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How India’s Symbol of Love Is Being Twisted into a Tool of Hate

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Taj Mahal, regarded as one of the Seven Wonders of the World, is one of the major markers of India on the world map. It is a poem in marble; Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore described it as “a drop of tear on the cheek of time.” Its beauty and fascination as a symbol of love are remarkable. It is a UNESCO World Heritage Site and is maintained by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). A marvel in marble, its replicas have often been given as gifts to visiting heads of state.

Since it was constructed by the Mughal ruler Shah Jahan in memory of his wife Mumtaz Mahal, it has been an eyesore to the Hindu right wing. Though its history has been settled by the ASI—and even the Culture Minister Mahesh Sharma said in 2017, during the Modi regime, that it was not a Shiva temple—the controversies are deliberately raised time and again by right-wing leaders and ideologues to boost communal divides. The ASI has repeatedly clarified that it is a mausoleum, not a temple.

Right-Wing Attempts to Rewrite History

The first major controversy around it was created when Yogi Adityanath became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. His tourism department published a booklet about sites of tourist attraction in the state, but it did not mention the Taj as one of them, despite nearly 12,000 visitors being attracted to this marvel daily. The monument draws 23% of all tourists to India. When questioned, Adityanath retorted that the Taj does not reflect Indian culture.

Now, another film by Paresh Rawal is set to be released. Its trailer shows that as the dome of the Taj is lifted, Lord Shiva appears. The forthcoming film, The Taj Story, as it appears from its trailer, is an attempt to propagate the idea that the Taj is Tejo Mahalaya, a Shiva temple that was converted into a tomb by Shah Jahan.

The argument of the film is that the Taj was a Hindu temple—Tejo Mahalaya—built in the 4th century (later revised to the 11th century) and converted into a mausoleum by the Mughal ruler Shah Jahan. The claim that it was a 4th-century temple was first put forward by a lawyer, PN Oak. Historian Ruchika Sharma has rubbished Oak’s theory on the basis of historical evidence: “Oak, who did not know Farsi, perhaps missed this vital detail that refutes his theory of the Taj being a reused 4th-century palace.” Historians such as Giles Tillotson have also challenged Oak’s theory, asserting that “the technical know-how to create a building with the structural form of the Taj simply did not exist in pre-Mughal India.”

The mystery of the 21 empty rooms at the bottom was also clarified by the ASI. Architecturally, they were built to provide stability to the structure and are used for maintenance purposes. This clarification, too, came during the Modi regime.

Once the 4th-century theory did not work, Oak revised it, claiming that it was a 12th-century temple. Sharma notes, “Yet, Oak armed himself with make-believe and propaganda and petitioned the Supreme Court of India in July 2000, claiming that the Taj was constructed by Raja Paramar Dev’s chief minister Salakshan in the 12th century and was therefore a Hindu structure, Tejo Mahalaya, and not made by the Mughals.”

Oak went up to the Supreme Court to make his point, but the highest court rebuffed his fantasy, which was bereft of historical evidence. His main arguments were based on the architectural aspects of the tomb—the dome at the top, the inverted lotus, and the 21 empty rooms at the bottom. Similarly, later, one Amarnath Mishra approached the Allahabad High Court, petitioning that it was built by the Chandela king Parmardi, but this was also dismissed by the court in 2005.

From PN Oak to Today’s Propaganda Films

There are detailed and impeccable historical accounts available about the construction of the Taj. Travelers Peter Mundy and Jean-Baptiste Tavernier mention that during their visit to India, they learned of Shah Jahan’s grief and his determination to build a grand structure in memory of his wife Mumtaz Mahal. Shah Jahan made elaborate plans, involving several architects—the chief architect being Ustad Ahmad Lahori, a Muslim, and one of his major associates a Hindu architect. Badshah Nama, the biography of Shah Jahan, provides a detailed account of the entire process and the group of people who planned and executed it.

The land chosen for the Taj had belonged to Raja Jai Singh. There are two versions of how it was acquired: one says that it was procured by giving due compensation; the other mentions that Raja Jai Singh gifted it to the emperor, as they were on friendly terms. The architecture of the Taj reflects the syncretic traditions that prevailed at the time. The double-dome structures were introduced by Mughal architects—examples include the Red Fort and Humayun’s Tomb. Earlier Hindu temples had triangular superstructures. Later, domes were also introduced in temples. Architecture is never an exclusive process; the mixture of architectural styles is part of the evolution of civilizations.

Nearly twenty thousand artisans were hired for the construction. As the Mughal administration had a dedicated construction division, the magnificent structures of North India were not sudden miracles. The rumor that the workers’ hands were cut off is baseless—there is no source to substantiate it. The account books and documents from Shah Jahan’s time clearly record detailed expenditures incurred in building the Taj, including the cost of Makrana marble and wages paid to workers. Some prevalent Hindu motifs were incorporated into the design, as Hindu architects and workers were also part of the construction process.

In a lighter vein, one should mention PN Oak’s fertile yet banal imagination, which placed the roots of all world civilizations in Hindu culture. For him, Christianity was Krishna Niti; Vatican came from Vatika; and Rome from Ram! Despite such superficial claims devoid of any historical evidence, he kept publishing books and pamphlets, which were circulated in RSS shakhas to propagate his theories until they became part of popular social understanding.

A Political Project Masquerading as History

Most of the points raised by the upcoming film (as seen in its trailer) about the Taj Mahal were clarified more than a decade ago. The revival of these falsehoods is a political move intended to serve the Hindu nationalist agenda by spreading hate against Mughal rulers—and by extension, today’s Muslims.

This film is yet another propaganda project in a series that includes The Kashmir Files, The Bengal Files, The Kerala Story, and others—each aimed at intensifying right-wing propaganda. The Taj Story will likely be yet another tool for divisiveness and hate that continues to dominate contemporary India.

