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NEP and Higher Education: The Inevitable Nightmare

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Unlike primary and secondary education, higher education is where the greatest members of a society are nurtured. If the purpose of secondary education is to make you familiar with your culture, language, identity and building character; then the role of higher education is to prepare one to be in different roles which require expertise, deep knowledge and mastery of a particular subject(s).

The working class is the foundational unit of society since they maintain the regular order of any society. A majority of businessmen and self-employed people also don’t need a graduate degree since for them higher education is not essential. To be a full citizen of a country, a secondary education is often enough because the civics taught will be sufficient to equip you with knowledge required for full political participation. So, who needs higher education? Interestingly, the socially disadvantaged class. Why? Higher education equips a socially backward or a Dalit person with proper lexicon to articulate their issues, their political aspirations, their voices against atrocities and fulfillment of their social duties and responsibilities.

Higher education also gives you an escape from the ghetto and an escape to places around the world which makes you a well-rounded person & helps you gather like-minded people to your cause and fight for justice. The complicated and subtle tactics played by oppressors can only be countered by people who are courageous and armed with deep knowledge & expertise. The subtlety of NEP is to lure backward class into the abyss of vocational courses and to destroy their path to articulation.

For privileged sections of the society, higher education can often be pure pursuit of knowledge, not so for the marginalised. For the marginalized members of the society, higher education is paramount, often the only way out! Instead of increasing their participation in higher education, the vision document of NEP instead wants to populate the ‘garbage’ vocational institutes with them, thus essentially forming a legalized graded hierarchy. The problem doesn’t end here, the undergraduate course is replete with exit options (sec. 11.9, NEP 2020) each year. You may ask what’s the issue here? Earlier, when students (especially from the marginalized sections) used to drop out, parents would question the Institutes and hold them to account. By cleverly making exit a legitimate choice for students, the accountability now falls on the students, thus freeing the Institutes from any blame altogether. So, what’s the problem with an exit degree you may ask! Well, first and second year exit students are basically post secondary students with certificates and will never be treated as full graduates, thus missing out on a vast number of opportunity ladders. Once, a 4-year graduate degree becomes mainstream, even a 3-year exit graduation will be a lesser and undervalued degree. Moreover, after 4 year of graduate degree, you will be able to directly apply for PhDs and also go abroad for research. Exit in that case will become an unfortunate choice disproportionately affecting the underprivileged. Most of the high-paying private and public jobs will require a proper graduate or a technical graduate degree with 4 years of education, training and research.

The problem goes even further. The NEP document declares in sec. 11.10c, “The M.Phil. programme shall be discontinued”. This is devastating not only for students who want to join college as assistant professors but also those who wanted to experience research before going into PhD. Two-year M.Phil. was far preferable to a 6-year PhD for some and sometimes was enough to carry out all duties as a college teacher (undergraduate and postgraduate). The Masters program for those with a 4-year bachelor degree is relatively easy as it will be a 1-year course-intensive program. On the other hand, 3-year graduate students will have to enroll for a 2-year Masters program with second year dedicated entirely to research. This second year will be crucial because without this there will be no Masters & thus no pathway to join a PhD program. The assessment of Masters advisor will be eminently important as his/her recommendations and patronage will make or break a career. In a way, without a 4-year graduate degree it will be extremely difficult to join a PhD or project/research program.

Since the Universities will become autonomous, they will have much leeway in creating a filter which may not be conducive for students from socially backward backgrounds. The first block for these students will be completing secondary education since they can be lured into vocational courses resulting in the end of formal education. Then there will be exit options throughout the 4-year bachelor program and if they go through a 4-year program, a Masters degree and challenging filtering system before entering PhD. Those exiting before completion of a 4-year undergraduate degree will have a much more difficult time. It has been seen in the past that underprivileged students overcome gaps in entrance tests at a faster rate than cracking the interview. It may be because they don’t have formal training in appearing for interviews. But a more reasonable assumption will be that one or more members of the panel (mostly from affluent backgrounds) can influence the panel against selecting these candidates. Then there are further issues where an upper caste guide may discriminate against a lower caste student, not being supporting, not giving good recommendations and essentially leaving the student on his/her own, ultimately destroying his/her career in academics. And then there is post doctoral research where the same filtering system will continue. The problem is even more acute when it comes to the recruitment of faculty, since the large share of faculty of any Institute is made of upper caste ones, it becomes extremely challenging for a lower caste candidate to enter the space. It’s our concern that the new NEP policies will aggravate the situation and not rectify this.

Another problematic aspect of this document is dilution of the separation of arts and science. The motivation here is clear: In the large scheme of things, arts and science don’t have boundaries. When NEP talks about ‘Sanskrit knowledge system’, it talks about a comprehensive system consisting of arts, music, literature, philosophy & theology, mathematics, astronomy and other branches of study. Thus they want to open the whole higher education sector to a knowledge structure which is immersed in ancient and classical Indian knowledge systems. Any subject in higher education will be studied in the context of an ode to the ancient wisdom and the classical knowledge system. Each subject and its course structure will be framed keeping in mind the vast treasure trove of knowledge and ‘treasures’ India always had.

The original idea is not to raise the status of Humanities to that of Science but rather to raise the status of the ancient knowledge system to a far greater height. In isolation, vedic & Sanskrit science is underwhelming and unimpressive but together with all other branches it looks voluminous and intimidating, evoking almost a sense of awe. But there are other concerns as well which are purely pragmatic. For example, let’s assume that you want to do a BS in Chemistry. In the new hodgepodge system, you can do a BS in Chemistry with Vaisesika Philosophy (one of the major branches of orthodox Hindu philosophies). It’s not clear whether in that case the syllabus of core Chemistry will be diluted (all indications say yes), thus creating a deficient Bachelor program. With such certification, it won’t be easy to join foreign universities for higher research since it won’t be easy to convince them about the rigor of such a program. In IIT systems, there are concepts like Majors and Minors which will be beneficial if the government wants to create a robust undergraduate program. It’s better to offer small projects to students on their subjects of interests rather than diluting the rigor of an entire subject.

The financing of research through NRF also seems troubling as it seems that the government wants to divert more funds to ancient knowledge systems rather than creating new knowledge and technologies. The financing of Higher Education Institutes will also decrease forcing them to rely more on Alumni, loans and increased fees. Higher education will increasingly become expensive except in classical Indian language studies, ancient Indian knowledge systems and AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homeopathy). May God help us!

