashraf Ahmad Jafri (65) of Karaya School, Kolkata, were among them.
There were also current teachers, such as Afaf Jameel of Frank Anthony Public School, Sangita Gurung of Assembly of God Church School, Michael A Panja of GD Goenka Public School, Dr Khalid Hossain of Monu Memorial Institution (Kolkata), Debashish from Well and Gold, Md. Shahnawaz of Noble Mission School, Mubashshreen Shakil of KS Consultancy & Academy, Shaguta Adnan, who teaches French, and Manwar Sultana of Sir Syed English Medium School, among the total 80 teachers who were felicitated.
The felicitated and the felicitetors together after Asma Memorial Trust’s event
Teachers from South Point, East West, Goenka, Albani Hall, Islamia, Mohammed Jan, Flair International, and Izma International schools were also honored.
Noor Alam, the founder of NEET Basket, who also established the Asma Trust in memory of his wife to promote value-based education and encourage those involved in it, told eNewsroom, “We used to celebrate Education Day on the birthday of India’s first education minister, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. But this year, we started the celebration earlier and began by felicitating educators who have served society but have not received any recognition for it.”
Alam, the Rashtriya Shiksha Ratan Award winner also pointed out that during the felicitation, a plant was given to each honoree to symbolize how educators nurture children. Just as trees benefit society in many ways, a well-nurtured child can positively impact the community.
The chief guest, Indian Revenue Service (IRS) officer Shamsher Ahmad, who took voluntary retirement and started Crescent School in one of Kolkata’s ghettos—Topsia—shared his journey as an educator. “When I started the school in Topsia (in 2002), I decorated the building very well. People asked me why I was doing so. I told them that to build confidence in the Topsia students, they must study in a place that is not inferior to other major schools in the city.”
“In later years, to boost their confidence to appear for the Union Public Service Examinations, I used my contacts and made my school a center for the UPSC exam, which produces IAS and IPS officers. As a result, today our school produces doctors and students who pursue higher education after graduating from Crescent,” Ahmad said to the gathering.
Sangita Gurung of Assembly of God said a one liner for the teachers, “Teach what your preach and preach what you teach, is the motto remained in my career and it should be with every teacher.”
Dr Sarfaraz Adil, founder of Izma International School, reminded attendees of the importance of education in Islam and how it has been emphasized. “Getting an education is one of the fundamentals of Islam. It not only includes religious education but also opens doors to physics, astronomy, and chemistry. Before Islam, there was no scientific temperament in religion. Only the rich could study, but Islam made education accessible to everyone. Prophet Muhammad announced that any slave who learned and became educated would be freed. Later, a slave named Hazrat Barira became educated and declared that she should be freed, according to the Prophet’s word. And she was freed. Although it was difficult because she was married to an uneducated slave, she wanted her freedom and to be separated from her husband, so she was granted it.”
Dr Adil also had a message for today’s teachers: “Information is easily shared among students. So, what is important for teachers is to teach students skills and show them the practical significance of what they learn in life and society.”
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he outpouring of grief, solidarity and condolence messages on the sudden demise of Comrade Sitaram Yechury, General Secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) reflects the power of the Left intellectualism and politics beyond their traditional political base. It shows how the Left politics can’t be confined to merely parliamentary achievements. Still, its success lay in impacting the public, civic and intellectual space of the country and that was disproportionate to their success as political parties. That way, Sitaram Yechury’s death is a huge blow to not only the democratic progressive polity of India but It leaves a huge vacuum in the political spectrum, particularly in the left politics.
It is not that Sitaram Yechury was the tallest leader but he was one of the most pragmatic of the left leaders who had friends across political parties. Sitaram Yechury followed the school of Harkishan Singh Surjeet who had huge friends outside his party that led him to play a pivotal role in the formation of UPA-1. Surjeet was the man we needed today who could unite all the non-NDA political forces and Yechury as a Junior member to Surjeet had seen his political skills to negotiate through Congress, Samajwadi Party and other members of UPA. Surjeet’s death was a blow to the party at the national level though he was not a vote catcher he influenced the party’s base among the secular socialist political parties.
The Political Legacy of Sitaram Yechury and His Impact on Indian Left
After Surjeet’s death, the party’s two relatively young ideologues Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechury were at the forefront of leading the party at the National level and the choice fell on Karat who was seen as a more dogmatic and impractical leader, unlike Surjeet. It was clear that the party was uncomfortable with his dogmatic positions and hence a more acceptable face of Sitaram Yechury became the General Secretary of the party. Today, the huge number of political leaders, activists, and intellectuals who came to pay respect to Yechury shows his reach beyond his ‘party’. Left parties and their strength are always visible whenever there is a crisis and therefore the cadre came in large numbers to bid adieu to one of their most beloved leaders.
Left politics in India has been active at the grassroots for years but unfortunately, rigidity at different levels forced its demise in numerous places. The traditional parties were being replaced by others who were able to understand the quest for representation among the most marginalized. The futile intellectual debate of ‘class-caste’ only proved the point of their opponent that the party is the biggest protector of the Brahmanical caste interests. Parties like CPI (ML) were spreading their base in Bihar and Jharkhand just because they understood this identity aspiration of the most marginalized and provided space to the communities. It is also a fact that you can’t blame one individual for the policies of the party particularly in the left parties where their state units are more powerful in many states than the central secretariat of the party.
A Pragmatic Leader Amidst a Shifting Political Landscape
Even with all criticism, left parties are not a one-man show and there is more democracy and discussion among them in comparison to any other political party claiming to represent the marginalized. There is still no messiah cult in the left politics, a need and demand for the colonial democracy that we are in.
Sitaram Yechury was not a mass leader but his impact on political opinion making was enormous. The power of the left despite shrinking remains in our social and cultural lives apart from various trade unions, academia and the political sphere. In the last decade, efforts have been made by not only the ruling party but many vilifying the left activists and leaders. As I said, there might be differences of opinion, their failure to include people from the margin in their decision-making bodies as well as the failure of the West Bengal model, the democratic left was still the need of the hour. Sitaram Yechury’s writings were sharp and well-explained. Frankly speaking, he was the face of the left politics in the last two decades who was articulate and much more comfortable in the north Indian politics of social justice in particular. Even when he hailed from the South, the ease with which he spoke Hindi was remarkable. While it is not my point that one must learn Hindi, the thing is, for a party leader who plans to work in the Hindi heartland, it is always great to be bilingual. That way, Yechury had commands like Comrade AB Bardhan in Hindi which made his writing and speeches understood by a very large audience in the Hindi heartland.