“Students Don’t Know Who Fazlul Huq Was”: Bengal Scholars Lament Erasure of Sher-e-Bangla’s Legacy

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Kolkata: “In many colleges and universities, students and even teachers are unaware of who Fazlul Huq truly was,” said Sabir Ahmed of the Pratichi Institute and Know Your Neighbour initiative, as Bengal’s iconic Coffee House resonated with reflection and resolve on Sunday. “We will include Sher-e-Bangla’s life and contributions in our outreach activities to ensure greater public awareness of his vision and work,” he added.

The occasion was the 152nd birth anniversary of Sher-e-Bangla Abul Kasem Fazlul Huq, Bengal’s legendary statesman and people’s leader, organized by the Bhumiputra Unnayan Morcha of India (BHUMI) in the historic “Boichitra” hall of the Indian Coffee House on College Street. The programme drew an audience of social workers, educators, writers, students, researchers, and journalists, and was gracefully moderated by Dr. Abu Sayed Ahmed.

The event began with floral tributes to Sher-e-Bangla’s portrait, followed by impassioned discussions on his life, vision, and his far-reaching role in Bengal’s political, educational, and social awakening.

“The Partition of Bengal Was Not the Fault of Muslims”

Retired teacher and essayist Alimuzzaman delivered a thought-provoking address, revisiting the 1940 Lahore Resolution and the complex politics surrounding the partition of Bengal. He argued that Fazlul Huq’s call for autonomy in Muslim-majority provinces stemmed from the principles of political justice, not separatism.

“The Lahore Resolution was distorted by the politics of its time,” he said. “The partition of Bengal was not the fault of Muslims but the consequence of the upper-caste Hindu leadership’s unwillingness to accept a Muslim-majority Bengal and their desire for dominance through division.”

Drawing parallels with the present, Alimuzzaman added, “Even today, poor Muslim workers in Bengal are branded as ‘Bangladeshis’ and subjected to humiliation. Sher-e-Bangla dedicated his entire life to uplifting such marginalized communities, fighting for their dignity and rightful place in society.”

Fazlul Huq’s Early Life: “Education Was a Right, Not a Privilege”

Renowned doctor Kazi Mohit shared two defining anecdotes from Fazlul Huq’s youth that revealed his determination and egalitarian spirit.

He narrated how a young Huq, upon learning that sitting on the front bench required passing a test, immediately asked to take it—and passed the same day. Later, during his Presidency College years, Huq was told that Muslims were weak in mathematics. He took it as a challenge and topped his class within six months.

“These stories show how deeply he believed that education was not a privilege for a few but a right for all—an idea that shaped his educational reforms as Education Minister of undivided Bengal,” said Dr. Mohit, whose words drew warm applause from the audience.

“Fighting Brahminical Domination, Standing with the Working Class”

Essayist Gautam Ray rejected the communal label often attached to Fazlul Huq, stressing that “advocating for one’s community’s rights does not make one communal.”

Advocate Shamim Ahmed placed Huq’s ideology in the context of today’s India. “What the BJP and RSS seek today is a revival of Brahminical domination, while Fazlul Huq envisioned the liberation of the working class. He fought for those whose lives are now being made unbearable by such forces,” he said, earning nods from the audience.

“Politics of Emancipation, Not Power”

At the end, Dr. Ramiz Raja, convenor of BHUMI, reflected on Sher-e-Bangla’s enduring relevance: “Fazlul Huq’s politics were the politics of emancipation. His lifelong struggle on behalf of farmers, laborers, and the marginalized continues to inspire us. He proved that the essence of politics lies in human development.”

Other distinguished speakers—Dr. Suranjan Midde, Dr. Nurul Islam, and Jane Alam—added intellectual depth with their insights into Huq’s social and educational philosophy.

The commemoration ended with a collective pledge to uphold Sher-e-Bangla’s principles of equality, justice, and inclusive progress, with organizers vowing to celebrate his legacy on an even larger scale next year.

Sleepless Nights, and Silent Tears: Inside the System That Broke a Cardiologist

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Delhi: In a detailed letter addressed to the Department of Cardiology, GB Pant Hospital, Dr. Rishu Sinha has pleaded for humane consideration of her husband’s situation. “He has been suffering from sleep deprivation, burnout, exploitation, and humiliation due to 36-hour continued duty causing mental and physical tiredness,” she wrote, adding that the nature of work assigned to him was “minimal” and “unsuitable for his course.”

According to Dr. Sinha, the relentless and unregulated duty hours forced her husband — who had dreamt all his life of becoming a cardiologist — to take the extreme step of resigning. “I am worried that if his resignation is accepted without proper counselling, it may further harm his mental health,” she added in her letter.

Dr. Sinha had earlier filed two Right to Information (RTI) applications — No. GBP&H/R/2025/60034 dated 13.09.2025 and GBP&H/R/2025/60041 dated 12.10.2025 — seeking details about duty-hour regulations, the actual duties performed by her husband, and the hospital’s compliance with the 1992 Residency Rules issued by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Those directives clearly state that resident doctors must not work beyond 48 hours per week or 12 hours at a stretch.

However, she alleges that despite the RTIs falling under the “48-hour reply” category, the hospital has failed to respond. “It is unfortunate that institutions like GB Pant Hospital have no faith in the law of the land, as the 1992 rules are not followed and the RTI Act is not honoured at all,” her letter states.

Mental Health and Systemic Failure

The issue comes amid growing concern over the mental health of resident doctors across India. The National Task Force on Mental Health and Well-being of Medical Students (2024) — constituted by the National Medical Commission (NMC) — has warned that excessive working hours and toxic training environments are leading to alarming levels of depression, burnout, and even suicides among medical trainees.

The report recommends mandatory rest after night duties, monitoring of resident working hours, and access to psychological counselling — measures rarely enforced in most government hospitals.

