No takers for Amit Shah brand of politics in Bengal, vandalism to cost dearly for BJP in last phase

Kolkata: Calcutta University’s College Street Campus and Vidyasagar College turned into political war zones when BJP supporters accompanying Amit Shah’s roadshow broke into a clash with the TMC supporters showing “Amit Shah Go Back” during which the BJP supporters clad in saffron attired were seen ransacking the Vidyasagar College campus.  The vandals even broke the statue of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, a renowned philosopher and an eminent figure of the Bengal Renaissance.

Initially, Amit Shah’s Convoy was greeted with anti-Shah chants and black flags near the Calcutta University Campus on College Street, following which a scuffle broke out, where both the BJP and TMC supporters began hurling bottles at each other. Understanding the sensitivity of the situation, the University Campus door was locked inside. Police also intervened and brought the situation under control.

As the roadshow proceeded northward, towards’ Swami Vivekanda’s residence, the convoy was once again greeted with “Amit Shah Go Back” slogan and black flags. But this time from the TMC supporters of Vidyasagar College.

Following which BJP supporters, some clad in saffron attire, began hurling stones and bottles inside the college campus, some rushed in and ransacked the college office. Some even set a section of the college on fire. They broke the statue of Vidyasagar and set ablaze three motorbikes near the college.

Watch the video as motorcycles set ablaze

Bengali Community Angered 

Vidyasagar, a prominent leader for the Bengal Renaissance, is a much loved and revered figure for the Bengalis. He was not just played a pivotal role in forcing the British to enact the Widow Remarriage Act but was the architect of the present age Bengali typography. His book Bornoporichoy (Character Identification) till date is a must in all schools in Bengal to make children learn the language.

Given the position that Vidyasagar enjoys in the culturally rich Bengali society, the act of his bust being vandalised during the clash that broke out has angered the Bengali community.

Reacting to this act of vandalism, “This was a terrible thing to do, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar was reformer, scholar and exemplar of Bengal Renaissance. From widow remarriage to various other social reforms that he introduced, inspired me as a child,” said Santasree Chaudhuri, a social entrepreneur, women’s rights activist and founder trustee if Green Tara Social Initiative.

She then added, “Yesterday’s incidence was an open act of arrogance of the BJP goons that were brought from outside Bengal. The vandalising of statues in the present time is a senseless act and a political gameplan of the RSS-BJP.”

Condemning the act was Ujjaini Halim, state coordinator of West Bengal Election Watch said, “This is an utterly shameful act and whoever has done it, we condemn the act. This shows how money and muscle power is used to influence election campaigns.”

She further added, “As WBEW, we condemn this violence and urge the state machinery as well as Election Commission of India to look into the matter. The result of this violence hurts us immensely as Bengali. We again reiterate, that money and the power-driven election are detrimental to electoral democracy.”

How will this affect the Phase VII election? 

Political analyst Uddayan Bandopadhyay believes that this act of vandalism will cost dearly for the BJP, who is trying to make inroads into Bengal politics. Speaking to eNewsroom, he said, “The act terrible and will definitely influence voters during the Phase VII of Bengal election. I believe BJP will face a huge anti-BJP vote because of this act of vandalism.”

He perhaps has a point, for minutes after the news of Vidyasagar’s bust being vandalised being aired on various news channels, social media was abuzz with messages like – Kolkata Vote wisely on May 19.

Santasree, too feels that the Bengalis won’t be impressed with this act of saffron party. She said, “I can’t even fathom as to how a political party had the audacity to vandalize Vidyasagar’s statue, especially at a time when Bengal will be voting on May 19. It is sad to see how youths from the Hindi belt are being misused for political gain. Vandalism inside a college shows how short-sighted politicians have become today. And it’s sad to see some Bengali politicians trying to defend the act, they need to know that every Bengali heart has been pained by this act of vandalism.”

Minority community in Jharkhand scripts new dawn for Indian democracy in the Lok Sabha Polls 

Ranchi: A chance visit in minority-dominated areas in Jharkhand when campaigning was at its peak for the Lok Sabha Elections 2019, would have disappointed many with little or no political party flags hoisted in and around the area.

With Ramadan coinciding with the election month, this visual would have confirmed the belief of many that due to fasting many from the minority community are not that involved with the elections, this time.

But after the completion of the third phase of election on May 12, which also coincided with Ramadan, it was overwhelming to see that booths in minority-dominated areas witnessed 70 to 80 per cent polling.

Muslim minority Giridh Jharkhand Ramadan Ramzan Voter Vote Election
Siraj Khan, a senior citizen returning after casting his vote

“Whether it is the heat wave or Roza, we have come to vote today, with one agenda which is to exercise our franchise, which is an integral part for our democracy,” said Shahnaz Bano, a senior citizen and differently-abled woman, who spotted at one of the election booths. Bano was observing fast too.

“My party cadres, some of them, who were not observing fast, had a plan and they worked on it during voting. They would stand in the queue and on spotting men or women from their areas, who were observing fast, in the election booth, then they would give their spots to those fasting,” informed Sudivya Kumar Sonu, JMM’s central committee member.