Whatever may be differences about individual opinion Sitaram Yechury proved that he did not have many faces whose private beliefs were the same as his political ideology unlike most of the Indian political as well as ‘intellectual’ class who are ‘revolutionary’ in public life but ‘reactionary’ and rigid in their private lives. He was the President of Jawaharlal Nehru University three times and one is sure that whenever the history of student movement and truly democratic characteristics of student politics would ever be discussed in India, Yechury’s contribution to student politics can never be omitted or discounted.
Personal Idealism and Contributions to India’s Social Fabric
One of the most vilified things in today’s India by the right-wing trolls on social media as well as Bania channels is interfaith marriages. Yechury spoke about his personal life for the first time in his last speech in Parliament in 2017, which could simply be termed as one of the finest speeches.
“I was born in the Madras General Hospital now called Chennai General Hospital to a Telugu-speaking Brahmin family. My grandfather was a judge, after the state reorganization the Andhra Bench of the state High Court went to Guntur (formation of Andhra Pradesh), so we shifted there in 1954, I was born in 1952. Shift to Hyderabad in 1956. My school education is in an Islamic culture that was prevalent in Hyderabad under Nizam rule in the early days of independence in 1956. I got my education there, then came to Delhi, to study there. I married a person whose father is a Sufi of the Islamic order whose surname is a Chishti, and whose mother is a Mysorian Rajput who migrated there in the 8th century AD. We are now in the 21st century. She is the daughter of these two, father and mother. A South Indian Brahmin-born family married to this lady what will my son be known as sir. What is he? Is he a Brahmin? Is he a Muslim? Is he a Hindu? What? There is nothing that can describe my son rather than being an Indian.”
These last sentences in the Parliament relate to those who are victimized and vilified simply because they are challenging the traditional system of marriages, moving beyond their castes and faiths and building up their dream based purely on the idealism of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Periyar and Bhagat Singh. Unfortunately, the anti-caste movement would have promoted this kind of idealism but today in the age of deepening caste identities any alliance beyond your community might not be a politically fertile idea for all. Yes, for some, it might fetch bumper crops but not for all particularly when one partner is a Muslim. You suffer daily but Sitaram Yechury spoke from the heart and for those who have made their dreams as per this idealism.
It is important to understand that whether it is Marxism or Ambedkarism or any other idealism, dogmas take you nowhere. Ultimately, it is your way of life which matters more than anything. Even when we criticize Marxists in India for being Brahmanical in nature, by his behaviour and the life that he lived, Sitaram Yechury was following the anti-caste idealism of Dr Ambedkar or Periyar. Frankly speaking, inter-caste marriages are still rare among Ambedkarites who should have been at the forefront of carrying out the mission of Baba Saheb. That way,
Sitaram Yechury might not have brought votes and seats to his party but he enriched our political idealism as well as civic spaces. Such voices are always required to remind us of our moral duties. It is also true that political activism is not always for power politics but is also meant to exert pressure on the ruling elite. Sometimes, you need conscious keepers for our society, otherwise, the so-called representatives of the people would act on the whims and fancies of the powerful corporations to protect their business interests.
As a true comrade dedicated to scientific rational thinking who lived a secular way of life. He donated his body for medical research. Again, despite all political differences, left leaders lived a life dedicated to scientific temperament and were relatively simple and honest than most of the political parties in today’s time. Sitaram Yechury’s last wish was honoured by his wife and journalist Seema Chishti and daughter who need kudos and appreciation.
Most of the time, the families decide against the wishes of the deceased and place their values on dealing with the dead body which ends up in exactly the opposite of the idealism of the individual passed away. It happened to many people because after the death their families performed all the religious rituals, they stood against all through their lives. At least, in his death, Sitaram Yechury as well as his family did not allow the death of his idealism dedicated to secularism, rationalist scientific thinking and humanist values.
[dropcap]T[/dropcap]hiruvonam represents the peak of the 10-day celebrations of Onam in Kerala and by Malayalis of all communities, all over the world. It is more than a festival of joy for it represents the core of the great reconciliatory heart of India wherein all religions have pooled in. Malayalis welcome Onam with with joy and unbelievably beautiful flower decorations called Pookalam.
The roots of Onam lie in a Hindu sacred tale of how Vishnu, as Vamana Avatar, pushed the Asura king Mahabali deep into the earth. Like all such stories, they recall the victory of a great god or goddess over dark forces personified by some demonic Asura.
Hindu lore invariably portrays the Asura as someone evil who challenges the divine into a mortal combat. All tale describe what superhuman efforts the god or goddess had to undertake to overpower him. Depicting the Asura as a dark creature with a fearsome moustache reflected the prejudices of the fairer section in Aryavarta and their insecurities about the ‘darker’ indigenous people of India.
Ramayana marks the destruction of a Rakshasa, while Durga Pujas emphasise the Devi’s triumph over Mahishasura. Where killing Asuras is concerned, it is little Balagopala who gets the first prize for the maximum number — from Putana to terrible Asuras Trinavarta, Bakasura, Aghasura, Vyomasura, Keshi and many more.
But Malayalis have always been different and Onam represents a brilliant example when they actually celebrate a defeated ‘demon’ — much more than the victor. The entire state and all sections of the people believe the defeated Mahabali is actually the real hero and have they organise the grandest of feasts in his honour.
Though Mahabali came from an impeccable Asura lineage, he just does not fit into such an antagonistic bracket. His great grandfather, Hiranyakashipu was a terror until he was vanquished by Narasimhama, but Prahlada, was a Vishnu-worshipping Asura — though he too suffered because of the jealousy of the gods.
According to the Kedara Kanda of the Skanda Purana, reiterated by Krishna in the Mahabharata, Prahlada’s son and Mahabali’s very generous father, Virochana, was tricked by Indra disguised as a Brahman into offering his own head. We need not repeat how the wise and just king of Kerala, Mahabali, was also artfully led by Vishnu, dressed as a Vamana and pushed into the netherworld.
What emerges from these tales is that the Asuras had enviable skills and strength, and when threatened, gods often resorted to subterfuge to win. But it is only in Kerala that Karma visits as Onam, because people celebrate the victim. That look forward to the annual return of their virtuous king, Mahabali, and not Vishnu’s overlordship over him.