Continuous lockdown in Kashmir: Despaired Children

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The world has seen a new order after Covid-19 which broke down on 31 Dec 2019. It has paralysed the whole system that has been created and shaped since the centuries. The businesses are shut, overseas movement closed; the doors of every working institution were made to stop working overnight. It seems that the virus is not going to stop in the very near future. However the world has started to look into the ways for survival. We have realised now Society can grow and survive if it can constructively respond to the challenges. We can get alcohol by standing in long queues for hours or at least a less privileged can get food to eat.

Apart from basic necessities, the education system was the biggest challenge to restart its functioning. Likewise we cope up the problems of daily utilities we are now seeing the education system coming into the term of working online. Children are getting online assignments, online classes and class tests. I heard someone asking a Jio customer care executive in Delhi to inform him about some extra data plans so that the education of his child won’t suffer.

But when I visited my home town (A village in Kashmir), the story was different. The children of the village have not been to school since the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir On 5 August 2019. Keeping children away from the schools for such a long period of time is not normal.

The children in the village are prone to get into serious problems like depression, losing ability to make and keep friendships, which is a vital part of growing up. Due to full involvement of children into different family discussions, the children have started growing mature before their age which according to different psychologists are not good signs for the development and growth. Seeing parents arguing at home creates a sensation of panic within the child. They feel frightened and helpless. These feelings of vulnerability and insecurity can shape a child’s personality and last a lifetime.

All these issues have made children very vulnerable and children in Kashmir who are not having access even to their online classes due to disturbed internet facilities are on edge of losing their interest in education. The state after abrogation of Article 370 has not only curbed the dreams of the Kashmiris but they have shuttered the basic right to education, right to live in a peaceful environment.

If the children from rest of the world are going to online classes why is this right not given to the children of Kashmir?

The tale of destructive childhood is not new in Kashmir. It started decades ago when Kashmir was made a fighting club by different powers over a period of time. Our generation is the prime witness of all these miseries. We did not have a normal childhood. We grew up when militancy and gun culture had firmly established their sway in the Valley. Our elders were more preoccupied, trying to be safe from the security forces, which had a ubiquitous presence in our homes, schools and streets. We heard tales of the military taking away some youth, never to be seen again.

We have been socialised in such a manner that even our games were not normal if we evaluate them in today’s child development parameters.

We grew up playing games like “Military Mujahid”. This is how children in conflict zones grew up. The Stages where children are meant to learn softness, peace, prosperity are forced to get into the harshness, despair, oppression. We grew up playing the military-Mujahid game in the streets of our village. The game where Children play roles of mujahid (militants) and army men. The robust kids with relatively better histrionic talent are given the role of mujahids. They are also equipped with better rifles, bullets, made of wood and discarded pieces of wool or cotton. And the relatively weaker kids are given the role of army men. The game always ended in the defeat of the army men and victory of the Mujahids, who were presented as heroes while the army was the villain. The generation of kids in our villages has been forced to experience an even more distorted childhood.

The situation has worsened during the protracted lockdown in the Valley after the dilution of Article 370 and now lockdown because of Covid-19 pandemic. The common drawing room discussions that children heard in Kashmir are encounters, Loot of resources, invasion of their land by strangers. They perceive this information as they are being told. The kind of disparity that every institution in Kashmir is facing will lead to more agony and anguish among common Kashmiris.

National Education Policy 2020: Misplaced Priority

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The new National Education Policy (NEP) was long overdue. The last time the education policy was overhauled was in 1992. The NEP is new, radical in its approach and a revolution for its admirers. This article will deal with primary and secondary education policy as envisioned in NEP 2020. We will talk about higher education in another installment.

NEP is a vision document. It’s always a very important document since it decides the course of a country with regards to its future direction and the proper use of its human resources. The essential essence of a country will be determined by the education it will impart on its citizens and the identity it will foster. Whether it’s a religious country, a communist dictatorship or a democracy, the education policy is essential for infusing identity, educating citizens about civics or teaching them their moral duties. The role of primary and secondary education is primarily character building, basic aggregate knowledge about the nation and the world and creating a sense of identity and self-worth. On the other hand, the role of higher education is to prepare its citizenry for different roles and duties, skills and knowledge creation.

NEP declares at its outset that it wants to see its citizens as torchbearers of its heritage and diversity. The framers of this document are extremely intelligent people and they know what they are doing. The motivation behind NEP document seems to be making students familiar with the vast cultural capital of India and appreciate its diversity. If you read the whole document, you will understand people from diverse groups were assembled to prepare this document and there was an attempt to fuse ancient with modern which appears to its readers as hodgepodge. Some of its pronunciations will read like wishful thinking, emanating from maladaptive ‘daydreaming’. NEP wants to make students familiar with vast amounts of knowledge sources in different classical languages like Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali, Persian etc.

There are 27 sections in the full document; the entirety of section 22 is devoted to ‘Promotion of Indian Languages, Arts, and Culture’. But apart from this, there are numerous references to Indian languages, their cultivation, their preservation, different cultures and traditions, music, arts, literature and knowledge systems associated with different languages. Students from all sections will be consumers of this knowledge and their sense of national identity and pride will be based on this collective heritage. There will be workshops, field studies and projects to understand different aspects of Indian culture. The emphasis in this phase is not on producing knowledge but only consumption and creating a sense of pride.

It feels as if there is a ‘sense of inferiority’ among Indians and this new policy is intended to educate them and create a false sense of pride. There are of course cultural elements which make one proud like different shades of hindustani music, especially sufi and bhakti music, carnatic vocals, dances like bharatnatyam, magnificent odissi dance of Orissa, Kathak, Theater traditions like Kathakali, Thumri among others, vast literature in so many different languages, diverse and sophisticated philosophies and so on. However, the moment you analyze the underlying social structures, you see exploitation of Sudras, dehumanization of Dalits, the othering of Muslims. You can then take refuge in syncretic folk traditions like Baul, Sahojiya, tribal music and dances and other folk traditions with their vast literature, food practices, customs, festivals and other cultural elements. These are the true sources of diversity which ought to survive and flourish and be part of the idea called India.