First Vote, then have your breakfast, remains to be the slogan for the Election Commission every election, but for the Muslim community, the slogan was a little different – do not sleep after taking Sehri (the pre-dawn meal) and only after casting vote, go for it.

Young minority voters, had some extra tasks – first to let their family members vote and then help others reach the polling station.

Muslim minority Giridh Jharkhand Ramadan Ramzan Voter Vote Election
Shazia Perween, a first time voter, who was also observing fast, came to exercise her franchise

Ranchi based social activist Bashir Ahmad told eNewsroom, “In both pre and during Ramzan, there were so much enthusiasm among minority voters, that they reached polling stations of their own, and no political party cadres have to push anyone, or provide any vehicle to bring them to the booths.”

Though some voters were in view that elections should not happened during Ramadan, “We faced very difficulty in exercising our franchise, so election should not be held in Ramzan”, said Hafiz Mohammad Ilyas, a senior citizen who came to polling station with the help of wheelchair.

But as there being no news of any major clash or disturbance between minority and majority voters, the credit definitely goes to other community voters too.

Minority voters defying the scorching heat to cast their vote despite fasting, the message was loud and clear – exercising one’s democratic rights is utmost important if one wants to see the change that they are desiring.

Giridih, where voting in Naxal areas can decide the fate of the candidates

Giridih/Ranchi: Giridih has several issues—right from water scarcity to poor power supply, to rampant air pollution to large scale migration. But, all these issues have been put into the back burner, and the only issue that matters now is local and outsider.

With the infighting among the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s leaders reaching the public domain to grab ticket in place of incumbent Member of Parliament Ravindra Pandey who got leveled as non-performer, forced the BJP to leave its traditional seat for its alliance partner All Jharkhand Student Union (AJSU). Pandey has represented Giridih five times in parliament.

AJSU has fielded Chandra Prakash Choudhary who is also a minister in Raghubar Das cabinet.

Jharkhand Mukhti Morcha (JMM) has pitted its runner-up candidate Jagarnath Mahto against Choudhary. This time the JMM candidate also has the backing of Mahagathbandhan.

As none of the major national parties, be it BJP or Congress contesting from Giridih seat, and the fight is going to be between the regional parties here.

However, during the campaigning period, neither of the regional parties could raise local issues properly.

Choudhary’s portfolio is that of a Water Resource Minister and Giridih is facing acute water crisis but baring one or two speeches, opposition did not make it an election issue during the campaign.

The power cuts are so frequent that on several occasion, the common man doesn’t even get the time to charge batteries and inverters. The frequent power cuts happen to be one of the main reasons for the irregular water supply too.

There is a high level of air pollution in the township area, but it also could not become an election issue. There are a dozen sponge iron factories which are operational in Mohanpur-Chatro area and is making life hell for the residents in the neighbouring areas.

And most importantly, a large number of youths migrate in large scale for jobs and in this pursuit, many get duped. Some meet accidents, while a large number of migrant workers even get stranded on foreign shores. Only silver lining for them is a Jharkhand-based WhatsApp group work as towards availing help for migrant workers in distress.

With so many issues demanding attention, the only issue that matters for parties is who is local and outsider.

Like Kanhaiya Kumar’s campaign in Begusarai, JMM candidate Jagarnath Mahto claims he is ‘Son of Giridih’ so he deserves the votes of the residents of Giridih. Mahto is the MLA from Dumri and a native of Dumri too. Choudhary, the Ramgarh MLA is an outsider in the fight.

However, the most important factor that really counts is the voting in Naxal infested areas, like Pirtand, Topchachi, Nawadih, Dumri and in some parts of Tundi. If these areas, voters turn out in good number, then their votes can play a vital role in deciding the winner for the election.

There was a time, when Maoists used to chop fingers who used to cast first vote, but now such incidents have have become a thing of past. The vote boycott calls have either been reduced or no takers.

In 2009, there were several booths in Pirtand- Dumri areas where zero votings took place but in 2014, votes were polled in both Lok Sabha election and assembly polls. Administration also believe that the regions, which were earlier considered naxal infested areas, the voting percentage is likely to improve.

“Administration has put it as a special case and is ensuring tight security for these reasons. Polling personnel and security forces have been sent to these areas via helicopters. It is being believed that this time voting percentage will increase in all the Naxal infested areas which fall under Giridih Lok Sabha constituency,” said Kamalnayan Chaparia, a senior journalist, who has done several stories on the administration work in Naxal areas, told to eNewsroom.

So far in Naxal areas, voting takes place in bulk either in favour or against a leader or some political party, so whoever gets ‘lucky’ may also emerge as the winner too.

How anger of tribals, minorities and working class is defining this Lok Sabha election in Jharkhand

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Ranchi: As Jharkhand is all prepared for the third phase of Lok Sabha Elections, in which voters from Dhanbad, Giridih, Singhbhum and Jamshedpur constituencies will exercise their franchises. Last week people of Ranchi, Khunti, Hazaribagh and Koderma have cast their vote.

In the fourth and last phase, on May 19, voters of Dumka, Godda and Rajmahal will vote.