In 2016, when the BJP attempted to ‘mainstream’ Onam, whatever that means, and wanted to celebrate Onam as Vishnu Jayanthi, rather than as Mahabali’s festival — the proposal was met with popular anger. It was roundly rejected by Kerala and the homogenisers of Hinduism are still wondering why on earth do they celebrate an Asura.
At present, Dalits and subaltern groups have started celebrating and deifying Asuras, Rakshasas and other anti-heroes of Hindu lore. Decades ago, Periyar had attacked the Ramayana and upheld Ravana as the hero. Now some Dravidian groups are bent on valorising Narakasura who was vanquished by Krishna. Ravana has, incidentally, been worshipped for ages by certain traditional groups in several parts of India — Mandsaur, Gadchiroli, Bisrakh, Kangra, Mandya, Kakinada, Kolar and even Jodhpur. while JNU’s Mahishasura’s festival also hits headlines.
Mahabali’s tale is quite similar to the Greek one of Prosperine who is permitted to come once a year from the underworld to see her mother Ceres, the goddess of corn and harvest.
We must recall that it was not force or conquest, but the spirit of accommodation that had brought together so many different, widely-varying and contesting communities in India. The process required centuries of patience and tolerance, as adjustments were made with local deities and beliefs. Even Asuras were equated with Devas, as descendants of Kashyap, through two of his wives, the sisters Aditi and Diti, but they continue to be on the receiving end.
Onam of Kerala and Jagannath in Puri represent the two most effective focal points that united a whole people. In Odisha, the very plebeian wooden stump worshipped by the tribals was ultimately elevated as the highest god of the universe, Jagannath. Bengalis celebrate Durga with demonstrative non-vegetarian fare instead of worshipping Ram with strict vegetarianism during Navaratri. This is another effective demonstration of regional autonomy and local unity. All of these are contrarian in nature and contest the myopic view that all of India needs to be standardised and homogenised.
But the best part of Thiruvonam is the bonhomie and enjoying the really delicious 25-course Sadhya lunch.
[dropcap]1[/dropcap]994. One of my first assignments was in the Bengaluru Press Club as a cub reporter for the Times of India, at that point, the number 4 English newspaper in the city. Sitaram Yechury held a press conference and I don’t remember the topic. I took down notes dutifully and asked a question that he had avoided answering till then. His eyes twinkled and he responded.
After the PC ended, he paused and asked me which paper I belonged to. And then asked, “How is the TOI doing here in Bengaluru?”
“Like the CPM,” I said. He was delighted. “Number 4,” I clarified and we both grinned.
My next interaction with Yechury was nearly 15 years later. I was assigned Left Parties in UPA II as my beat in New Delhi for Mail Today. I had a couple of colleagues sneer and say hah, they’ve given you a deadbeat, no stories from there.
It was a difficult beat to generate stories from, but it was fun because of the challenge. The plus side was, that every speech I had to listen to was wonderfully articulated and entertaining. The Left was and still is chock-full of fascinating speakers. I had the luck of listening to AB Baradhan who could give AB Vajpayee a run for his money in Hindi articulation, language, poetic inferences and deep philosophy.
I also got to interact quite a lot with Yechury, Prakash Karat and A Raja (CPI) among others.
This was the height of the Karat-Yechury rivalry. They were comrades too, no doubt, and backed each other. But to a political reporter, it’s the factions and divisions that fascinate. In formal interactions, neither would indicate or give an inch of their opinion of the other. Informally, sometimes, things would slip out — that couldn’t be reported, but always gave context for other stories.
Yechury’s charm was his biggest plus, his ability to laugh to deflect. Similar to JH Patel in some ways. It also meant that he was hard to pin down, hard to contradict and hard to hold accountable. He never did say anything that he would have to take back, but pinning him to answers or getting “news” from him (not humourous or dogmatic statements) was a big challenge.
One story that I did was based on an RTI reply that Subhash Agarwalji got, that identified all the ‘crorepati’ politicians. Imagine our absolute shock and greedy “news” glee when we found that Yechury was listed. We happily published the story (in those days, any politicians were the enemy that journos had to show up. It was a different era of journalism and this story and glee was in keeping with those times).
Yechury called us the next day, very unhappy. “I hold a 1/16th share of an inherited bungalow from my great grandfather and that property is notionally worth more than a crore. How can you people put me on the list of crorepatis?” he asked. We of course brushed it off, but I now think we were very unfair to the man, who did indeed live the simple life of the communist leader to the extent possible.
But he was not the typical communist leader. He battled that “taint” of being “elite” all through. He was liked and disliked, inspiring both awe and jealousy both inside his party and outside.
He didn’t like me much after that story and yeah, I don’t think I can blame him, though all I did was what we thought was good journalism, those days.
I will say that the comrade lived his life well and sincerely wanted the best for all people. I respected him and been lucky enough to meet that kind of politician. I wish that the next generations of journalists could get a chance to meet politicians like Sitaram Yechury.
Vasant Kunj (Lukhnow): “Chahte the bahut kuch karna, par sare sapne hi tod diye, kya karein ab? (I wanted to achieve so much, but all my dreams have been shattered. Now, what can I do?),” 10-year-old Mohammad Shahid commented while wandering the streets of Vasant Kunj in the heated afternoon. His face turned pale when asked about his studies.
“I was a bright student at Iram Public School. My education was discontinued when we moved to Vasant Kunj after the demolition of our home in Akbar Nagar. The school was close by and had Diwali and Independence Day programs, things that can’t happen anymore. What will I become without studies?”
Several children in Vasant Kunj of Lucknow share similar stories of heartache. With their homes demolished, they have not only lost their shelter but also their education leaving their dreams shattered. They complained about no schools in their new locality.
The Lucknow Development Authority in June demolished 1800 buildings including 1,169 houses and 101 commercial establishments in Akbar Nagar locality, displacing approx 12000 population including children, women and elderly. Akbar Nagar has Nazul type land, which means it is government own non-agriculture land. The anti-encroachment drive to develop the Kukrail Riverfront into an eco-tourism hub left hundreds of families in a state of helplessness. Both the High Court and Supreme Court had upheld the government’s decision. The displaced residents were relocated to small flats in the Vasant Kunj area under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY). The distance of Vasant Kunj, from Akbar Nagar is 17 kilometers. They say, in 20 kilometers in India, languages get changed. So, for Akbar Nagar residents, their life changed (for bad) in the name of development. Here it is how?