Having outlined the basic features of the document, let us now move to some technical details about primary and secondary educational structures under new policy and their implications. Overall, I have mixed reactions to the new policy & I will explain why. In the new policy Secondary (Class 10) and Higher Secondary (10+2) will be replaced by 5+3+3+4 systems.

national education policy NEP 2020 school class students

The 5+3+3+4 system was adopted because it was seen that students from poor socially disadvantaged backgrounds dropped out in those particular years of education. As the above figure [taken from NEP 2020] explains, the first five years are foundational which is further divided into three years of pre-schooling/Anganwadi and two years of primary education. The aim of this phase is to equip students with foundational literacy and numeracy as explained in section 1.2 of the document. Next three years are the preparatory stage which will incorporate some ‘light textbooks’ designed to lay the foundation for different subjects like mathematics, science, reading, writing, speaking, languages, art etc. Next three years will be dedicated to the middle stage in which students will be introduced to abstract concepts across different subjects. Coding will be introduced in this stage as well and gradually different vocational courses, skills, co-curricular activities, extra-curricular activities and sports will be part of the holistic structure of the next and last stage. The last stage is the secondary stage consisting of four years. This stage will introduce multidisciplinary study, flexible choices of subjects. Students will have options to exit after Class 10 & enter vocational courses (possibly in specialised schools of vocational training) in Grades 11-12. During the course of the 5+3+3+4 education, three language formulas will be implemented, a local language, a nationally recognised language and a foreign language. Medium of instruction will initially be encouraged to be in the mother-tongue/local language.

Sanskrit will be one of optional languages in the 3-language formula. To quote section 4.17, “Sanskrit, while also an important modern language mentioned in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India, possesses a classical literature that is greater in volume than that of Latin and Greek put together, containing vast treasures of mathematics, philosophy, grammar, music, politics, medicine, architecture, metallurgy, drama, poetry, storytelling, and more (known as ‘Sanskrit Knowledge Systems’)”. To make the integration with arts and culture of ancient and medieval India even more deeper [sec. 4.7], “Art-integration is a cross-curricular pedagogical approach that utilizes various aspects and forms of art and culture as the basis for learning of concepts across subjects. As a part of the thrust on experiential learning, art-integrated education will be embedded in classroom transactions not only for creating joyful classrooms, but also for imbibing the Indian ethos through integration of Indian art and culture in the teaching and learning process at every level. This art-integrated approach will strengthen the linkages between education and culture.”

There is certainly utility in this kind of cultural education but the concern is that it will not achieve the inclusive education we were hoping for. Firstly, textbooks are notorious in ignoring contributions of people from lower castes, Dalits and Muslims, for these students history will be replete with unfamiliar faces and names whom they can’t relate to. Moreover, over-emphasis on vocational courses will drive poor and socially disadvantaged groups away from higher education and into more vocational courses. A new labour class entirely comprising these people will be formed while people from rich and upper-caste families will continue their exploration into bountiful Indian cultures through evening music and dance classes. The gaps between upper caste and lower caste students will widen further. While socially forward groups will explore great avenues of higher education, pupils from backward castes will plunge into the abyss of vocational courses. The section 6 of the document deals entirely with equitable and inclusive education with some measures to curtail dropouts among poor but those poor people will be lured into vocational courses which will create a cycle of discordance. I will be extremely happy if I am wrong. Only time will tell.

Lord Rama’s Temple: Modi’s Milky Cow in 2020-24 polls!

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Rama, the mythological god-king will continue to be the savior for ruling Hindu nationalist BJP in forthcoming Indian Elections in 2020-24, at least its realpolitik mascot and the Prime Minister Narendra Modi hopes so. To ensure that, Modi and his party-ruled Uttar Pradesh state (UP) dispensation pulled all the stops to hold the ‘Bhoomi Pujan’ , a ritual ceremony for laying foundation of the grand Rama Temple on August 5 at the deity’s purported birthplace in UP’s Ayodhya amid the Corona Pandemic which is ravaging Indian lives and livelihood more than our neighbors. Bihar will go to polls at the end of this year while Bengal and most importantly, the Hindi heartland state UP will follow in next two years and the national election is due in 2024.

A five-century old mosque was destroyed by the ‘friends of Ram Lala’ or the child-god to reclaim the Lord’s right to his cradle in 1992. The watershed in contemporary Indian history was decisive for the political Hindutva forces to move forward to national power, slowly but steadily. Indian Supreme Court in its November 2019 drew a curtain on 150 years long legal and political tussle by adjudicating in favor of the ‘friends’ on the title suit of the contested land even after calling the demolition of the mosque in modern India a ‘crime against law’. Many legal experts found it based on a convoluted priority of majority faith over historic facts and constitutional principles of a professedly secular democracy

 Modi, not Rama is the new deity

Modi was the master of the ceremony as he did the Bhoomi-Pujan, the Hindu religious ritual before construction of buildings and monuments invoking Gods and goddesses in astrologically auspicious hours. He was arrayed by Mohan Bhagwat, the chief of BJP’s ideological mother, the Rastriya Swamsevak Sangha (RSS) and UP chief minister, Yogi Adityanath, a fanatic monk-politician as well as state governor and Modi’s protégé from his home state, Anandi Ben. Modi prostrated before the deity in the makeshift temple and did Bhoomi-Pujan as the ‘Swarastra-pratinidhi’ or the representative of the Indian state, still officially a secular one, at the very spot where the idol was surreptitiously placed under the mosque’s dome in 1949.

Nonetheless, the political Puja of the Prime Minister as the new deity of Hindu nationalism overshadowed the spiritual trapping of assembled Rama devotees, mainly, the monks of various orders close to the ruling RSS parivar. The SC order had asked the Centre to be the facilitator of the construction of the temple by transferring the land to a religious Trust representing primarily the monks. But the head of the trust named Ram Janambhoomi Tirthsthan Nyas, Mahant Nityagopal Das or any other godmen were not allowed to be the Jajman or rightful worshipper at the ceremony except Modi.