But the tribals, minorities and working class seem to be really angry not only with Narendra Modi led BJP government in center, but with Raghubar Das led BJP government in Jharkhand also. The question is, why?

The tribals seem to be the most discontent with the present government. It is to be remembered that it was for the tribals, that the state was carved out from Bihar almost two decades back.

Here assembly polls took place within six months of formation of government in the centre. So, in 2014 Narendra Modi government was formed in May, and in December, BJP used Modi as the face of the state election, which helped them become the largest party in the state. After the election, BJP ended the concept of a tribal being at the helm of the affairs of Jharkhand and made Raghubar Das, a native of Chattisgarh as chief minister.

Following which Raghubar Das took many decisions in the last four and a half years which were against the tribals of Jharkhand. The land acts— Chotanagpur Tenancy Act (CNT) and Santhal Pargana Tenancy (SNT) Act were amended to help industrialists. Land banks were created for Gair Majrua lands which again directly impacted the tribals who were the main beneficiary of such lands. Attempts to change the Forest Rights Act have also been made. The anti-conversation bill has been introduced to stop conversion of tribals in Jharkhand.

Tribals were also targeting during Pathalgadi movement when villagers in Khunti and in some other districts of Jharkhand started their Pathalgadi movement to reclaim their rights under PESA act.

Leave aside the tribal community or their issues, the majority government in Jharkhand and centre did not do anything for Saber, a nearly extinct tribal community which mostly reside around Jamshedpur.

Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha (JJM), a social organization for tribal and civil right, as recent as in the May month, visit Saber community areas and found that they are living in the worst condition and several Saber people and their children are forced to live in inhuman condition. None of the state or central government schemes is reaching the community.

The tribal community has been made to live on the mercy of the majority, believes the community Even as the Lok Sabha elections were being conducted, a tribal had been lynched to death and three were injured severely.

The condition of the minority community is neither better. Several people from the community have been lynched since 2016, either on of eating beef or cattle trading or allegedly lifting children.

Minorities have been stopped from calling Azaan (call for namaz) in Koderma. Repeatedly, communal incidents have taken place in various parts of Jharkhand and including its state capital Ranchi.

Besides these two communities, the working class, including the para-teachers, sahiyas had a long battle for their demands, but it did not met during the tenure of Raghubar Das government in fact suppressed violently. While staging protest many para-teachers died before the house of ministers and MLA, but the government did not meet their actual demands.

In most of the vacancies, outside Jharkhand people were given preference over locals. For long, state was divided in two separate zones. Outside Jharkhand people where allowed in the recruitment of 11 districts under the Jharkhand’s employment policy.

Raghubar Das government also repeatedly failed in their own promises on several issues, they never met target of cashless or ODF (open defecation free) Jharkhand or even providing electricity to every home till March, 2019.

Due to strong resentment against BJP government, in centre and state, the turnout of locals in Narendra Modi or Amit Shah rallies remained thin. During an Amit Shah rally, people had been requested to sit on the vacant chair repeatedly on the microphone but masses did not turn up.

Also, the reverse has been happening since the time of Sangarh Yatra to recent election rallies, large crowd have gathered during rallies of Jharkhand Mukhti Morcha (JMM)’s working president Hemant Soren and other opposition leaders in the state.

National Commission for Scheduled Tribes serves notice to Jharkhand DGP and Gumla SP in Dumri lynching case

Ranchi: National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST) has issued a notice to the Director General of Police, Jharkhand and the Superintendent of Police, Gumla for the mob lynching of tribals that took place in Dumri, Gumla on April 10. During this lynching incident, one tribal was beaten to death and three had sustained severe injuries.

The notice issued by NCST has been served on the basis of the complaint filed by the Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha (JJM), a coalition of progressive organizations, which defends people’s rights in Jharkhand.

Almost a month back, in Jurumi village, along the banks of River Jurumi, some Christian tribals were skinning a dead ox, they were attacked by the members of Sahu Community believing that the tribals had killed the cow and were eating its meat.

The violent mob had beaten one Prakash Lakra (50) to death and had severely injured Peter Karketta, B. Minj and J. Minj.

JJM members who had visited the family of the deceased in Jurumi village claimed that Gumla police had not acted promptly and had even delayed the treatment of the injured. The fact-finding team also got to know that the body the dead tribal man had been dragged for one kilometre, while the mob had chanted Hindu slogans.

The incident took place just a fortnight ahead of the Lohardagga Lok Sabha election under which Gumla district falls. But neither the Lohardagga Member of Parliament and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Sudarshan Bhagat meet the families, nor did Prime Minister Narendra Modi mention about the incident during his Lohardagga rally on April 23.

Mob lynching of minorities in the name of beef eating or cattle trading or for alleged child lifting has been rampant in Jharkhand. State law and order has failed to keep such cases under check. However, it’s not just the minorities who have been attacked there have been several cases where people from other community – like tribals have also been attacked.

Delayed action by police is also one of the reasons for the increasing number of mob lynching cases in Jharkhand. Also, the fact that the accused in these cases are patronised by the politicians has in a way encouraged the lynch mobs. The Ramgarh lynching case is a major example in which Hazaribagh MP Jayant Sinha had garlanded the killers when they had got bail from High Court.