Struggle for education
Many orthodox families didn’t allow their girls to study, but they made an exception since the school was close to Akbar Nagar. Now that Vasant Kunj is far from the school, the girls are no longer allowed to continue their education. Some girls are rebelling against their families to continue their education, cycling 15 km to school. However, they remain unsure about how long they can keep up with this routine.
A barbar shop erected near the PM Awas buildings in Vasant Kunj | eNewsroom
Sanaya studies at Rajat School, 25 kms away, and it takes a lot of time to get there and often gets scolded by teachers for being late for school. ‘Hindu students make fun of me because my home was demolished. They say “You were living on Nazul land.” It was a Muslim area—that’s why it was demolished. My parents don’t want me to study but I’ve forced them. I’ve even been slapped for it. My brother takes me to school by rickshaw which is why I’m able to go. Girls in my caste don’t study, and people taunt me, saying a girl’s place is in the kitchen. I’m only allowed to finish high school, nothing more. It would have been easier in Akbar Nagar. My parents don’t trust me but I have confidence in myself. I’ll never get that freedom (Kabhi nahi milegi azadi). Other girls don’t want to humiliate themselves by telling their stories. I want people to know about me. My mother says we could have studied if our home hadn’t been demolished.”
The larger picture is bleak. A report sent by the state government to the union education ministry in September 2021 said that More than 35 percent of children drop out after class 8 in 13 districts of Uttar Pradesh. The report shows that only 87% of students who completed grade 8 in the previous year moved on to grade 9 in 2019-20. For girls, the transition rate is even lower at 81.5%, and in 13 districts, less than 65% of girls made it from elementary to secondary school.
Seema has lived in Akbar Nagar since childhood. Her mother passed away due to stress about home. Others died too— a man hanged himself, and another jumped off a building. She studied until the 8th grade and then enrolled in Iram Madrasa for a six-year course. “I completed four years but Akbar Nagar was demolished just when I had two years left. I feel wasted now. Na hi hum Hindi, angrezi padh paye aur na Urdu (I couldn’t study Hindi, English or [Urdu]). This numb feeling has left me with nothing. The government talks about ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao. Beti ko to padhne hi nahi diya’ (They didn’t let me study). My nieces travel 15-16 km to school by van, but I had to stop studying. It costs a thousand rupees per child each month, plus fees. I’ve had to sacrifice my education for the little ones. I had hoped to pay tuition after finishing my studies. Ab irada hi khatam ho gaya hai (I have no intentions). With Akbar Nagar gone, my determination is gone too. What’s our future now? My childhood and memories died with our home,” Seema stated.
Uttar Pradesh consistently ranks last among large states in NITI Aayog’s School Education Quality Index (SEQI).
The irrigation department in July marked the houses in Pant Nagar, Indraprastha Nagar, Abrar Nagar, and Rahim Nagar as falling within the 50-metre floodplain area of the Kukrail River. Thereby, prohibiting construction in the area.
However, the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Adityanath who is often found boasting “bulldozer” or known as “bulldozer baba” dropped the idea after protests from residents.
A chicken shop near Vasant Kunj | eNewsroom
Unemployment soars
A vegetable vendor Mohammad Salman is struggling to make a living. He is not even earning 25% of his previous income. Salman said most of the people in helplessness have become fruit and vegetable vendors in Vasant Kunj. “We used to buy as customers but now we are the ones selling. Earlier, different people bought from us—office workers, labourers, outsiders. It was a bustling market on the road. Since this is a remote and isolated place, most people seeking livelihoods have become sellers. Who will buy when everyone is selling? It’s even hard to find labour work here. It feels like we’re herded in a circle, just surviving among ourselves,” Salman said.
He continued, “We can’t even afford to send our kids to school. It’s their age to study but they roam the streets. Let alone pay fees, we don’t even have enough to get them admitted to school. People say, ‘He’s poor, he’ll make his children illiterate.’ But it’s not us—it’s the situation we’ve been forced into. We had income in Akbar Nagar, our children were studying, and we were happy to spend on their education. Yahan to 20 rupees kamane mein bhi bahut zillat hai (Earning even Rs 20 is a struggle here).
People say, ‘Like father, like children—both uneducated.’ When we don’t earn, of course, our children will end up illiterate. We can’t meet our basic needs. We manage somehow when our kids or wives fall sick but who will take care of the family when men fall ill? We can’t even afford to get sick. The real problem here is earning.”
Meanwhile, the housing crisis continues to worsen. According to a 2024 estimate by the Housing and Land Rights Network (HLRN), over 1,53,820 homes were demolished in 2022 and 2023, leading to the forced eviction of more than 7,38,438 individuals across India. From 2017 to 2023, evictions affected over 1.68 million people, with the numbers rising steadily—1,07,625 in 2019, 2,22,686 in 2022, and 5,15,752 in 2023.
Women and the elderly face safety and accessibility
Women too face new challenges. “We were never worried about women’s safety in Akbar Nagar. It was a market area where we could go out alone and return late without fear. We feel scared here as soon as it gets dark— for ourselves and our children. The windows don’t have glass, the roads become deserted, and there are trespassers. We can’t leave our girls alone. We had a sense of security in Akbar Nagar where even neighbours would watch over the children. They’ve mixed people from different areas making the atmosphere unsettling. Their behaviour is uncivilized. Who can we trust?
Akbar Nagar had everything—schools, hospitals, and a nearby market. It was within walking distance. There’s not even a medical store for emergencies. I’ve had to stock up on medicines just in case. And what about the girls going to Karamat for education? Has anyone thought about how they’re managing? We live in fear. Who is looking out for our safety?” asked Rehana carrying a newborn in her lap.
The situation is dire for the elderly in Vasant Kunj. “I have knee pain due to my age. I can only leave the house for hospital visits, which are miles away. There is no lift facility. Climbing back up to the fourth floor is exhausting; I have to rest on each floor. The hospital is far away, and travelling there costs a lot. We often don’t have water and when it comes, it’s too dirty to drink without filtering. In Akbar Nagar, we could at least get water from our neighbours. Here, there’s no mosque or madrasa for the children, and we don’t even hear the call for namaz,” said an old lady catching a breath.
Delhi/Mumbai: With just two months to go for the Maharashtra assembly elections, the readjustment and realignments in both Maha Vikas Aghadi and the ruling National Democratic Alliance are evident.