RSS chief was visibly the second important man seated close to him and offering the puja. The Sangh control over the new Temple was solemnized by sanctifying the nine bricks with the deity’s name embossed on them which were reminiscent of the saffron Parivar’s Shila Pujan campaign in 1989-92. This is perhaps the first major occasion in post-2014 India where the RSS chief, no constitutional functionary, shared the official space with an elected prime minister at a State function. Bhagwat claimed Sangh’s legitimacy as the new regulator of Rama legacies among a billion Hindus of infinite sects on the authority of the Lord’s ‘liberators’ when he reminded his predecessor Balasaheb Deoras who had urged them to ‘embark upon a 25-30 years long struggle’ to this end.

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A cartoon which was shared by BJP MP Shobha Karandlaje on Aug 5 was vehemently criticized for showing Lord Ram smaller than Narendra Modi

The presiding priest, however, was more focused on today’s power-equations as he flattered Modi as the ‘worthy son of Bharatmata’ for his deeds and prayed for more power to him in between chanting hymns to the divine pantheon. The chief minister called Modi a ‘Mahapurush’, a great man while the RSS chief eulogized his Pracharak (preacher) PM as the ‘popular’ ruler.

It was left to Bhagwat to acknowledge the role of LK Advani, the former deputy prime minister and the leader of the original Ram Janambhoomi movement in the late eighties and Asoke Singhal, the late leader of Viswa Hindu Parisad, a RSS front.

Modi was not among the front-running BJP leaders like AB Vajpai, later a prime minister and his buddy Advani. The latter, once a mentor of Modi and later an irritant to the young prime ministerial aspirant, could not share the limelight in Ayodhya at the twilight of his life. Officially, he and few other old-guards still face criminal charges related to the mosque demolition.

Linking past to present

A little hindsight is likely to help the new generation readers to locate the trajectory of the current hoopla since the global and national scenario in between 1979-1992 and time onward. It was the time when both Berlin Wall and Soviet Union fell and Afghanistan became the hotbed of Islamic fundamentalism, thanks to US-Saudi- Pak axis. Two Indian prime ministers were assassinated over botched military campaigns against religio-ethnic armed separatism, namely, Khalistan for Indian Sikhs and Tamil Elam for Sri Lankan Tamils while insurgency in Muslim-dominated Kashmir valley also erupted. The Hindu right wing seized the opportunity of global- national ideological vacuum and political instability. They harped on the majority insecurity by tuning up to growing Islamophobia and other minority insurgencies.

More pressingly, the new-born BJP with its RSS Brahmanical and anti-Muslim ideology was threatened by the surge in new type of caste-based identity politics over the reservation for Other Backward Castes, mainly the rising middle stratas among the Homo Hierarchicus, in government jobs and education, The VP Singh government’s move to implement Mandal Commission recommendations on reservations, unnerved BJP, his partner in the then ruling Janata Party, an anti-Congress hotchpotch. The temple-mosque conflict in Ayodhya was still a local issue among various Hindus and Muslim claimants since the colonial period. However, the RSS-BJP brainstorming session in 1984 identified as the choicest weapon to fight the ‘Mandal politics’ with ‘Kamandal (urn of holy water carried by Brahmin priests) politics’.

The appeal for Hindu unity to keep Brahminical caste hierarchy intact against the threats of new caste wars could only be cemented by raising a Hindu hysteria against the ‘historical enemy’ and contenders for power, the Muslims. Ayodhya is located at the heart of the Hindi heartland, the breeding ground of both Hindu and Muslim communalisms even before the Partition of India. Hitherto an ancient but small religious town, known for both syncretic and divisive beliefs, was transformed into a national Armageddon in the late eighties.

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Coverage of Ram Temple foundation laying in different newspapers I Courtesy: Scroll.in

Like all religious jingoists, the BJP- RSS Ram Janambhoomi movement has been playing on ‘historical victimhood’ or ‘medieval wrongs,’ perceived or real, perpetrated by Muslim rulers of pre-British India. Though never proved conclusively either in the court and in historical-archeological scholarship, their narrative has continued to insist on the purported destruction of an original Rama temple by the army of Babar, the first Mughal ruler of North India. ‘The 500 years old wound and trauma’ of the Sanatan believers, the Hindu traditionalists was harped constantly during the government-run ceremony on Wednesday.

The glee over the modern revenges for ancient and medieval destructions was unmistakable among the Saffron VIPs present. No matter how much the ideas on human progress have changed after the age of conquerors of all faiths who razed places of worship on religio- political grounds in addition to plundering divine wealth.

However, the saffron brigade were careful not to mention the demolition of the Babri mosque while recalling the ‘fallen soldiers of Rama and their sacrifices during the liberation struggle’. Their victimhood came to fore as Modi-Bhagwat-Yogi reminded the repression of the Temple warriors by non-BJP governments.

Moditva: Rabid religious nationalism plus new-con corporate cronyism     

By no means a moderate as his records in the role of a RSS preacher and chief minister of Gujarat in early last decade had witnessed, Modi , however, had maintained some distance from Ayodhya movement while hard-selling himself as the Messiah of inclusive economic growth in the run-up to his prime ministerial campaign in 2014.  All his populist promises for the miraculous economic recoveries and financial deliveries to masses have miserably failed while his crony corporate houses are making hay with proactive government support. Nevertheless, he has romped back to power in May 2019 with bigger share of seats in the parliament by employing the time-tested twin strategy of whipping up majoritarian Hindu hysteria against Muslim minority and war-mongering against neighboring Islamic Pakistan which was curved out of mother India 73 years back.

Since then, his government has been aggressive in pursuing the RSS original agenda of demolishing the secular democratic constitution of the postcolonial Nehruvian era and replacing it with the ideals of establishing Hindu Rashtra. The surge in Hindu nationalism in mainland India, particularly in greater Hindi heartland that includes Modi’s Gujarat which has been hotbed of communal riots for long has helped to abrogate the constitutional special status of Muslim-dominated Jammu &Kashmir state as well as abolish the state itself by dividing it into two centrally-ruled Union Territories.

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Paramilitary soldiers patrol a deserted street on the first anniversary of India’s decision to revoke the disputed region’s semi-autonomy, in Srinagar on Wednesday ( AP )

The Choice of D-Day was deliberate

No doubt, the coincidence of the first anniversary of the annulment of J&K to the Bhoomi-Pujan in Ayodhya on the same day was deliberately planned to send a clear message to the core support base of BJP-RSS. The visible contrast between Kashmir and Ayodhya was too stark. The normal life in Muslim- dominated valley stood standstill under a yearlong lockdown looked occupied under gun-toting jackboots while Hindu nationalists rulers celebrated ‘liberation’ of Rama’s birthplace in Ayodhya the epicenter of their Temple-mosque politics.