The commission has mentioned in its letter (dated May 2) to DGP, Jharkhand and SP, Gumla that an inquiry report should be sent to them within 15 days and if they fail to do so, they might have to appear in person before the commission for the same.

मीडिया ने दिया मोदी को मूलभूत मुद्दों पर वाक ओवर

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प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी द्वारा बेकारी, गरीबी, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, अर्थव्यवस्था, किसानों की आत्महत्या, दलित, आदिवासी व मुसलमानों पर लगातार हो रही हिंसा, सामाजिक कल्याण, आम आदमी के विकास, आवास, संविधान खत्म करने के दावे, पिछड़े जरुरतमंदों से आरक्षण का अधिकार छीनने की वकालत तथा लोकतांत्रिक संस्थाओं को तहस-नहस करने जैसे आरोप और मूल मुद्दों से भागने के कारण सोशल मीडिया पर एक तरह का उबाल है।

देखा जाए तो वे पूरे पांच साल ही जनता के सरोकारों से जुड़े मुख्य मुद्दों से दूरी बनाने और अपनी सरकार की नाकामयाबियों से पीछा छुड़ाने के लिए कभी नेहरु-गांधी परिवार की आड़ लेते तो कभी कथित राष्ट्रवाद का दामन थामते नजर आए। पूरी की पूरी भाजपा मोदी के कार्यकाल में किए कामों का जिक्र आते ही या तो रक्षात्मक हो जाती है या फिर भक्तिप्रधान नारे लगाकर ध्यान भटकाती है।

दूसरी तरफ, मीडिया और खास तौर से बड़े अखबार तथा चैनल मूलभूत मुद्दों की बात आने पर बड़ी चतुराई से यह संदेश देते हैं कि विपक्ष ही इसे मुद्दा नहीं बना पा रहा है या उनका नेतृव्य ही सही तरह से उठा नहीं पा रहा है, जबकि हकीकत में इस तरह के मुद्दों पर चुप्पी साधकर या इनसे ध्यान भटकाकर खुद मीडया ने अबकि बार और अधिक संगठित तौर पर सत्तारूढ़ दल और मोदी को वाकओवर दिया है।

अब यह कहने का समय आ गया है कि करीब-करीब पूरा भारतीय मीडिया मोदीमय होकर प्रधानमंत्री के प्रचारतंत्र का हिस्सा बन गया है। यही वजह है कि वह न मूल मुद्ददों पर चर्चा कराना चाहता है, न सत्ताधारी पक्ष से असहज करने वाले प्रश्न पूछता है और न ही विपक्ष के नेताओं के उन बयानों को ही प्रमुखता से तरहीज देता है जो सीधे तौर पर देश और समाज की चिंता से जुड़े हुए हैं। असल में तो वह मतदाताओं को वही दिखा, सुना, पढ़ा और बता रहा है जो मोदी चाहते हैं।

यहां तक कि पैड न्यूज से बहुत आगे निकलकर अब मुख्यधारा का मीडिया भाजपा के आइटी सेल और भाजपा के प्रवक्ताओं के अनुरूप सरकार की रणनीति पर काम करता मालूम देता है। इसके लिए वह हमेशा ही विपक्ष के नेताओं को नए-नए और गैर-जरुरी मुद्दों पर हमलावर तरीके से घेरता दिखता है।

यही वजह है कि मोदी के सड़कछाप बयान भी मोदी का एक और मास्टर स्ट्रोक, मोदी का अब तक का सबसे बड़ा हमला और मोदी का पलटवार वगैरह बनकर सुर्खियां बटोरते हैं। दूसरी तरफ, मोदी के विरोध में एक जरा-सी चूक या टिप्पणी को भी रणनीति के तहत मीडिया भारी विवादास्पद प्रायोजित करके सत्तारुढ़ी दल का एजेंटा सेट करता है।

मोदी का आईटी सेल और मोदी के प्रवक्ताओं के साथ-साथ मोदी के समर्थक एंकर तथा पत्रकार तो दो कदम आगे बढ़कर प्रधानमंत्री के झूठ और अफवाहों को सनसनीखेज खबर की तरह प्रस्तुत कर रहे हैं। मोदी के समर्थन में संगठित और प्रायोजित ट्रोल को वे देश की आवाज बताकर एक तरह की अराजकता को बड़े पैमाने पर प्रचारित कर रहे हैं। पूरा मीडिया ही जैसे मोदी की मीडिया तरह काम कर रहा है।