The seat-sharing talks and the evaluation of the Lok Sabha results have forced key allies to take a closer look at their current situation and future politics.
The MVA composed of Shiv Sena UBT led by Udhav Thackray and Congress and Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party is the most incongruous alliance. But the alliance formed by the compulsions of survival in the face of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s sustained onslaught clicked in the Lok Sabha polls to inflict heavy losses on the BJP. But the biggest gainer in the churn was Congress which thrashed the saffron brigade in Vidarbha and Marathwada.
Shinde’s Sena incurred the least damage. While SS UBT managed to just about retain its hold.
But that was the general election story. When these parties approach the assembly elections, the UBT Sena, is pushing for a BJP sort of arrangement with the Congress and the NCP wherein the regional party (in this case SS UBT) has the preeminent role, while the national parties get to contest the larger number of seats in the Lok Sabha election.
The concerns in Sena also stem from how this coalition may metamorphose in the days ahead. Especially, if the NCP (Pawar) and Congress together come closer to the halfway mark. That will make Sena UBT’s position vulnerable, almost redundant in the alliance.
It is precisely for this reason Shiv Sena UBT is pressing for the declaration of a CM candidate. And they want Uddhav Thackeray to be the face of the non-NDA alliance. It is an assurance of sorts that Sena wants the leadership of the alliance in the state will rest with its leader irrespective of the strength of each alliance partner.
NCP Pawar and Congress are in no mood to relent now. They will cross the bridge when there is a need.
This is why Sharad Pawar has openly said that the CM will be decided after the elections. And MPCC chief Nana Patola has clarified that the current priority for the party is to dislodge the NDA from power.
These statements, obviously have not gone down well with UBT Sena. Its chief Uddhav Thackray skipped the unveiling of the Congress stalwart Patang Rao Kadam last week in Sangli where top Congress leaders including Rahul Gandhi were present.
In the ruling alliance too, the realignment of forces is evident. Here, Ajit Pawar’s NCP is the odd one out. And there is a clear turf war between Pawar and Sinde-Fadnavis to appropriate credit for the social sector schemes launched by the government.
Shinde’s ministers have openly criticized Ajit Pawar. RSS mouthpiece has questioned the logic of aligning with the breakaway NCP group.
Now, after Ganesh Chaturthi, a fresh churn in Maharashtra politics will be heard soon.
[dropcap]H[/dropcap]aving visited Edinburgh multiple times, it’s undeniable that this city holds a significant place on the global cultural map. The vibrant festivals celebrating diverse art forms, the ever-changing weather, the warm and friendly locals, and the quintessentially Scottish atmosphere make Edinburgh feel like a world apart. This city, steeped in history, has always had a knack for surprises, especially regarding its connections with India, particularly my work base city, Kolkata—a fact that continuously enriches my understanding of global cultural interweaving.
In this culturally rich city, the first Indian Student Association in the UK was established. This was a surprising revelation, considering that many renowned cultural cities worldwide often hold hidden gems within their archives. The more I travel globally, the more my knowledge of #BaharBharat amazes me about Bharat. For instance, during a trip to Rio de Janeiro, I stumbled upon unexpected Bengali connections, which I later detailed in my articles. These historical threads, seemingly minor, weave a complex tapestry of cross-cultural exchanges that define our global heritage.
The Edinburgh Indian Association (EIA), founded in 1883, is a testament to these intricate connections. Initially established as a society for Indian students studying in Edinburgh, the association quickly became a vital platform for social events, debates, and cultural exchanges between Indians and Scots. It remained a student association until the 1950s, then it was taken over by members of the Indian diaspora in the city.
One pivotal moment in the EIA’s history came in 1911 when the association fought for and won its independence from university authorities. This legal victory marked a significant step towards self-determination and autonomy for Indian students in the UK. The EIA lost this court case, but perhaps despite this loss—or because of it—the students were able to run the affairs of the EIA without any serious inputs from the Trustees of the EIA. 11 George Square was owned by the University but there is no evidence that it tried to dictate what the students did or said, so to that extent, they had self-determination and autonomy.
EIA dining and reading room at 11 George Square
From 1911 to the 1950s, the EIA rented rooms at 11 George Square which became a vibrant hub featuring a debating hall, adining hall serving Indian cuisine, a library, and recreational facilities like a billiard room and a ping pong table. When I visited this time, the square was bustling with a festival, and it took a bit of time to locate the building.
I was informed by my friend, Professor Roger Jeffrey, Honorary Professorial Fellow at the School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh, who was in India earlier this year with whom we had a productive meeting during his visit, exploring the potential for future collaborations that the EIA was not just a social club; it was a radicalising force that nurtured future leaders. Professor Roger still conducts tours showcasing this building and discussing its historical and academic significance.
Its members went on to play crucial roles in movements such as the British Guiana East Indian Association, the Non-European Unity Movement in South Africa, and the Indian National Congress. This highlights the profound impact that Edinburgh had on shaping leaders who would go on to influence global politics and social movements.
Edinburgh alum Kesaveloo Goonam Naidoo’s recollections of the EIA provide a window into its vibrant intellectual life. The association hosted illustrious visitors like Nobel Laureate Sir CV Raman and the controversial Right Srinivasa Sastri, whose visit sparked intense debates among Indian students. It also hosted Sir P C Ray, also an alum of the university, possibly a founder member (though we have no evidence of this: he came to Edinburgh in 1882) when he returned on a visit in 1920. These interactions not only enriched the cultural and intellectual milieu of Edinburgh but also mirrored the broader struggle for India’s independence.
As the Home Rule movement gained momentum in India, the EIA became increasingly active in political discussions, drawing the attention of Scotland Yard. This surveillance underscores the significant role that diaspora communities played in anti-colonial movements, acting as crucial nodes in the global network of resistance against British imperialism.
Reflecting on the legacy of Edinburgh Indian Association from a 21st-century perspective, it becomes evident that Edinburgh has been more than just a picturesque city with a rich cultural heritage. It has been a crucible of ideas, debates, and movements that have shaped the modern world. The historical ties between Edinburgh and India, exemplified by the EIA, remind us of the importance of cross-cultural connections in fostering intellectual growth and social change.