The juggernaut has not stopped in Kashmir to Ayodhya. After establishing the ‘one nation, one constitution’ rule in Kashmir and initiating a grand Rama Temple at the bank of river Saryu, Modi and his party has been swift in moving towards an unitary, over centralized and majoritarian state to ensure ‘one election, one party, one leader’ rule with a presidential form of government. His introductions of National Register of Citizens and a National Population Register, first used to weed out the ‘doubtful’ voters, Muslim ‘infiltrators’ from Bangladesh in Assam and an amended Citizenship Act institutionalizing denial of Indian citizenship to Muslims from neighboring Islamic countries– all are meant to disenfranchise mainland Muslims while consolidating the demographic and electoral base for a BJP-ruled majoritarian and steamrolled nation-state or Hindu Rashtra.

The new official narrative of Indian history

Modi and Bhagwat’s speeches after the Bhoomi Pujan have made it amply clear that they would use the upcoming Rama Temple for strengthening their master narrative of Hindu religious nationalism or jingoism in next polls. Hailing lord Rama as the unifier of India across regions, castes and genders as well as the most vital link between our past and present, they claimed their lineage from Valmiki to Buddha, Kabir to Gandhi in order to obfuscate RSS-BJP lies and debauchery about the teachings of those ancient and modern teachers. Both conflated anti-British freedom struggle and the divisive Ram Janambhoomi movement to confuse today’s youth, the demographic mainstay of today’s India about the quintessential differences between their hate-politics and our fragile but time-honored pluralist ethos of Indian civilization as well as modern secular nationalism shaped during our freedom struggle.

This queer mixing of Gandhi and his killer Godse suits the master pretender best as he promised to herald us into Rama Rajya or the reign of Rama; the proverbial rule of the just and compassionate god-king in a land of milk and honey, even if the protagonist of new Ramayana is the epitome of warlike vainglory of ancient divine’s demon challenger, the Ravana.

Secular Democrats in retreat

But the Devil must be given his due. He and his chums are on cloud nine as Hitler and Mussolini had enjoyed in their heydays. The latter’s ghosts are again ruling the roosts as neo-fascists like America’s Trump, Russia’s Putin, China’s Xi, Turkey’s Erdogan and Israel’s Netanyahu are playing up varieties of populist nativism and religio- racial majoritarianism based either on former imperial glory or historical victimhood. In fact, Modi and Erdogan as well as their domestic Opposition parties are copy-pasting each other as Turkish opposition’s support to their neo-Ottoman president’s reconversion of historic Hagia Sophia into a mosque has underlined.

In India, the main Opposition party, Indian National Congress is still running like a headless chicken as its reaction to the foundation-laying ceremony for the Rama temple has proved. In earlier decades too, successive Congress governments which tried to run with the hares while hunting with the hounds had only lost the struggle for winning Hindu majority minds to the single-minded and aggressive BJP. Rest of the secular democrat as well as Left parties are on the retreat, both ideologically and organizationally. In these dark hours, people across faiths, ideologies and parties who still believe in the idea of pluralist India and the world must go for honest self-introspection to fathom what went wrong with us and how to turn the table on the murderous communalism and religious nationalism in the name of Rama & Rahim, Christ & Buddha as well as Bharatmata (Mother India).

Folklore and Mandir-Masjid politics

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Akbar and his favourite courtier, Birbal were once strolling in a farm field. Akbar had an upset tummy which, he thought, was caused by the vegetable of eggplant that the Mughal emperor had eaten the previous night.

As Akbar saw the crops of eggplant in the field, he told Birbal, “People should avoid eating eggplant. It’s not healthy for stomach”.

Conforming to the king, Birbal said, “You are right, My Lord! Eggplant is deleterious for the stomach; that’s why it’s called ‘begun (useless)”.

A few months later, Akbar had eaten the eggplant again but had nothing wrong with his stomach. He was strolling in the same farm field. Akbar said, “Birbal! Eggplant is a nice dish. I loved it last night”.

Birbal said, “You are right, My Lord! Eggplant is the king of all vegetables; that’s why it has crown on his head”.

The emperor was perplexed and asked Birbal, “You said it ‘begun’ a few days ago and now you are describing it as the king of vegetables”.

Birbal said, “My Lord! I am loyal to you, not the eggplant”.

Akbar laughed his guts out at his courtier’s wisecrack.

I had heard this Akbar-Birbal story from agriculturalists at my village in Bihar’s Siwan district when I was a small child. I grew listening to such stories from the villagers. Much later in life, I learnt that Khuswhat Singh and other great writers had collected the Akbar-Birbal’s folktales and fables that were translated in different languages and travelled to different nations and continents.

My motive is to communicate the readers about how the folklores passed on to the generation and after generations through the oral tradition constitute an indelible part of our culture and community life. It’s not known if Akbar and Birbal actually shared such funny stories but the people at large invented them to understand the life and time during Akbar’s reign in their own way.

ram temple mandir babri masjid mosque ayodhya modi yogi
A photograph of the Babri Masjid-from the early 1900s. Courtesy: The British Library Board

Be it the stories of the kings, queens, prince and princesses or those of gods and goddesses or demons and ghosts–the folktales besides being rich source of humour and entertainment were full with the elements to strengthen love and harmony and fostered community life.

Akbar was the grandson of the founder of Mughal Empire, Babar. Historical accounts suggest that Babar’s military general Mir Baqi got the Babri mosque built at Ayodhya associated with the birthplace of Ram.

Like Akbar who was a third generation Mughal monarch, Birbal too was a third generation courtier in the Mughal court. But Babri mosque has not figured in hundreds and thousands of stories weaved around Akbar and Birbal. If anything, it suggests that the Babri mosque built in 16th century was not the part of the folk culture in north Indian hinterlands. It was, by all accounts, insignificant to the life and lore of the common people.