मीडिया और मोदी के संदर्भ में देखा जाए तो सभी बड़े अखबार और चैनलों ने अपनी—अपनी विविधता को समाप्त कर दिया है। अब कोई—सा भी अखबार उठाकर या चैनल बदलकर देखो तो लगभग सभी ने मोदी के पक्ष में माहौल तैयार करने के मामले में अपनी—अपनी पहचान खो दी है। नोटबंदी, आतंकवादी व नक्सलवादी हमले और पाकिस्तान पर हमले जैसे मुद्दों पर तथ्यपरक रिपोर्टिंग नहीं की। मीडिया मोदी की भक्ति में इस तरह से लीन होता दिखता है जिसमें वह अपने भीतर झांकना छोड़ चुका है। इस दौरान खबरों से लेकर विज्ञापन, निजी लेखों से लेकर संपादकीय, तस्वीरों से लेकर आम सभा के दृश्य, भाषण, कार्यक्रम और बहसों में एक विशेष व्यक्ति के पक्ष में प्रचार करने के कारण कुछ भी अलग—सा नजर नहीं आता है। मोदी की नित नई काल्पनिक कहानियों की सच्चाई जाने बगैर वह उसे सच की तरह प्रसारित करता है। इसके आगे बहुत तेजी से वह उस दौर की ओर ले जा रहा है जहां विरोध विरोध और मतभेद की गुजाइंश न के बराबर रह जाए।

यह हाल तब है जब वर्ष 2014 के लोकसभा चुनाव के दौरान करीब 70 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं मोदी को वोट नहीं दिया था। वहीं, हाल के कई सर्वे और विश्लेषणों से यह साफ हो रहा है कि मोदी दिन—ब—दिन बहुमत से बहुत दूर होते जा रहे हैं, बावजूद इसके जिस तरह से मुख्यधारा का पूरा मीडिया मोदी और सिर्फ मोदी के गुणगान कर रहा है उससे वह अपने पाठक या दर्शक वर्ग के बीच में पूरी निर्लज्जता के साथ कठघरे में खड़ा हुआ है।

इसी नजरिए से इस बार का चुनाव मुख्य तौर पर प्रधानमंत्री के व्यवहार और वोट प्रबंधन पर केंद्रित होना चाहिए, जिन्होंने चुनाव तथा राजनीति के स्तर को तो बहुत नीचे पहुंचा ही दिया है, मुख्यधारा की मीडिया की बची साख, विश्वसनीयता और भाषा की मर्यादाओं को भी तार-तार कर दिया है।

Jharkhand’s second round goes to Mahagathbandhan, the alliance is strong on 3 out of 4 seats

Ranchi: After Lok Sabha Election’s second phase of voting in Jharkhand, the trend seems going in favour of Mahagathbandhan as out of 4, 3 seats—Khunti, Ranchi and in Koderma, gathbandhan candidates are on stronger position.

If the reports of voting trend are to be believed, former Chief Minister Arjun Munda set to lose his election, as well as BJP candidates from Ranchi Sanjay Seth and Annapurna Devi from Koderma. Only, Jayant Sinha will be able to retain his Hazaribagh seat.

Political observers believe that there are reports of vote boycotts in some areas of Hazaribagh constituency, and in all these areas, if votes would have been polled, it might have gone against the incumbent member of parliament, Jayant Sinha.

In Khunti, Raghubar Das led BJP government’s forcible suppression of the Pathalgadi movement has angered the tribals and it worked against former chief Arjun Munda. Several organizations that work for the betterment of the marginalised have worked hard to mobilize voters to vote against the BJP candidate in Khunti.

On the other hand, all seem to be going well for the Mahagathbandhan and Congress candidate Subodh Kant Sahay in Ranchi. In Ranchi rural, Congress has managed to get a large chunk of votes.

In Koderma too, things have worked in favour of the Mahagathbandhan candidate – former chief minister Babulal Marandi. He too has been able to grab large votes from the unhappy BJP supporters, who have been vocal protesting against the party’s decision of denying a ticket to Ravindra Rai and fielding an outsider – Annapurna Devi.

“Reports are good and we are going to win with a good margin in Koderma,” claimed an excited Marandi while talking to eNewsroom.

On being asked how would BJP losing the Koderma seat impact the future politics of Jharkhand and centre? Replying to that the former CM said, “Voting in Koderma and Jharkhand has been anti-establishment, against Narendra Modi and Raghubar Das, so it means a lot.”

If Marandi manages to win Koderma seat, it will be really a mandate against PM Narendra Modi and CM Raghubar Das too, as not only the chief minister toured Koderma constituency four times but PM had also hold a rally here.

In the first phase Chatra, Lohardagga and Palamu voted, and here too,  gathbandhan is in a strong position in at least two seats.

In the third phase, Giridih, Dhanbad, Jamshedpur and Singhbhum’s Lok Sabha constituencies will be voting on May 12, while May 19 polling will take place in Godda, Rajmahal and Dumka constituencies of Jharkhand.

However, in the evening, Marandi has alleged that the Giridih district administration which conducts the election for Koderma during Lok Sabha election is allegedly favouring BJP. The Jharkhand Vikash Morcha (JVM) chief has even written to the Election Commission of India regarding it. He has alleged that despite the availability of a strong room in Bazar Samiti, Giridih, why a separate cluster had been created in Satgawah, Koderma to store 51 booth’s Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) s?

Left with great expectations, in West Bengal

Kolkata: The Communist Party of India (Marxist) that ruled West Bengal for 34 years lost not only the seat of power but also its pride in the state in 2011 when Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) came riding on the wave of paribartan or change. Eight years on, the party has gained some traction, and most importantly confidence, and is sharpening its sickle in the hope of reaping part of the harvest amid waning support for the TMC.