रांची: झारखंड की राजधानी में मंगलवार को एक अलग नज़ारा देखने को लोगों को मिला, जब झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा से जुड़े सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता हाथों में बैनर और अंडा लिए बीच शहर खड़े हुए। उनकी मांग थी झारखंड सरकार के उस आदेश को लागू करना जिसमें आंगनबाड़ी में हर दिन एक अंडा देने को बोला गया था।
मंगलवार को, झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा से जुड़े सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने दो विरोध प्रदर्शन किए। वे आगामी विधानसभा चुनावों में भारतीय जनता पार्टी के खिलाफ अपनी लड़ाई की घोषणा करने के साथ-साथ सोरेन सरकार को अपने वादों को पूरा करने की याद दिलाने के लिए राजभवन के सामने धरने पर बैठे। बाद में बारिश के बावजूद कार्यकर्ताओं ने अल्बर्ट एक्का चौक पर तख्ती और अंडा भी पकड़ रखा था, जिसमें आंगनबाड़ी केंद्रों में बच्चों के लिए अंडा उपलब्ध कराने को तत्काल लागू करने की मांग की गई।
दोनों कार्यक्रमों में राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ता और स्वराज इंडिया एवं भारत जोड़ो अभियान से जुड़े योगेंद्र यादव भी शामिल हुए।
शामिल लोगों ने डबल बुलडोज़र भाजपा राज नहीं चाहिए, और हेमंत सरकार, जन वादे निभाओ के नारे भी लगाए।
विभिन्न जिलों से 2000 से अधिक लोग रांची पहुंचे और ‘भाजपा हटाओ, झारखंड बचाओ’ और ‘हेमंत सोरेन सरकार, जन मुद्दों पर वादा निभाओ’ लगाए।
योगेन्द्र यादव ने कहा कि लगातार राज्य में साम्प्रदायिकता फैलाने की कोशिश हो रही है. जनता तो डबल बुलडोज़र भाजपा राज नहीं चाहती है। लेकिन हेमंत सोरेन सरकार को जन मुद्दों पर सच्चाई और प्रतिबद्धता के साथ कार्रवाई कर के जनता के संघर्ष का साथ देना होगा।
लोगों ने आदिवासी-दलित बच्चों में व्यापक कुपोषण के मुद्दे को भी उठाया। एक रिपोर्ट के अनुसार झारखंड के 40 फीसद बच्चे कुपोषित हैं।
सोमवती देवी ने कहा कि हेमंत सोरेन सरकार ने पांच सालों में कई बार घोषणा किया कि मध्याह्न भोजन और आंगनवाड़ी में बच्चों को रोज़ अंडे दिए जायेंगे। लेकिन पांच साल गुज़र जाने के बाद भी सरकार बच्चों की थाली में अंडा नहीं दे पाई है।
ज्यां द्रेज़ ने याद दिलाया कि आदिवासी-दलितों के लिए फर्जी मामले और सालों तक जेल में विचाराधीन बन के बंद रहना भी एक बड़ी समस्या है. गठबंधन दलों ने घोषणा पत्र में वादा किया था कि लम्बे समय से जेल में बंद विचाराधीन कैदियों को रिहा किया जायेगा।लेकिन इस पर किसी प्रकार की कार्रवाई नहीं हुई।
हेमंत सोरेन और झारखंड जनाधिकार महासभा के कार्यकर्तागण | साभार: एक्स/हेमंतसोरेनजेएमएम
धरने की शुरुआत में मंथन ने कहा कि 2019 के विधानसभा चुनाव में झामुमो-कांग्रेस-राजद गठबंधन दल अपने घोषणा पत्र में अनेक जन मुद्दों पर कार्यवाई का वादा किये थे। पिछले 5 सालों में राज्य सरकार ने जन अपेक्षा अनुरूप कई काम किये हैं लेकिन अनेक महत्त्वपूर्ण वादे अभी भी अपूर्ण हैं।
बिरसा हेम्ब्रम ने कहा कि पूर्व की भाजपा सरकार द्वारा राज्य की 22 लाख एकड़ गैरमजरूआ व सामुदायिक ज़मीन को लैंड बैंक में डाल दिया गया था। बिना ग्राम सभा से पूछे, लैंड बैंक से जमीन का आवंटन विभिन्न सरकारी और निजी परियोजनाओं के लिए किया जा रहा है। झामुमो ने इसे रद्द करने का वादा किया था लेकिन इस पर सरकार चुप्पी साधी हुई है।
जेम्स हेरेंज ने कहा इसी प्रकार भूमि अधिग्रहण कानून (झारखंड) संशोधन, 2017 के तहत निजी व सरकारी परियोजनाओं के लिए बिना ग्राम सभा की सहमति व सामाजिक प्रभाव आकलन के बहुफसलीय भूमि समेत निजी व सामुदायिक भूमि का जबरन अधिग्रहण हो रहा है। पश्चिमी सिंहभूम से आये हेलेन सुंडी ने पूछा कि अपनी चुनी हुई सरकार आदिवासियों का अस्तित्व खत्म होने का इंतजार कर रही है?
अजय एक्का ने कहा कि यह दुःख की बात है कि इस सरकार में भी संसाधनों और स्थानीय व्यवस्था पर पारंपरिक ग्राम सभा के अधिकारों को सुनिश्चित करने के लिए पेसा की नियमावली नहीं बन पाई. वन अधिकारों पर संघर्ष करने वाले जॉर्ज मनिपल्ली ने कहा कि राज्य सरकार वन पट्टों के आवंटन के बड़े-बड़े दावे कर रही है लेकिन राज्य के हजारों निजी व सामुदायिक दावे लंबित हैं। सरकार ने घोषणा की थी कि 9 अगस्त 2024 को हर ज़िले में 100-100 सामुदायिक वन पट्टों का वितरण किया जायेगा। लेकिन आज तक एक भी नहीं हुआ है। लातेहार से आए प्रणेश राणा ने कहा कि वन विभाग सदियों से खेती कर रहे ग्रामीणों पर फर्जी मामले दर्ज कर रही है।
आदिवासी समुदायों की मूल समस्याओं के साथ-साथ राज्य में दलित समुदाय भी अस्तित्व की लड़ाई लड़ रहा है। सफाई कर्मचारी आंदोलन के धरम वाल्मीकि ने बताया कि महज़ जाति प्रमाण पत्र और सीवर सेफ्टी टैंक में हो रही मौतों, के मुख्य संघर्ष है अनेक दलित युवा प्रमाण पत्र न बनने के कारण पढाई व रोजगार से वंचित हो रहे हैं। हालांकि राज्य सरकार ने भूमिहीन परिवारों के जाति प्रमाण पत्र के लिए एक प्रक्रिया बनाकर रखी है, लेकिन वो इतनी जटिल है कि प्रमाण पत्र मिलना ही बहुत मुश्किल है।
देर शाम मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन ने महासभा के लोगों से मुलाकात की और वादा किया कि उनकी मांगों पर गंभीरता से विचार करेगी सरकार।
Kolkata: Kirity Roy, a well-known human rights activist in West Bengal. has been active in raising issues of people living around the India-Bangladesh border. The secretary of MASUM has also participated in several RG Kar protest rallies be it at Serampore, Hooghly or in Moula Ali. But now, the human rights activist is opposing the death penalty proposed to the rapists in the Aparajita Bill 2024 passed by the Bengal assembly led by Mamata Banerjee government.