It was, probably, because the people at large—despite their faith and religiosity– don’t recognise a religious shrine set up for political or military reasons. My village, Daraili Mathia in Siwan district—barely 200 kilometres from Ayodhya—is an abode of various castes of Hindus and Muslim barbers and bangle sellers. Clipping of a groom’s nails by a barber is a ritual associated with a marriage ceremony. At Ramleela drama at our village, a Muslim would act as barber to groom Ram. The women would sing, “Noh katu ai naua noh katu, anguri janu katu hey, abahi Rama dulaha ladika… (O barber! Clip the nails carefully, Rama is still a child)” as the barber would clip ‘groom’ Ram’s nails.

Ayodhya as the birthplace of Ram never lost its importance despite the Babri mosque. More importantly, the Muslims—particularly in the hinterlands—never appropriated Ayodhya. They participated in the celebrations associated with Ram despite the mosque. Babri mosque was never in the category of religious shrines like Jama Masjid of Delhi, Haji Ali Dargah of Mumbai, Ajmer Sharif associated with Sufi hermit, Mouniddun Chishti and the sufi shrine of Maner Sharif in Patna—capital of Bihar.

My experience with the north Indian village life suggests that the Ram temple coming up at the ruins of the Babri mosque would never earn the faith and devotion of the larger Hindu masses. Everyone knows that the forces involved in the demolition of the mosque and now building a temple were guided by the political reasons. It might give momentary gains to the politicians in power, but it will never emerge a centre of faith the way other ancient and medieval shrines established by the sages and Aadi Shankaracharya have over the decades and centuries.

No body—Muslims or Hindus—ever questioned Ayodhya as the centre of the faith associated with Maryada Purushottam Ram. Ayodhya will continue to be what it has been since time immemorial. But the temple coming up on the debris of a mosque will be as insignificant for the common hinterland dwellers as the Babri mosque was despite it having existed for over 450 years. All of us know that a right wing organisation, Rastriya Swayansevak Sangh (RSS) has used the religion to fuel a divide between the Hindus and Muslims and help its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party consolidate political power. This realisation will sink with the larger masses as the dust settles in the years and decades to follow.

Prime Minister, Narendra Modi and Uttar Pradesh chief Minister, Yogi Adityanath acted in the manner Mir Baqi, probably, had acted when Babar established Mughal rule in India. The Supreme Court settled the disputed land in favour of the trust associated with the Mandir movement and ordered ceding five acres of the land for the construction of a mosque in Ayodhya. It would have been in fitness with the Constitution had the Prime Minister and the Chief Minister allowed the trusts/boards concerned to build the temple and the mosque simultaneously. A Prime Minister or a Chief Minister under the oath of Constitution is not supposed to be partisan. The Constitution mandates the elected heads in the republic of India to represent all without fear or favour.

Mir Baqi is a footnote of Indian history. Modi and Yogi too will become so when the current phase of turmoil passes. We have seen how Lal Krishna Advani who started it has been driven to the periphery in his own party and the Hindus living in the Indian villages too are indifferent to his plight. No storm has lasted for ever and no tumult is eternal. What is eternal is the bond of love and harmony that nurses the human society.

भारत की साँझा संस्कृति और मुस्लिम दिग्गज

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नसामान्य में यह धारणा घर कर गयी है कि मुसलमान मूलतः और स्वभावतः अलगाववादी हैं और उनके कारण ही भारत विभाजित हुआ. सच यह है कि मुसलमानों ने हिन्दुओं के साथ कन्धा से कन्धा मिलाकर आज़ादी की लड़ाई में हिस्सा लिया और पूरी निष्ठा से भारत की साँझा विरासत और संस्कृति को पोषित किया. विभाजन का मुख्य कारण था अंग्रेजों की ‘बांटो और राज करो’ की नीति और देश को बांटने में हिन्दू और मुस्लिम संप्रदायवादियों ने अंग्रेजों की हरचंद मदद की. फिर भी, आम तौर पर मुसलमानों को देश के बंटवारे के लिए दोषी ठहराया जाता है. यही नहीं, भारत पर अपने राज को मजबूती देने के लिए अंग्रेजों के सांप्रदायिक चश्मे से इतिहास का लेखन करवाया और आगे चलकर इतिहास का यही संस्करण सांप्रदायिक राजनीति की नींव बना और उसने मुसलमानों के बारे में मिथ्या धारणाओं को बल दिया.

सेवानिवृत्ति की कगार पर खड़े एक नौकरशाह, के. नागेश्वर राव, ने ट्विटर पर हाल में जो टिप्पणियां कीं हैं, वे इसी धारणा की उपज हैं. इन ट्वीटों में राव ने शासकीय कर्मियों के लिए निर्धारित नियमों का उल्लंघन करते हुए, आरएसएस-भाजपा की तारीफों के पुल बांधे हैं और उन दिग्गज मुसलमान नेताओं का दानवीकरण करने का प्रयास किया हैं जिन्होंने न केवल स्वाधीनता संग्राम में भागीदारी की वरन स्वतंत्र भारत के विकास में भी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका अदा की. राव ने मौलाना आजाद और अन्य मुस्लिम केंद्रीय शिक्षा मंत्रियों पर हिन्दुओं की जड़ों पर प्रहार करने का आरोप लगाते हुए ऐसे मंत्रियों की सूची और उनके कार्यकाल की अवधि का हवाला भी दिया है: मौलाना अबुल कलम आज़ाद – 11 वर्ष (1947-58), हुमायूँ कबीर, एमसी छागला और फकरुद्दीन अली अहमद – 4 वर्ष (1963-67) और नुरुल हसन – 5 वर्ष (1972-77). उन्होंने लिखा कि बाकी 10 वर्षों में वीकेआरवी राव जैसे वामपंथी केंद्रीय शिक्षा मंत्री के पद पर रहे.

उनका आरोप है कि इन मंत्रियों की नीतियों के मुख्य अंग थे: 1. हिन्दुओं के ज्ञान को नकारना, 2. हिन्दू धर्म को अंधविश्वासों का खजाना बताकर बदनाम करना, 3, शिक्षा का अब्राहमिकिकरण करना, 4. मीडिया और मनोरंजन की दुनिया का अब्राहमिकिकरण करना और 5. हिन्दुओं को उनकी धार्मिक पहचान के लिए शर्मिंदा करना. राव का यह भी कहना है कि हिन्दू धर्म ने हिन्दू समाज को एक रखा है और उसके बिना हिन्दू समाज समाप्त हो जायेगा.