The handful of CPM workers at the grassroots level who have continued their allegiance to the party are already feeling optimistic as the fourth phase of the Lok Sabha elections come to an end.

Party workers whom this correspondent spoke to said the CPIM has chances of winning more than two seats this time thanks to the brewing resentment among voters for TMC.

The CPIM won two seats — Murshidabad and Raiganj — in the 2014 Lok Sabha polls.

Debabrata Ghosh, secretary of the Hooghly district committee of the party, said there is a huge change in the CPIM’s position from 2011 to 2014. “In 2011, people thought there would be a great change (paribartan) after the new government came to power. However, their expectations gradually waned over the years and now it has come to a point of total decline. This is a major difference from eight years back,” he explained.

Ghosh, who is associated with the party since the early eighties, claimed that voters are tremendously against the TMC this time and this he had observed during his numerous visits to rural and urban constituencies in the last few years.

Ghosh’s claim was corroborated by several other party members. Sambhunath Kurmi, secretary of the Falta Area Committee of the CPIM, said several party workers at the grassroots level in his area who had quit in 2011 to join the TMC are willing to come back but “could not fearing retribution”.

The CPIM had won only 40 out of the 294 Assembly seats in 2011 with a vote share of 29.58 per cent. In 2016 when the Trinamool Congress was contesting for a second term, the CPIM’s vote share slid further to 19.7 per cent and the seat count stood at 26. The TMC, on the other hand, increased its seat share to 211 from 184 in 2011.

This time the party has fielded 20 candidates.

Ghosh said there was a constant false campaigning in the state against CPIM by elements who were sensing the TMC’s diminishing popularity level. He, and many party members, believe the misinformation that the CPIM is a “dead party” has adversely affected it. The media too propagated this idea, some leaders said.

“The anti-Left elements anticipated that Trinamool’s votes would go to the Left this time and so they projected BJP as an alternative. People were made to believe that only BJP can remove Trinamool. When the entire country, including BJP-ruled states, is seeing an anti-BJP wave how is it possible that it is gaining strength in West Bengal,” said Ghosh, adding that the electorate should understand that voting for BJP would mean voting for the TMC.

Fuad Halim, CPIM’s candidate from Diamond Harbour, echoed Ghosh’s view.

The Trinamool supported the NDA government under Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1999 and Mamata Banerjee was the railway minister before she quit and came back to the state. She went back to the NDA government in 2004 and was given a Cabinet berth.

Halim, who is the son of late CPIM leader Hashim Abdul Halim, said Trinamool is a reflection of the BJP.

Rejecting the projection of BJP as the nemesis of Trinamool, Kollol Majumdar, secretary of Kolkata District Committee of the CPIM, said, “In Kolkata, maximum canvassing and rallying was done by the candidates of the Left Front.”

So what groundwork has the CPIM done to gain such confidence? Halim said the party has been constantly raising issues pertaining to agriculture and farmers. It has also been vocal about revamping the education system.

“We have also held krishak sabha (farmers’ meetings). We have made a committee for the landless workers. The response that we have received from the working class is beyond expectation. The February Brigade meet also witnessed overwhelming response,” he said.

Halim, who was allegedly attacked by TMC goons during canvassing, also pointed out that the CPIM has revamped itself and elected new leadership in district committees, a move that has made a perceptible positive effect on the party. Sitting in the party office at Amtala under Diamond Harbour parliamentary constituency after door-to-door campaign, Halim sounded confident that the party will win more than two seats this time.

Majumdar also said the party is expecting four to five seats with approximately 33per cent vote share in the state.

To make this a reality, the party, for the first time, is using social media extensively. More than 60 foot soldiers have been deployed in Kolkata to strengthen the party’s presence on Facebook and WhatsApp.

Sangram Chatterjee, who is part of the CPIM’S newly formed IT cell, said the use of technology is not a “new thing” for the party and it started in 2009.

“It has gotten better over the years. In Kolkata, all the four candidates are net-savvy and it has helped us a lot. We are running Facebook pages for these candidates. Since mainstream media do not report our campaigns and works so much, these pages are helping us to connect to people as alternate media. Also, WhatsApp is being used to reach out to the party’s grassroots workers and some voters,” said Chatterjee, adding that Twitter is not being used much as according to the cell’s survey, not many voters in the state are on this platform.

Though the leaders and members nurture great expectations, most of them are aware that the party cannot make the best use of the brewing resentment as the BJP has already got a foothold in the state.

Also, misgivings about its move to tie up with the Congress before the elections instead of forming a strong Left Front remain among anti-Congress voters. A CPIM member said it was a blessing that pre-poll alliance talks between the two parties fell through as many workers were apprehensive.

A voter in Howrah’s Ashoknagar said anonymously that many former CPIM supporters in his locality are shifting allegiance to the BJP as they are annoyed and confused at the same time at the party’s decision to shake hands with the Congress, a move that proved disastrous for the CPIM in the last Lok Sabha elections.

But Majumdar defended the move saying it would not have been a political alliance but an alliance to fight a communal power. He added that the party has also thought about forming a strong Front for electoral politics and taken some steps towards it.