Roy is not alone, Nisha Biswas, another prominent face in the field of activism in Bengal, Kavita Krishnan, women rights activist, who had led the 2012 Delhi Gangrape protest in national capital. And Dayamani Barla, a civil and tribal rights activist, who is known as Iron Lady in Jharkhand opposed the death sentence proposed in the anti-rape bill.
On August 9, the dead body of a trainee doctor pursuing her post-graduation from RG Kar Medical College and Hospital recovered was recovered from the seminar hall of the medical college hospital. Soon it was established that the 31 year-old trainee doctor had also been raped. After the news, anger spilled over across Kolkata, and later to Bengal and India. Kolkata Police arrested one Sanjay Roy, still the protest did not stop. The case was handed over to the CBI, but the movement to change the system and make the workplace safe for women continued. The Supreme Court too took Cognizance, a rarity in recent times, but protests that already became a movement did not die. Amid all these Mamata Banerjee, brought a bill in Bengal assembly, proposing capital punishment to rapists. The Bill introduces the death penalty or life-long imprisonment for rape by amending the relevant sections in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the new penal code. In fact, death has been sought to be prescribed for five offences — rape; rape by police officer or public servant; rape causing death or sending victim to persistent vegetative state; gang rape, and being a repeat offender. It also amends the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita to provide for special courts to try such offences in a time-bound manner, and the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences Act, 2012, to provide for death in cases of penetrative sexual assault and its aggravated form. The President’s assent will be required for the State amendments.
No Conclusive Empirical Studies That Show The Death Penalty Deters Crime
The incident pointed towards the negligence of Bengal’s Health department, police investigation, and crippled administration of the state government. To protest against this heinous crime and corrupted system, every citizen of West Bengal is moving out to the street and raising their voice for justice for about a month. Under these circumstances, the Mamata Banerjee Government announced this anti-rape Bill to divert the movement, said Kirity Roy.
Mamata Banerjee introducing Aparajita Bill in Bengal assembly | Courtesy: PTI
Roy further pointed out, “The death penalty is not a definitive answer to crime, as it fails to address the root causes and complexities of criminal behaviour. There are no conclusive empirical studies that show the death penalty deters crime. It is unacceptable for a civilized society that killers need to be killed as it perpetuates the cycle of violence. Article 21 of the Indian Constitution and Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) both state that everyone has the right to life, liberty, and security of person and the death penalty violates both. A total of 112 countries have abolished the death penalty for all crimes, while 9 others have done so for common law offences. Additionally, 23 nations are in the process of abolishing capital punishment. However, 55 countries, including India, continue to retain the death penalty.”
The activist mentioned that how judiciary, administrative and legislative bodies are not doing its work, “We cannot reject that the struggle for women’s emancipation cannot be separated from the struggle against the hierarchical patriarchy in India. Unfortunately, laws, courts, parliaments, and ministries are happy to embrace this flawed system.”
“In the Nirvaya rape and murder case, Justice Verma Committee pointed out that-‘In the larger interests of society, and having regard to the current thinking in favour of the abolition of the death penalty, and also to avoid the argument of any sentencing arbitrariness, we are not inclined to recommend the death penalty. However, ruling political parties are arguing for encounter, death penalty as a result of justice for personal and political gain. Mahatma Gandhi’s famous quote, ‘An eye for an eye makes the whole world blind’ is a lesson for us that violence cannot be the solution for another-violence. The politics of revenge and state-sanctioned killings sustain cycles of violence,” he added.
Institutional Rape and Murder: A Major Concern, Prevent That
Nisha Biswas, a Kolkata based activist reacted, “My first question, why is there a different name for the victims? Sometimes it was Nirbhaya, Sometimes Abhaya and now Aparajita. If somebody has been raped, or brutalized, how she becomes Aparajita or Nirbhaya? Why hide the identity? We are not Nirbahya or Abhaya? We fear, in our lives. When we move on the roads, we fear. My age is 70 years, but at a lone place, if I hear some sound from my back, I turn in fear to see who is coming. This fear has been instilled in us.”
“Laws have been made in Maharashtra and Andhra and awaiting approval from The President of India. We have given capital punishment to people from Kolkata to Delhi. We hanged Dhananjay, what changed after that? After the Verma committee’s recommendation, the punishment from 7 to 10 years has increased but the conviction rate has gone down. For RG Kar protest, I was in Barasat recently, where a daughter was raped, now if there will be the death penalty, nobody in the family will support her. In most of the cases, rapes happen in homes, so how many cases will come out then?” she asked.
She pointed out, “Institutional murder is the main issue, it happened in RG Kar and in Uttar Pradesh too. Raped happened inside the ambulance, the patient was murdered and the wife was raped.”
“Society should be changed to instruct males, not females, instead of asking women to enter the home by 8 pm, it should be said to men. The laws were changed in Nirbhaya time too, and minors were hanged, but have they changed? I believe that even if the criminal has done the crime, he or she should not be hanged,” Nisha added.
The banner of a protest for justice in RG Kar’s rape and murder case reads: “Sorry for the inconvenience, State. Repair work is in progress
New Clothes, Women-Friendly Courtrooms, police-doctor should not have last word, essential for Rape Victims
Kavita Krishnan, the author of Fearless Freedom told eNewsroom, “The introduction of the death sentence will lead to more deaths of rape victims. We have laws in place, it is a question of how to implement them. How to make sure that policing, safety and rape victim’s dignity take place properly.”