In a 2024 petition, the Supreme Court also sought responses from the Centre, states, and the NMC over the “inhuman working hours” of resident doctors, asking why the 1992 rules were not being implemented.

‘Hospitals Must Be Held Accountable’

Dr. Sinha’s letter is not just a personal plea but a larger indictment of medical training culture in India. “GB Pant Hospital must take responsibility for the outcome of excessive duty hours and ensure the wellness of its students,” she writes. She has appealed to the administration to allow her husband a one-month “cooling period” with humanly working-hour duty and counselling before deciding on his resignation.

The Delhi Medical Association (DMA), responding to her letter, has reportedly raised concerns over the “inhumane working conditions” at GB Pant Hospital and urged the authorities to probe the matter.

Larger Picture: Resident Doctors and the Silent Crisis

Resident doctors form the backbone of India’s public health system — yet their training often doubles as bonded labour, with grueling 30–40-hour duties, no weekly offs, and little mental health support.

A recent survey by the Federation of All India Medical Associations (FAIMA) found that over 70 percent of resident doctors reported symptoms of burnout, while one in five admitted to having sought mental health help in the past year.

Experts have warned that such exploitative work conditions not only endanger young doctors’ lives but also compromise patient safety. “A fatigued doctor is a risk to themselves and their patients,” said a senior cardiologist from AIIMS, speaking on condition of anonymity.

Sarfaraz Khan: The Run Machine India Keeps Rejecting

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[dropcap]H[/dropcap]ow much longer must Sarfaraz Khan, that relentless Mumbai mauler who feasted on 863 Ranji runs last season and etched a defiant 150 into Test lore, grovel before the BCCI’s selection cabal, only to be spat out like yesterday’s chew? Just days ago, on October 22, they unveiled the India A squad for South Africa—two unofficial Tests starting October 30—and there he was, absent again, a glaring void amid middling mediocrities handed lifelines he could only dream of. His cricket achievements speak for themselves.

International Cricket Achievements (2022-2025)

Sarfaraz Khan made his international debut in Test cricket in February 2024 and has since played exclusively in the format for India, featuring in 6 matches up to November 2024. He has not played ODIs or T20Is in this period. His overall Test record stands at 371 runs in 11 innings (1 not out) at an average of 37.10, with a highest score of 150, including 1 century and 3 half-centuries. Key highlights include:

Test Debut (3rd Test vs England, Rajkot, February 15-18, 2024): Scored 62 (66 balls, SR 93.94) in the first innings and an unbeaten 68 (72 balls, SR 94.44) in the second, registering twin fifties on debut—the fourth Indian to achieve this (after Dilawar Hussain, Sunil Gavaskar, and Shreyas Iyer). His second-innings knock formed a 158-run partnership with Yashasvi Jaiswal at a run rate of 6.53 per over, the highest for any Indian pair adding 150+ runs in a Test innings. This helped India declare at 430/4, setting a target of 557 and securing a record 434-run victory—the largest by runs in Indian Test history and second-largest against England.
Home Series vs Bangladesh (September 2024): Played both Tests, contributing steady middle-order support amid India’s 2-0 series win.
Home Series vs New Zealand (October-November 2024): 1st Test (Bengaluru): Scored a career-best 150, anchoring India’s batting in a drawn match.
Awards: Won the BCCI Best International Debut (Men) award for the 2023-24 season at the Naman Awards in February 2025.
He also played for India A in May 2025, scoring 92 against England Lions in Canterbury as part of preparations for the England tour.
Domestic Cricket Achievements (2022-2025)
Sarfaraz has been a prolific run-scorer in domestic cricket, particularly in the Ranji Trophy for Mumbai, amassing over 1,600 runs across the 2022-23 to 2024-25 seasons at an elite average. His first-class career stats up to October 2025: 55 matches, 4,685 runs at 65.98, with 16 centuries. He occasionally kept wickets in T20s.
Highlights
Ranji Trophy 2022-23: Scored 556 runs in limited matches at an average of 92.66, outperforming contemporaries like Karun Nair (690 runs at 40.58) and reinforcing his reputation as a middle-order enforcer.
IPL 2023 (Delhi Capitals): Played 4 matches as a middle-order batter and occasional keeper, scoring 62 runs at a strike rate of 141. His aggressive style (including quick cameos) added depth to DC’s lineup, though the team exited early.

Ranji Trophy 2023-24 (Truncated Season): Featured in 3 matches, scoring 200 runs (including an unbeaten 200+ vs Himachal Pradesh—his second successive double-century in the tournament) at an average of around 100. This form directly led to his Test call-up.

Ranji Trophy 2024-25: Emerged as Mumbai’s standout batter with 863 runs (4th-highest in the tournament), playing a pivotal role in their title-winning campaign. His consistency against spin (strike rate of 135 in domestic cricket) was crucial in key victories.

Other Domestic (2025): Lost 17 kg in July 2025 to address fitness concerns after being unsold at the IPL 2025 auction. Scored 138 (114 balls) vs TNCA XI in a practice game and 92 for India A vs England Lions. In the ongoing Ranji 2025-26 (started October 2025), he opened the batting due to injuries but scored a duck vs Jammu & Kashmir—his first competitive match in months.