फिर वे हिन्दुओं का गौरव पुनर्स्थापित करने के लिए आरएसएस-भाजपा की प्रशंसा करते हैं. उन्होंने जो कुछ लिखा है वह नफरत को बढ़ावा देने वाला तो है ही वह एक राजनैतिक वक्तव्य भी है. नौकरशाहों को इस तरह के वक्तव्य नहीं देने चाहिए. सीपीएम की पोलित ब्यूरो की सदस्य बृंदा कारत ने केंद्रीय गृह मंत्री अमित शाह को पत्र लिखकर इस अधिकारी के खिलाफ उपयुक्त कार्यवाही किए जाने की मांग की है.

राव ने शुरुआत मौलाना आजाद से की है. मौलाना आजाद, स्वाधीनता आन्दोलन के अग्रणी नेताओं में से एक थे और सन 1923 में वे भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के सबसे युवा अध्यक्ष बने. वे 1940 से लेकर 1945 तक भी कांग्रेस के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष रहे. उन्होंने अंतिम क्षण तक देश के विभाजन का विरोध किया. कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष की हैसियत से 1923 में उन्होंने लिखा, “अगर जन्नत से कोई देवदूत भी धरती पर उतर कर मुझसे कहे कि यदि मैं हिन्दू-मुस्लिम एकता की बात करना छोड़ दूं तो इसके बदले वह मुझे 24 घंटे में स्वराज दिलवा देगा तो मैं इंकार कर दूंगा. स्वराज तो हमें देर-सवेर मिल ही जायेगा परन्तु अगर हिन्दुओं और मुसलमानों की एकता ख़त्म हो गयी तो यह पूरी मानवता के लिए एक बड़ी क्षति होगी.” उनकी जीवनी लेखक सैय्यदा हामिद लिखती हैं, “उन्हें तनिक भी संदेह न था कि भारत के मुसलमानों का पतन, मुस्लिम लीग के पथभ्रष्ट नेतृत्व की गंभीर भूलों का नतीजा है. उन्होंने मुसलमानों का आह्वान किया कि वे अपने हिन्दू, सिख और ईसाई देशवासियों के साथ मिलजुलकर रहें.” उन्होंने ही रामायण और महाभारत का फारसी में अनुवाद करवाने में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान दिया.

यह तो पक्का है कि श्री राव ने न तो मौलाना आजाद को पढ़ा है, ना उनके बारे में पढ़ा है और ना ही उन्हें इस बात का इल्म है कि मौलाना आजाद की आधुनिक भारत के निर्माण में क्या भूमिका थी. श्री राव जिन वैचारिक शक्तियों की प्रशंसा के गीत गा रहे हैं वे शक्तियां नेहरु युग में जो कुछ भी हुआ, उसकी निंदा नहीं करते नहीं थकतीं. परन्तु वे यह भूल जाते हैं कि नेहरु युग में ही शिक्षा मंत्री की हैसियत से मौलाना आजाद ने आईआईटी, विभिन्न वैज्ञानिक अकादमियों और ललित कला अकादमी की स्थापना करवाई. इसी दौर में भारत की साँझा विरासत और संस्कृति को बढ़ावा देने के लिए अनेक कदम उठाये गए.

जिन अन्य दिग्गजों पर राव ने हमला बोला है वे सब असाधारण मेधा के धनी विद्वान थे और शिक्षा के क्षेत्र के बड़े नाम थे. हुमायूँ कबीर, नुरुल हसन और डॉ जाकिर हुसैन ने शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में असाधारण और बेजोड़ सैद्धांतिक और व्यावहारिक योगदान दिया. हम बिना किसी संदेह के कह सकते हैं कि अगर आज भारत सॉफ्टवेयर और कंप्यूटर के क्षेत्रों में विश्व में अपनी धाक जमा पाया है तो उसके पीछे वह नींव हैं जो शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में इन महानुभावों ने रखी. हमारे देश में सॉफ्टवेयर और कंप्यूटर इंजीनियरों की जो बड़ी फौज है वह उन्हीं संस्थाओं की देन है जिन्हें इन दिग्गजों ने स्थापित किया था.

यह आरोप कि इन मुसलमान शिक्षा मंत्रियों ने ‘इस्लामिक राज’ के रक्तरंजित इतिहास पर पर्दा डालने का प्रयास किया, अंग्रेजों द्वारा शुरू किए गए सांप्रदायिक इतिहास लेखन की उपज है. दोनों धर्मों के राजाओं का उद्देश्य केवल सत्ता और संपत्ति हासिल करना था और उनके दरबारों में हिन्दू और मुसलमान दोनों अधिकारी रहते थे. जिसे ‘रक्तरंजित मुस्लिम शासनकाल’ बताया जाता है, दरअसल, वही वह दौर था जब देश में साँझा संस्कृति और परम्पराओं का विकास हुआ. इसी दौर में भक्ति परंपरा पनपी, जिसके कर्णधार थे कबीर, तुकाराम, नामदेव और तुलसीदास. इसी दौर में सूफी संतों के मानवीय मूल्यों का पूरे देश में प्रसार हुआ. इसी दौर में रहीम और रसखान ने हिन्दू देवी-देवताओं की शान में अमर रचनायें कीं.

हमें यह भी नहीं भूलना चाहिए कि मुसलमानों ने बड़ी संख्या में स्वाधीनता संग्राम में भाग लिया. दो अध्येताओं, शमशुल इस्लाम और नासिर अहमद, ने इन सेनानियों पर पुस्तकें लिखीं हैं. इनमें से कुछ थे जाकिर हुसैन, खान अब्दुल गफ्फार खान, सैय्यद मुहम्मद शरिफुद्दीन कादरी, बख्त खान, मुज़फ्फर अहमद, मुहम्मद अब्दिर रहमान, अब्बास अली, आसफ अली, युसूफ मेहराली और मौलाना मज़हरुल हक़.

और ये तो केवल कुछ ही नाम हैं. गांधीजी के नेतृत्व में चले आन्दोलन ने साँझा संस्कृति और सभी धर्मों के प्रति सम्मान के भाव को बढ़ावा दिया, जिससे बंधुत्व का वह मूल्य विकसित हुआ जिसे संविधान की उद्देशिका में स्थान दिया गया.