The women rights activist said further, “What can be done for prevention of rape, for justice and rape survivors, some of those suggestions are there in the Verma committee report. Implementing these measures would be a great start. The Verma committee not only recommended changing the laws but it recommended specific measures that governments should be making which should be budgeted for and government should be transparent where it has been allocated.”
“Quick justice is bad. It is simply bad for the quality of judicial functioning. There will be no pressure on police to do an intensive investigation. Their sub-standard work will be incentivized. Even the courts will be pressurizing to quickly pass the judgments. The answer is increasing the number of judges and courts, and it is not just for rape survivors but for the people at large,” she mentioned.
“There are several reasons for opposing the Aparajita bill. One is, the way it has been drafted and passed. In this kind of haste. And in a tense situation. Where the government has not even responded to other questions of justice in the RG Kar case. In the wake of Nirbhaya, when there was a proposal to draft a bill and set up a Verma committee, activists feared it would be a mere appeasement. Our taxpayer’s money should be put in place to make institutional changes.
The activist who has watched many such major rape incidents suggested several important steps needed to be done than just pronouncing capital punishment, “Simple things can matter a lot in rape cases as suggested by Dr Pratiksha Bakshi. New clothes should be provided to rape victims in police stations and hospitals, as the clothes they remain wearing get used for evidence. Courtrooms should be made women-friendly, as it is mostly masculine. The judges still allow the prosecution to ask dehumanizing questions related to rape. The drawing conclusion of whether rape happened or not should not be done on police or even doctor’s finding, it could only be noted down.”
Societal, Administrative and Judicial Reform Key to Ending Rape
Dayamani Barla, the iron lady of Jharkhand too believes that capital punishment will not end the evils in society. “I believe that if we have to end the evils in society, the entire society, administration as well as the judiciary system should work responsibly and together. Then only the cases of rape will be stopped or lessened,” she said.
And added, “The laws which have been made to provide safety to women should be strictly implemented. I strongly believe that the death penalty will not stop the evils in society.”
Kolkata: Kolkata: The two-page resignation letter from Jawhar Sircar, the Trinamool Congress Rajya Sabha member who has resigned from politics and the Rajya Sabha over the mishandling of the RG Kar rape and murder case involving a trainee doctor by the Mamata Banerjee government, reflects the current state of Bengal.
The bureaucrat-turned-politician, posting his resignation letter addressing TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee on social media wrote, “I am quitting as MP primarily because of WB government’s faulty handling of the most spontaneous public movement following the terrible rape-murder case at RG Kar Hospital. I am also quitting politics. I will be with the people in their struggle for justice. My commitment to secular, democratic values will remain unchanged forever. Today, I quit politics.”
The letter not only highlighted the mishandling of the RG Kar rape and murder case but also pointed out the unchecked corruption in the state. Despite being a member of the highest house of the Indian parliamentary system, he was unable to meet with the Chief Minister of Bengal.
“I had to say all this in writing as I have not had the opportunity to speak privately with you In several months. I express my gratitude again for the opportunity you gave me to raise Bengal’s issues in parliament for 3 years, but I do not wish to continue as MP at all. My commitment to fight corruption, communalism and authoritarianism in the Centre and the States is simply non-negotiable,” the third last paragraph of the letter reads.
eNewsroom had recently published a story on Jawhar Sircar, on his excellent report card inside Rajya Sabha.
At the national level, while Mahua Moitra and Derek O’Brien have become prominent TMC faces, Sircar has recently gained popularity due to his important debates on financial issues and factual answers. The 72-year-old former IAS officer remains very active on social media and frequently posts. His writings on religious festivals are a rare work on Facebook by an authentic source. He writes about every festival celebrated in the country.
Since the RG Kar incident, while other TMC members have remained silent, the former chairperson of Prasar Bharati frequently commented in his posts that he found the state government’s work to be ‘very callous’.
However, on social media, there is a flood of messages on Sircar’s resignation letter, and most are respecting his decision. There are people like Kirti Chidambaram, MP from Shivganga who expressed surprise, “Surprised & disappointed by your decision. Parliament needs people like you. You added great value to our discussions in the Parliamentary Standing Committee on IT. While I understand your angst, I hope you will reconsider (sic).”
Some, like River Phoenix, suggested that it was time to stand with the party and that he should have resigned after 3-4 months, “Quitting or not quitting is totally your decision. But quitting your party when it is going through a tremendous crisis and opposition just shows opportunism. Whatever things are wrong in the party must have been wrong before also. But you didn’t quit before. Now when the party is facing backlash and opposition, you try to save yourself at this time, which is the worst kind of backstabbing anyone can do. You could have at least waited 3-4 months before things would have quietened, but leaving it now sends the worst message to the public about the party (sic).”
Political analyst Rasheed Kidwai told eNewsroom on Sircar’s resignation, “Though I am a well-wisher of Jawhar Sircar, you must understand the situation. Crime against women is a blot on the society and rape in India is very unfortunate. But if you see things after Nirbhaya Case, the rapes have increased. And the conviction rate, being 26-27 percent, is poor. It has become systematic. Not only are rapes occurring, but victims are also being killed, which makes the situation even more serious. Controlling this issue is beyond the capability of any political party; it involves society, the judiciary, and religious groups.”
Kidwai continued, “The solution of fast-track courts and speedy trial is also not justifiable as an innocent person will not have time to save himself. In many cases, higher courts have turned down lower courts’ decisions. The outrage is also selective; several equally heinous rape cases have occurred across the country since the RG Kar incident, including the recent Ujjain rape case, yet there has been little public outcry.”
“The rank and file of TMC are very diverse, with actors, artists, activists, and public intellectuals. Sircar and others should pressure Mamata Banerjee for better action in this regard. Being self-rightist is a choice, but correcting the system within the party is a good fight to do,” the political analyst added.
Reacting to Sircar’s letter, TMC leader Kunal Ghosh said that he agrees to a big part of Jawhar Sircar’s letter to Mamata Banerjee regarding his decision to resign as Rajya Sabha member.
“We have heard Jawhar Sircar has taken a decision. He was one of the best bureaucrats in the country, the greatest from West Bengal. It is his personal stand, decision, and letter. I won’t comment on it. He has the right to take a decision,” Ghosh said.
“We also agree with a big part of his letter. But our stand is that under the leadership of Mamata Banerjee and Abhishek Banerjee, we will take visible steps to address the concerns of civil society. We will try to address that by remaining in the party,” he added.