Sarfaraz’s journey reflects resilience, with his domestic dominance (seven centuries in 18 Ranji innings from 2021 to 2023) finally translating to international success in 2024. However, despite all his achievements, he was dropped for the 2024-25 Border-Gavaskar Trophy in Australia and the 2025 home series vs England. This isn’t oversight; it’s obstinacy bordering on sabotage. Desperate to appease the fitness police who hounded him after his IPL auction snub, Sarfaraz clawed off 17 kilograms in a grueling July overhaul, emerging leaner, hungrier, a testament to sacrifice that would make ascetics weep—yet the panel’s response? Crickets, louder than a dropped catch at Lord’s.Ravichandran Ashwin fumes at this “mystery,” Sunil Gavaskar thunders about injustice, and whispers of surname bias swirl like a poorly spun googly, but the selectors? Stone-faced, script-flipping robots churning out the same tired excuses, dooming a generational talent to domestic drudgery while they chase ghosts of consistency in far lesser mortals. Wake up, you myopic mandarins: Sarfaraz isn’t the problem—your blindered reign is, and it’s bleeding Indian cricket dry of its fire.

Bihar Today, Bengal Tomorrow: The Dangerous Blueprint of Special Intensive Revision

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[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in Bihar has revealed the true intent of the Election Commission of India (ECI). It is now clear that their main objective is to strip ordinary people of their right to vote. Though it began in Bihar, this process is expected to spread across the country — with West Bengal, Assam, and Odisha being mentioned next. The people of Bihar have already begun resisting; our turn will come soon. We must understand what is happening — and prepare to fight back.

At first glance, one might think — what’s wrong if the electoral rolls are being corrected? Isn’t it good to make the voters’ list as accurate as possible? If it were truly that simple, there would be no reason for objection. But a closer look at the details — beyond what the Election Commission says — reveals a very different picture. So let us examine the issue carefully, point by point.

  1. What Is “Special” About This Revision?

The SIR is not just an ordinary correction of the rolls. The voter list in Bihar had already been revised just a few months earlier. So why another hurried revision right before the elections — and that too when large parts of Bihar were reeling under floods?

The answer is that this is not a revision at all — it is a completely new voter list being created, aimed at selectively denying legitimate voters their rights.

  1. Voting Rights and Constitutional Principles

According to India’s Constitution, every adult citizen has the right to vote, regardless of caste, religion, gender, or property. It is the duty of the Election Commission to ensure that every eligible citizen can exercise this right.

From the very beginning, India’s electoral process was inclusive. The first electoral roll of independent India was the largest in the world — it included everyone, irrespective of language, religion, caste, education, or wealth. The only condition was age — 21 years, later reduced to 18. Election officials would personally visit households to verify details and register voters.

While citizens could later apply on their own, the main responsibility to reach out and enrol people always lay with the Election Commission.

For the first time, however, that responsibility has been completely shifted onto the citizens themselves.

In Bihar, the process began on 24 June, and applicants were asked to submit forms by 25 July. The form required a recent photograph, signature, basic personal details, and proof of citizenship. Only those able to provide valid citizenship documents would have their names included in the final list.

Thus, the SIR effectively introduces the NRC (National Register of Citizens) process through the back door.

  1. The 2003 Baseline and Its Consequences

Under the SIR, the Election Commission declared that anyone whose name appeared in the 2003 voter list would automatically be considered a citizen.

People were asked to submit a copy of their 2003 voter record with correct name and unchanged address — only then would their names be retained in the new list.

The Commission claimed this would cover most voters.

Let us examine what that means for Bihar:

Before the SIR, Bihar’s voter list had 7.89 crore (78.9 million) names. The 2003 list had 4.96 crore (49.6 million) names. The ECI claimed that only 2.93 crore (29.3 million) people — about 37% of total voters — would need to reapply with citizenship proof.

But in reality, many of the 4.96 crore people from 2003 have either passed away or permanently migrated to other states. The effective number from that list is now around 3.16 crore.

This means 4.73 crore (47.3 million) people — about 60% of current voters — would need to prove their citizenship afresh.

  1. Three Categories of Documentation

Voters were divided into three groups for document submission:

  1. a) Those born before 1 July 1987 (aged 38 or above): if not in the 2003 list, they must submit a birth certificate.
    b) Those born between 1 July 1987 and December 2003 (aged 22–38): must submit their own and either parent’s documents.
    c) Those born after 2003: must submit their own and both parents’ documents.

For groups (b) and (c), the parent’s name must appear in the 2003 voter list, along with the voter’s birth certificate.

It is easy to see that most people do not have such documents. Recognising this, the Election Commission released a list of 11 documents that could serve as proof of citizenship.

However, the list was described as “indicative but not exhaustive” — meaning the Commission could accept or reject other documents at will.

  1. The Reality of Documentation in Bihar

Out of these 11 documents, six are practically useless in Bihar — either they don’t exist for most citizens or are extremely rare. That leaves only five usable documents.

Here is an estimate (The Indian Express, 2 July 2025, by Yogendra Yadav):

  • Birth certificate: ~2.8%
  • Passport: ~2.4%
  • Government job or pension ID: ~5%
  • Caste certificate: ~16%
  • Educational certificate (secondary or above): ~35%

Meanwhile, the documents that most people do possess were not accepted:

  • Voter ID: ~95%
  • Aadhaar: ~93%
  • Ration card: ~80%

In other words, only the relatively affluent or educated can provide the required documents. Even the educational certificate, the only widespread one among the accepted list, exposes deep inequalities. In India, access to education still depends heavily on caste, class, and gender.

Hence, the real targets of this process are economically weak, socially marginalised people — and especially women.

  1. The Draft List and the Mass Deletions

When the draft voter list was released on 1 August, 65 lakh (6.5 million) names were missing. Many more were at risk of exclusion for failing to provide documents.

The draft list was published in such a non-analytical format that it was impossible to determine why these names were deleted.

After public outrage and a Supreme Court intervention, the Commission released the data in a slightly more analysable format — but only booth by booth, preventing consolidated analysis.

Despite this, independent analysts examined the lists and found shocking irregularities:

  • Thousands of duplicate entries;
  • Voters listed under non-existent addresses;
  • Living people marked as dead.

Facing growing criticism, the Supreme Court compelled the ECI to allow Aadhaar as a supporting document for inclusion.