Questioning the CPIM’s motive, SUCI’s Amitabha Chatterjee pointed out that the former invited Congress president Rahul Gandhi to deliver a speech at last year’s farmers’ rally in Delhi.

“Is the Congress the power behind farmers’ movement? We do not think so. The CPIM did not try to build a nationwide six-party front, not for electoral politics but to encourage a movement. In Behrampore, RSP fielded its candidate… but instead of supporting RSP, CPIM rallied for Adhir Choudhury (of the Congress). Is it an example of strengthening the Left parties,” said Chatterjee, adding that many CPIM leaders are now trying to approach them as they have understood the truth after years of spitting venom on the SUCI.

With no strong Left Front, the fight against Trinamool or BJP has only become tougher for the CPIM though the party has not admitted to it. “We are hoping to get some of the floating votes but the BJP will make an impact. We are tying our best but as you see TMC is not allowing us to campaign in rural pockets,” said Kurmi.

Now, one has to wait till May 23 to see whether CPIM’s confidence is genuine or only a garb for its weakness.

In battle of nerves at Koderma, Rajkumar Yadav has an edge in triangular contest

Ranchi: Out of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in Jharkhand, the battle for Koderma is the most interesting. The contest here is not between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Mahagathbandhan directly, but triangular in nature.

The candidate who had made the contest triangular is CPI (ML)’s Rajkumar Yadav, who had secured 2.67 lakhs votes in 2014 when “Modi wave” was at its peak. Back then, Yadav was also not even an MLA and after six months of securing the second position in Koderma during the Lok Sabha election, he had defeated Babulal Marandi, in the Jharkhand Assembly polls.

Unlike his opponent Annapurna Devi who has the support of the largest political party of India — BJP as well as the blessings of Chief Minister Raghubar Das, and seasoned politician Babulal Marandi, he has no support either from star campaigners or large alliance partners to bank on, but Yadav and CPI (ML) leaders are touching chords of commoners because of their dedication towards people’s cause.

Significantly, Subhash Yadav, RJD leader and party’s Chatra candidate during a press conference also come in favour of CPI (ML) candidate and declared that RJD will be supporting Yadav in the Koderma and not Marandi.

Gujarat’s independent MLA Jignesh Mevani also stayed In Koderma for 3 days and held public meetings and rallies at many places in Koderma constituency.

Because of defeating the former chief minister and raising people’s issues, Yadav is known a ‘fighter’ leader.

What favour’s Rajkumar Yadav:

  • His and party’s 365 days presence amid people
  • Securing the second position in two consecutive elections
  • Defeated Marandi during Vidhan Sabha polls
  • Image of a crusader for people’s cause

Devi, the former Jharkhand RJD chief has been preferred over Nira Yadav of BJP, Jharkhand’s Education Minister for Koderma Lok Sabha election. Devi heaved a sigh of relief when Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed a rally on April 29 in Jamua. After the rally, it is now being believed that Devi is back in the contest, else earlier she was finding it difficult to get support even to her own BJP partymen. Yadav community was also unhappy with her for leaving RJD at a time when the party supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav needed her presence in the party.

And Devi’s fight against own party (BJP) cadres and leaders who were unhappy with incumbent MP Ravindra Rai did not get ticket are getting interesting. Rai’s elder brother Surendra Rai, who was the vice-president of Jharkhand BJP’s Farmer Wing has resigned, alleging that the party gave the ticket to a candidate who had abused PM Modi as RJD Jharkhand Chief and not the party loyalists. Surendra is openly campaigning with Marandi.

Devi is finding it tough to shrug off the ‘outsider‘ tag from her own partymen.

However, Jharkhand chief minister, Das who brought Annapurna into the party fold is putting in his all might to make her win. He came down to Koderma at least four times since Devi filed her nomination, to seek vote for her.

In favour of Annapurna Devi:

  • Cashing on PM Modi’s image of a nationalist hero
  • Banking on Raghubar Das’ support

Former chief minister Babulal Marandi, who is seeking his third term as Koderma’s MP has to also show his report card to the masses, as what he did in his 10 years as Koderma MP, between 2004 to 2014. Marandi also has to answer as to why his party’s MLA and leaders only join BJP?

Marandi is also facing opposition from Muslim intellectuals who believe that the former chief minister has taken away the chance of Muslim leader Furqan Ansari getting fielded from the Godda seat. Being gathbandhan’s candidate, he might end up bearing the anger of the community as retaliation to why the gathbandhan did not give a ticket to a single candidate from the minority community on any of the 14 seats.

In favour of Babulal Marandi:

  • Banking on the arithmetic of Mahagathbandhan
  • Claim of being invincible in Koderma Lok Sabha elections
  • Image of big leader and former chief minister of Jharkhand

Most importantly, Koderma election is not being fought at a party level, else BJP wouldn’t have to change its sitting MP and poach candidates from other parties.

Candidates’ own image and caliber matter more for the Koderma seat. Keeping into account the fact that Yadav is the only MLA in the fray who has been consistent in his work, he definitely has an edge over other candidates.

Koderma’s voters will choose their 17th Lok Sabha representative in Parliament on May 6.