But when the final list was published, the results were grim.

Before SIR: 7.89 crore names
Draft deletions: 65 lakh
Final deletions: 3.66 lakh more
New additions: 21.53 lakh
Final count: 7.42 crore 47 lakh fewer voters than before.

The share of adults on the voter list dropped from 97% to 90%. Bihar has about 8.22 crore adults, meaning around 80 lakh people are now left without voting rights.

  1. Who Lost Their Right to Vote?

The excluded groups are mostly women, Muslims, Dalits, and migrant workers.

Historically, Bihar already had gender disparity in voter registration. In 2012, about 21 lakh women were missing from the rolls. By January 2025, that number had come down to 7 lakh.

After the SIR, it jumped again to 16 lakh.

Among those excluded from the draft list, 24.7% were Muslim; in the final list, that rose to 33%, even though Muslims constitute only 16.9% of Bihar’s population.

This shows the unconstitutional nature of the process — it effectively allocates voting rights based on gender, religion, and economic status, violating the core spirit of the Constitution.

Why, then, has the Supreme Court still not declared this process unconstitutional?

  1. The Myth of Foreign Infiltrators

The BJP and its allies, along with the ECI, justified the SIR on the grounds of “removing infiltrators” — mainly Bangladeshis and Rohingyas.

What did they actually find?

Out of millions of voters, only 390 names were removed as “foreigners”. Of these, only 87 were Muslim. Even for these, the Commission has refused to provide any details.

  1. The “Intensive” Nature of the Revision

The final Bihar voter list still contains:

  • Over 24,000 fake names,
  • 5.2 lakh duplicate entries,
  • More than 51,000 entries without family linkage (no parent/spouse name),
  • Over 2 lakh fake addresses, and
  • 24 lakh families with 10 or more voters each — which even the ECI flagged as “suspicious.”

In many cases, the final list was actually worse than the draft.

Thus, the slogan of “cleaning the rolls” or “removing illegal voters” was merely a pretext to systematically disenfranchise the poor and marginalised.

  1. Political Control of the Election Commission

We must also recall the BJP government’s 2023 amendment to the appointment process of the Election Commission.

Previously, the selection committee consisted of the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition, and the Chief Justice of India.

The new law replaced the Chief Justice with a Union Minister nominated by the Prime Minister — currently Amit Shah.

This shows where the Commission’s loyalties now lie.

Additionally, new legal protection ensures that no civil or criminal cases can be filed against the Commission for actions taken “in the course of duty.”

  1. Lack of Transparency

The investigative group Reporters’ Collective filed RTIs seeking all files, correspondence, and reports behind the 24 June 2025 announcement of the SIR — including any “independent appraisal committee” reports mentioned in the ECI’s affidavit to the Supreme Court.

The Commission refused to share any of these records.

Why such secrecy in an institution that claims to be transparent?

The ECI shouts about “clean voter rolls” but hides its own processes from public scrutiny.

  1. Political Fallout in Bihar

Despite successfully manipulating past elections — including the 2024 Lok Sabha and state polls in Maharashtra and Haryana — the BJP-ECI alliance seems to be struggling in Bihar.

People have understood the conspiracy. The connection between the Election Commission and the BJP has become visible.

Huge crowds have gathered for the Voting Rights Marches led by Rahul Gandhi, Tejashwi Yadav, and Dipankar Bhattacharya, while BJP leaders have faced public anger.

In response, the BJP has tried three desperate tactics:

  1. Spreading rumours that terrorists from Pakistan have entered Bihar.
  2. Creating fake controversies by having their own people abuse Modi’s mother to spark outrage.
  3. Deploying pliant media outlets to conduct fabricated “Mood of the Nation” surveys showing Modi as the “undisputed leader” and predicting a BJP wave in Bihar.

But these attempts have largely failed. Yet, one can expect even bigger dramas ahead.

  1. The Larger Threat

As ordinary people suffer under the corporate control of Adani and Ambani, the BJP grows ever more desperate to retain power.

India’s democratic institutions are collapsing one by one. The BJP has captured one institution after another — from the High Courts and the Supreme Court benches to the Election Commission.

The Special Intensive Revision is an unconstitutional, undemocratic process designed to rob the poor of their voting rights, and perhaps eventually, their citizenship itself.

Once that happens, people will lose even the basic power to change their government. They will be reduced to near-bonded subjects.

The democratic rights that Indians won through the freedom struggle are now in grave danger.

We certainly want those rights to expand — but first, we must protect what we have already achieved.

The Election Commission’s conspiracy and its collaboration with the BJP have now been exposed in Bihar. The BJP finds itself cornered there. The struggle continues.

What is needed now is greater unity among anti-BJP forces, more active involvement of the Left, and wider participation of all democracy- and freedom-loving citizens.

World’s Most Polluted Capital? Delhi Suffocates Under Post-Diwali Smog

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Delhi: When the fireworks faded this Diwali, Delhi woke to a choking haze. City monitors recorded a 24-hour average Air Quality Index (AQI) around 345–350, while PM₂.₅ spikes reached hundreds of µg/m³ (hourly peaks reported as high as 675 µg/m³ in parts of the city), levels many times above safe limits. These readings pushed large swathes of the capital into the “very poor” or “severe” categories, forcing schools to keep children indoors and sending thousands with respiratory problems to clinics.

Firecrackers, weather and lax enforcement

The immediate cause was the familiar one: fireworks during Diwali added a large pulse of fine particles to already poor winter air, and calm, cool weather trapped those pollutants near the ground. Although the Supreme Court allowed limited bursting of “green crackers” designed to emit fewer pollutants, reporting from multiple outlets found the rules widely ignored and enforcement patchy — so the intended benefit did not materialize.

How ordinary Delhiites are coping

People adapt in small ways: masks, air-purifiers, shortened outdoor routines, moving exercise indoors, and tracking AQI apps before stepping out. Street vendors cover wares, parents postpone children’s outdoor play, and clinics report higher cases of cough, asthma attacks and wheeze. Still, many cannot avoid outdoor exposure because of jobs or commutes.

Five-year snapshot (Diwali period: pre- and post-Diwali PM₂.₅; AQI notes)

Year Pre-Diwali PM₂.₅ (µg/m³) Post-Diwali PM₂.₅ (µg/m³) Notes / AQI (CPCB / media)
2021 163.1 454.5 Severe spikes; worst in recent years. India Today
2022 129.3 168.0 Moderate post-Diwali rise. India Today
2023 92.9 319.7 Large spike reported in Delhi stations. India Today
2024 204.0 220.0 Elevated baseline and post-festival levels. India Today
2025 (pre) ~? / (night) — peak ~675 (hourly); 24-hr avg AQI ~345–350 Post-Diwali peak PM₂.₅ ~675 µg/m³; CPCB/AQI readings ‘very poor’/‘severe’. ETHealthworld.com+1

Is Delhi the world’s most polluted city? Major global trackers (IQAir’s World Air Quality Report) repeatedly place Delhi among the top polluted cities and list it as one of the most polluted capital cities in recent years.

How dangerous is AQI ≈400 (or PM₂.₅ hundreds µg/m³)?

At those levels, even healthy adults can get throat irritation and cough; sensitive groups — children, older adults, people with heart or lung disease — face marked increases in asthma attacks, COPD exacerbations, hospitalisations and even short-term increases in mortality. WHO and public-health authorities warn that brief exposure to very high PM₂.₅ dramatically raises acute health risk for children and the elderly.

Not Just a Daughter’s Story: Arundhati Roy’s Memoir Is India’s Mirror

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[dropcap]I [/dropcap]smiled. Particularly looking at the deliberately chosen cover. She could have picked anything, but— a bidi-smoking Arundhati Roy was quite impressive. Brave. I, too, need a photograph of a sort. Iconic. One at least. Before my hair turns grey, I want to have it on my table. Fearless. I have just finished reading God of Small Things. My longest ever read, which took me a year. I turned crazy. Excited. I was finally familiar with the language and concept. It was painful. Tragic and beautiful. I was 28 years late reading it. While I was still engrossed, Roy launched ‘Mother Mary Comes To Me’. I was reading a pirated digital copy. A well-wisher had shared. I decided that a reader has no ethics. Crime justified. I was intrigued already.

In the opening chapter, she warns, ‘Perhaps what I am about to write is a betrayal of my younger self by the person I have become.’ The hook for me. It was us. All of us. Obscuring the trauma beneath the coatings of the long-erased past. The people we became. Heroes. A good friend sent me a hardcover as a birthday present. I read it like a spoiled teenager. Appreciating her rebellion and discerning her fear. How not to romanticize survival. How to recognize the wild pigs— perverts.

Turning the pages, it became clear that Roy’s defiance was inherited from her bloodline as much as it was earned through her art. Her mother, Mary Roy—the force who shaped and wounded her in equal measure—anchors this memoir.

The Mother Who Made and Marked Her

The mother-daughter relationship here is neither simple nor sentimental between Arundhati Roy and Mary Roy. She does not hide the bruises of that relationship; instead holds them up to the light. It carries friction, a lens through which Roy frames it: ‘When she got angry with me, she would mimic my way of speaking. She was a good mimic and made me sound ridiculous to myself.’ Roy pinpoints her brother, saying, ‘She treated nobody as badly as she treated you.’ Also reflecting: ‘I can understand him feeling that I was humiliating myself by not acknowledging what had happened to us as children. But I had put that behind me a long time ago.’

The memoir throughout reflects that Roy did not live through poverty alone, but a harsh childhood and youth that her mother shaped. Mary Roy could be cruel, even monstrous, in her actions. Yet she becomes a hero in her contradictions.

Yet Roy allows a sliver of something softer. Tenderness flickers beneath anger and unguarded defiance. Butterflies stirred inside me. When she died, some more, on her crush and ultimately separated with words, ‘The thing about women like you is that you will do anything to get what you want. You’ll even sell your body.’

Men do this when they fail to manipulate and dominate a woman—the struggles of life in those pages. And the struggles of building Arundhati Roy consume the reader. ‘I played the fool in class, made no effort, and understood nothing,’ I immediately connected. I yearned for a language. They imposed it. I resisted— by depriving myself of one.

From the wounds of childhood, Roy turns toward her mother’s fierce public self—the teacher, the reformer, the woman who refused to bow. ‘Mrs Roy made it her mission to disabuse boys of their seemingly God-given sense of entitlement,’ it reads like a sharp social observation on the surface without using heavy and technical words. Not patriarchy. Not misogyny. Only disabuse.

A daughter remembering her mother at work, absorbing her stubborn courage and carrying forward in her own life and writing. She captures the truth many women know: ‘As casually one might ask for a cigarette, he asked me if I would marry him,’ and in the next paragraph, she goes, ‘he had saved me from something bad. I was shaken and felt the least I could do was to marry him.’ Aren’t we women like this? We feel sorry for claiming our agency. For saying a ‘NO’. Perhaps we were raised this way. But not Arundhati Roy. That crazy mother of hers allowed no room for such a regret.

She writes without ornaments, plainly yet heavier: ‘I didn’t have the bandwidth to accommodate Delhi’s male commuters who thought of women passengers as snacks, as they could help themselves to whenever they felt like it. The indignity made me oscillate between self-pity and violent fantasies of vengeance. There were days when I would get off a bus mid-journey and walk, hating myself for the tears of shame and rage I could not control. Millions of women put up with this every day.’