Political thriller needs a lot of research, demands accuracy and dedication- Ashwin Sanghi

Kolkata: Ashwin Sanghi is the bestselling author of our times and in a candid chat with eNewsroom he discusses a wide range of topics – right from his decision to venture into the world of detective and crime fiction; why he admires Satyajit Ray’s Feluda and how in the political scenario, India has witnessed Kautilyas at work. Read on to know more.

eNewsroom: Is it true that you are now all set to write your very first detective novel?

Ashwin: Yes! At present, I am working on the sixth book of the ‘Bharat series’. I intend to finish writing it by the end of June and launch it by the end of 2019. And after that I will concentrate on writing my detective thriller.

eNewsroom: Why is it that we hardly get to read crime or detective fiction written by Indian authors?

Ashwin: In modern times, Satyajit Ray created Feluda and held the bastion in Bengal. The crime thrillers written by Surender Mohan Pathak in Hindi also became popular. Yet unlike the West, Indian writers shied away from these genres and that is because the publishers in India were not very forthcoming to publish detective and crime fiction written by them. Even now, publishers are happy to market detective and crime novels penned by Western authors simply because these books sale. Thus, foreign writers and foreign publishers continue to dominate our market…

eNewsroom: You mentioned Feluda a short while ago.

Ashwin: That I did. I have read Feluda – of course, the translated version in English – and I find him and his adventures fascinating. Satyajit Ray was a master storyteller.

eNewsroom: So, how has Ray influenced you in your new literary endeavour?

Ashwin: I have learnt a lot by reading Feluda and the detective or crime thrillers written by the pioneering Western authors. I have understood about the importance of developing a compelling plot from them. They have taught me how to create a strong and well-developed central character and adding certain nuances that will make both the story and the characters stand out.

eNewsroom: You seem to have a strong Bengali connection. You like Feluda and now your books are now being translated into Bengali as well…

Ashwin: (Smiles). See, Bengal is the reading capital of the country, so it makes sense to have my books available in Bengali, doesn’t it? Translated works not only create a bigger market space, but also encourage readers to explore authors writing in different languages. For example, I could read Feluda because it was translated into English and now my books are being translated into Bengali. Life comes a full circle.

eNewsroom: How challenging is it to write a detective thriller or crime fiction?

Ashwin: Since I am looking at developing a series in this genre, thus, my first challenge involves developing a fascinating central character. The next one is to visualize the overall arch of this series. Today’s crime and detective fictions have to be more creative but, I would need to exercise control while sketching the scenes involving violence. Research plays a vital role in all my works, but in this genre, I have to do a large amount of footwork and also get present the details of forensic procedures accurately. The list goes on and on.

eNewsroom: Your creation – Chanakya’s Chants – is one of the bestselling political thrillers of our times. But there is still a dearth of indigenous political thrillers.

Ashwin: Right now, the commercial fiction space in India is being dominated by two genres – romance and mythology. Writing a political thriller is a huge commitment – research takes a lot of time; the novel demands accuracy; dedication and even the word count is a lot higher – and despite all this, a writer has no assurance that his or her book will get a good share of the market space. Thus, authors here prefer to concentrate on those genres that have already passed the litmus test. What’s more this trend is being encouraged by publishers because it is commercially more viable. This is also the reason why Indian writers are wary to explore the horror and paranormal genres as well.

eNewsroom: Your graphic series on Pandit Gangasagar Mishra of Chanakya’s Chants fame has created ripples on social media.

Ashwin: I decided to reprise Pandit Gangasagar Mishra and re-invent both him and myself in the process. (Laughs). It also enables me to keep the book in the spotlight. In the series, Pandit Mishra shares his political observations and gyan with the right touch of wit and humour and I am hopeful that his observations will influence those who follow me on social media.

eNewsroom: Talking about social media – Do you think that issues and arguments get unnecessarily amplified there?

Ashwin: Earlier diametrically opposite people used to engage in face-to-face disagreements and difference of opinions. Today, the scene has shifted to social media. It is a big space with lots of people which means lots of opinions and that is why things get amplified. Social media is a great platform but it all depends on how one is using it. For example, I use it to inform about what is going on in my life; share inspirational messages et al. I do not use it to discuss who should form the next government or talk about issues that I know is going to lead to debates and reactions. I think that those who face such reactions et al want to get into such situations. I find such arguments to be a total waste of productive time.

eNewsroom: What is your take on the ‘intolerance wave’ that recently hit social media?

Ashwin: I can only say that the time has come for us to exude one of the biggest virtues of tolerance – be tolerant of those who are intolerant.

eNewsroom: Do you think that India needs another Chanakya?

Ashwin: I feel that India has had her fair share of Chanakyas till date. (Smiles). When one thinks of Chanakya, one thinks of kut niti. Many are reminded of Machiavelli’s philosophy where ‘the end justifies the means’. When I think of Chanakya, I think of his invaluable lessons. One such lesson harps upon the need and importance of that supreme ‘higher purpose’ – that of working for greater and national good. He advised emperors/rulers to always keep the nobility of this ‘higher  purpose’ in mind for truly nothing should overshadow the desire to what is best for the nation, its development and national unity. What a meaningful ‘chant’ this it, right?