I had to put down the book for a while. I froze with something shaking inside me. Silent, helpless, and furious at myself for being both. A touch, a stare, an invasion— is violence. The guilt stays forever because, as a woman, speaking for yourself is an arduous task. She comforted every woman who felt late, lost, and unfinished: ‘My recklessness took the edge off my anxiety.’ It is fine to be restless and uncertain if you have not found success yet. Her wildness is a permission to live, fail, and try again without shame.

A Woman Writing Against Silence and Shame

Even then, in her reckless world, she was not confined to her own boundaries but absorbing stories of women and violence, power and punishment: ‘It was 1983. In my halting Italian, I read about the massacre of thousands of Muslims in Nellie, Assam, by a local tribe, egged on by Assamese and mainstream Hindu nationalists. I read about how Phoolan Devi – the legendary female bandit of the Chambal Valley– had surrendered before a crowd of thousands and been put into prison.’ She was shaping her sense of justice, grief, and rage. The events became part of her emotional language long before she began writing fiction or essays. They taught her that the personal is always political, and the political is always personal.

She goes: ‘Even then, I knew that the language I wrote in was not mine…’ I felt something inside my skin because I have felt the distance between my feelings and words, allowing me to say. Roy is not talking about English or Malayalam but the private, untamed language every writer craves for— belonging to no nation, grammar, only to truth. Her honesty makes her writing so human.

She was not chasing silence at thirty-two: ‘I needed to cut out the noise and for once in my life stop running. I was tired of collaborative thinking. I wanted to think alone. I wanted to know what I thought about when I thought alone.’ To be alone with one’s own thoughts. She describes solitude as a bodily need, like hunger, like sleep, like sex. I think that’s where her writing begins. In desperation. Learning without interruption.

Even as she claimed her private voice, the world outside sought to cage it with names and labels. Names of women who speak too much are inconveniences: ‘They often referred to me as ‘that woman.’ The courtroom patriarchy. That woman has a name, Milords. It almost feels like the violence of being unnamed. ‘I was soon being called a ‘writer-activist’, a term I found absurd because it suggested that writing about things that vitally affected people’s lives was not the remit of a writer.’ It reminds me of how individual journalists reporting on human rights and marginalized communities are dismissed as ‘journalist-activists’—as if questioning, feeling, and dissenting are not part of the craft itself. They label to reduce. To isolate. Roy refused to divide.

Her refusal to be silenced or categorized is beyond personal attacks in the political arena. Roy does the wild confession here: ‘The more I was hounded as an anti-national, the surer I was that India was the place I loved, the place to which I belonged. Where else could I be the hooligan that I was becoming? Where else would I find co-Hooligans I so admired? And who among us supposed equals had the right to decide what was ‘pro’ and ‘anti’ national?’ Belonging is not obedience. I almost accepted the challenge before my brain sent a red signal. Are we in a position to afford such waywardness? Treason.

Belonging Without Obedience: The Rebel’s Reckoning

Roy did not look away from the injustice in the world. She phrases violence ostensibly: ‘The killing was justified as ‘Hindu’ revenge for a terrible tragedy that had taken place on 27 February.’ Gujarat. She rightly called it the first tremor of an idea that has now grown into the reality of Hindu Rashtra— Narendra Modi 3.0. Further reminding: ‘They hanged a man to win an election.’ Those six words carry a weight that no argument could match. She means justice can be traded for votes in the theatre of power.

Life tested them in every way, yet in the end, mother and daughter found their way back to each other. And perhaps the most lasting question she leaves us with comes not in an argument. In these words: ‘Why was I not arrested while so many others were? Who knows. Maybe my readers protected me. Maybe my iron angel did.’ Their relationship had its storms. Mrs Roy and her daughter clashed, testing love and patience. In the end, they found their way back to each other. There is no better way to close than with the song they sang together.

A song of love is a sad song

A song of love is a song of woe

Don’t ask me how I know

And in that song, mother and daughter find their peace — and so do we.

Tushar Gandhi: PM Modi Bows Before Gandhi Statues, But Not His Values

Kolkata: “The most dangerous thing happening in India today is the disregard for Gandhian ideology in society,” said Tushar Arun Gandhi, the great-grandson of Mahatma Gandhi. “While the political class had disowned it long ago, today, the people themselves are doing the same.”

In an engaging conversation on eNewsroom Podcast – Olive Talks, Tushar Gandhi spoke candidly about how he continues to follow Bapu’s teachings in his personal life, and why Gandhi’s vision remains the moral compass India urgently needs. He acknowledged that it’s almost impossible for anyone—whether a leader or a common citizen—to live by all of Gandhiji’s principles. But even if one tries to imbibe a few of them, he said, “it will be a big thing.”

Reflecting on India’s 78 years of independence, Tushar Gandhi observed that there have been only a few moments when Gandhian ideals were truly visible in public movements. “The JP movement, the farmers’ agitation, the CAA-NRC protests, and now Sonam Wangchuk’s peaceful struggle in Ladakh—these are examples that remind us of Gandhi’s Satyagraha spirit,” he said. He also credited Rajiv Gandhi’s implementation of Panchayati Raj as one of the rare times when Gandhiji’s dream of grassroots democracy was realized in policy.

Tushar Gandhi lamented that in today’s political landscape, Gandhi’s ideology has been completely erased, though his photos continue to adorn government offices and public events. “Rahul Gandhi, to some extent, aligns with Gandhi’s thought,” he remarked. “But our Prime Minister, who bows before Gandhi statues across the world, stays silent when his own partymen abuse Bapu.”

He expressed deep concern over the prevailing “bulldozer justice system,” calling it a direct assault on Gandhi’s idea of India. “What we see today—where power is celebrated and dissent is crushed—is the antithesis of what Bapu stood for,” he said.

The Gandhian scion believes that the ultimate hope lies in India’s youth. “If today’s generation can internalize the ideals of Bhagat Singh, Ambedkar, and Gandhi together, they can take India forward,” he asserted.

Listen to the full conversation on eNewsroom Podcast – Olive Talks with Tushar Gandhi, where he delves deep into Gandhi’s dream of India, the erosion of his values, and why reclaiming them is crucial for the nation’s future.

“If Future Doctors Are in Stress, Who Will Heal the Nation?”: Ex-Army Officer Writes to Deepika Padukone

New Delhi: Soon after Bollywood actor Deepika Padukone was appointed as the Mental Health Ambassador by the Ministry of Health, Kargil Hero and Army veteran Balbir Singh Chandel has written an open letter to her, urging her to focus on the growing mental health crisis among India’s medical students.

Chandel, who runs a helpline for medical students, cited the alarming findings of the National Task Force on Mental Health of Medical Students, which reported that in a study of 787 medical students, 37% had suicidal thoughts, 11% planned suicide, 3% attempted suicide, and 7% were at risk of future suicidal behaviour.

“If the future doctors are in stress, who will cure the common people?” Chandel wrote, stressing that Deepika’s new role gives her a platform to highlight this urgent crisis.

Sharing his own daughter’s ordeal, the veteran narrated how his daughter, Anviksha Chandel, a first-year MBBS student at Mayo Institute of Medical Sciences (MIMS), Barabanki, was allegedly harassed by the college administration after he raised objections to fees being collected beyond the prescribed limit set by the Directorate General of Medical Education (DGME), Lucknow.

Following his complaint, DGME Lucknow initiated an inquiry and found the college management at fault. “Since then, my daughter was targeted, and in a conspiracy, she was suspended for seven days in August 2025, which led to a shortage of attendance,” he wrote.

Despite another DGME inquiry again finding MIMS Barabanki at fault and issuing a specific order, the college still did not allow his daughter to appear in the MBBS examination held on October 4, 2025, Chandel claimed.

Calling such harassment and administrative pressure “the root cause of self-harm and mental distress among medical students,” he urged Deepika Padukone to personally visit major medical institutions like AIIMS Delhi, GB Pant Hospital, RML Hospital (Delhi), KGMU Lucknow, and MIMS Barabanki to witness firsthand how toxic academic environments, long duty hours, and relentless stress impact students’ mental health.

“By visiting these institutions and speaking to students, you can motivate them to prioritise their mental health and bring real change,” Chandel appealed.

The Army veteran, who served the nation for over 28 years and actively participated in Operation Vijay (Kargil), concluded by expressing hope that Deepika’s involvement could “bring a significant shift in how India treats mental health—especially for those training to serve as future doctors.”

Diwali and Delhi’s Air Pollution Crisis: Balancing Festivity and Environmental Responsibility

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Delhi: Diwali, the “Festival of Lights,” is celebrated with grandeur across India to mark the triumph of good over evil and light over darkness. Families decorate homes with diyas, candles, and lights, exchange sweets and gifts, and pray to Goddess Lakshmi for prosperity. However, amid this joyous spirit, one tradition—bursting firecrackers—has increasingly come under scrutiny, particularly in Delhi, where it worsens one of the world’s most severe air pollution crises.

Delhi’s Air Quality: A Year-Round Challenge

Delhi consistently ranks among the most polluted capitals globally. According to the World Air Quality Report 2023 by IQAir, Delhi retained its position as the world’s most polluted capital for the fourth consecutive year, with an average PM2.5 level of 92.6 µg/m³, nearly 18 times higher than the WHO’s safe limit. The city’s air quality deteriorates each winter due to multiple factors—vehicle emissions, construction dust, industrial discharge, and stubble burning in neighboring states like Punjab and Haryana.

During late October and November, temperature inversion and calm winds trap pollutants close to the surface, forming dense smog. When Diwali fireworks add bursts of particulate matter, nitrogen dioxide, and sulfur dioxide to the mix, the city’s Air Quality Index (AQI) often shoots beyond 500, falling into the “severe” or “hazardous” category.

The Health and Environmental Impact

The consequences are immediate and widespread. After Diwali night, hospitals across Delhi-NCR report a 25–30% spike in respiratory and cardiac cases, according to data from the Safdarjung and LNJP hospitals. Children, the elderly, and those with asthma or heart disease are the worst affected. Even healthy individuals experience eye irritation, coughing, and shortness of breath.

Prolonged exposure to high PM2.5 levels can lead to chronic bronchitis, reduced lung function, and increased risk of heart attack and stroke. The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) notes that air pollution shortens the average life expectancy in Delhi by up to 11.9 years. Beyond humans, the smog also harms animals, reduces photosynthesis in plants, and accelerates environmental degradation.

Measures and Challenges in Implementation

Recognizing the severity of the situation, the Supreme Court and the National Green Tribunal (NGT) have repeatedly banned the sale and use of conventional firecrackers in Delhi and adjoining areas. “Green crackers,” which emit about 30% less particulate matter and noise, have been introduced, but enforcement remains inconsistent. Despite restrictions, local authorities seized over 1,200 kg of illegal firecrackers in Delhi ahead of Diwali 2024, reflecting both public resistance and enforcement challenges.

Towards an Eco-Friendly Diwali

Public awareness is slowly shifting. Schools, NGOs, and media campaigns have successfully encouraged many to opt for eco-friendly Diwali celebrations—lighting diyas instead of fireworks, using green crackers, planting trees, or donating to underprivileged families. Social media movements like #CleanAirDiwali and #SayNoToCrackers are gaining traction among the youth.

A Festival That Truly Spreads Light

The essence of Diwali lies in illumination, not pollution. A collective move toward sustainable celebration can help Delhi breathe easier and ensure that future generations inherit not just a tradition of lights, but a cleaner, healthier environment. A green and mindful Diwali can truly reflect the victory of light over darkness—in every sense.