भारत के उन शिक्षा मंत्रियों, जो मुसलमान थे, को कटघरे में खड़ा करना, भारत में बढ़ते इस्लामोफोबिया का हिस्सा है. पहले से ही मुस्लिम बादशाहों और नवाबों के इतिहास से चुनिन्दा हिस्सों को प्रचारित कर यह साबित करने का प्रयास किया जाता रहा है कि वे हिन्दू-विरोधी और मंदिर विध्वंसक थे. अब, स्वतंत्रता के बाद के मुस्लिम नेताओं पर कालिख पोतने के प्रयास हो रहे हैं. इससे देश को बांटने वाली रेखाएं और गहरी होंगीं. हमें आधुनिक भारत के निर्माताओं के योगदान का आंकलन उनके धर्म से परे हटकर करना होगा. हमें उनका आंकलन तार्किक और निष्पक्ष तरीके से करना होगा.

 

हिंदी रूपांतरणः अमरीश हरदेनिया

Parikshit, Adil does a Balraj Sahni in a bumpy sojourn

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I still remember the rickshaw rides to my school Don Bosco two decades ago. Funtoosh was the name of the puller and he always took good care of me. Short in height, he often happily took away my old clothes. We often committed petty crimes, like stealing mangoes, went fishing in the nearby pond, flew kites on Vishwakarma Puja and even swam in the Ganges together.

The memories are vivid.

One such rickshaw wallah, Buchchi Paswan (Adil Hussain), in Ranchi is friendly with the kids he rides regularly to school, speaks broken English and sings Baa, baa black sheep…went up the hill! But apart from this, the man dreams of a secured future for his son, who is in ninth standard at a government school and brilliant in his studies, by getting him admission in Sapphire International — a CBSE school which has produced many big names in the industry.

Pareeksha– based on a true story, this shows how circumstances made a good and kindhearted man dream big and commit petty crimes to fulfill his dreams for his child.

This is what we get to see in the film but what we did not is that Buchchi’s story is close to Shambu Mahato’s from the 1953 classic Do Bigha Zamin by Bimal Roy. Perhaps, Buchchi in his young days did watch this film!

Well, there are many differences in the storyline you may talk about here — especially the hand-pulled one and the “Pa-reeksha” — but somewhere circumstances forced both to take up a job that they were not meant for.

Director Prakash Jha’s knowledge about an undivided Bihar and how government schools fail to deliver, while private players bring out the best is not portrayed well. The screenplay does have a good intent but it required in-depth portrayal of the system. Somehow, I felt it was a shallow effort and not presented well; may be, a hurried approach to reach to the conclusion.

Something good about the movie is how director Jha portrayed the guilt factor playing in Buchchi who joins others in singing at a local temple just to wash his hands off the crime he committed a while ago. Good presentation. But that’s it.

We perhaps already knew or guessed the story as it began and where it would end. Sorry, but that’s not story-telling. Mr Jha, you have given the industry much better movies in the past.

If good acting can save a movie, Adil Hussain does a Balraj Sahni. From his body language to accent to dialogue delivery, and in his silence, this gem did everything with his unmatched expressions. Love you Mr Hussain, you know what it takes to get into a character, feel it and deliver.

On par with the excellence already at one end from this seasoned actor, Priyanka Bose, who plays the role of Adil Hussain’s wife, not only fitted herself in the character but showed she is no less than the lead. Sanjay Suri has a small role and delivers with his calm and focused attitude.

I have nothing more to say about this movie as I couldn’t find any.

This is perhaps not one of those Jha movies we still remember or would want to.

P.S: Well, okay, wait, one huge round of applause for the team which worked on the costumes. I perhaps could even smell the sweat from the sweater, shirt and the gamchha that Adil wore.

 

Rating: 3/5

Temple builders’ tests of serenity and history

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On the chabutra in the outer courtyard sat some sadhus singing bhajans, while inside the main building under the three domes was the idol of Ram Lalla (Infant Ram) with the middle-aged priest Satyendra Das performing puja for the couple of devotees who had come for darshan. Despite the dispute over the title deeds of the land, the temple/mosque had a serenity that is associated with a place of worship of any religion.

This was more than year before then BJP president L.K. Advani had taken out his rath yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya declaring “Mandir wahin banayenge” and launching the Ramjanmabhoomi movement that culminated in the destruction of the Babri Masjid and paved the way for the electoral success of the BJP. Until then, very few Hindus had even heard of a dispute over Ram’s purported birthplace or Muslims heard of Babri Masjid.

Ayodhya itself was a dusty, sleepy town made up of more than 6,000 temples — big and small — all devoted to the worship of Lord Ram. It did not have the glamour of Varanasi with its mighty Ganga and the burning ghats, the allure of Haridwar, nor the footfall of lakhs of Indian pilgrims and foreign tourists that both these pilgrimage cities draw each year.

But what Ayodhya lacked, it more than made up for in pure and simple spirituality and devotion. Filled with mandirs, maths, ashrams and akharas home to thousands of sadhus, sants and mahants, the holy town had a slow pace devoted to only worship. In fact Ayodhya’s twin town of Faizabad, less than 6km away, the first capital of the Nawabs of Awadh, was the bustling district headquarters full of life.

The peace of both towns was shattered by the arrival of “outsiders” demanding the “liberation” of Lord Ram from the Babri Masjid. The locals then did not see the need for another Ram temple which would shatter their communal harmony and destroy their livelihood.

“This is a political movement brought here by outsiders. We don’t need another Ram temple, we have more than enough. We want peace and quiet,” said a flower seller outside Hanuman Garhi, the biggest temple in Ayodhya. “All this strife, riots and curfew has affected business badly, with devotees too scared to come here,” he told me on one of my umpteen trips between 1989 and 1992.

Even on December 6, 1992, it was lakhs of “outsiders” who took over Ayodhya and destroyed the mosque, bringing an end to the Ganga-Jamuna tehzeeb that Uttar Pradesh was so proud of.

With the foundation stone of the Ram Mandir being laid today, Advani’s dream will have finally come true, but ironically Advani finds himself dumped in the retirement home of the BJP, not even dignified with an invitation to the event. As the architect of the movement, ideally it should be Advani who should be performing the shilanyas but stabbed in the back by his own disciple, he has been left to sulk in Delhi.

In fact, none of the cast of characters that worked to bring about the “grand” Ram temple will be present on Wednesday. Most of them are dead or sidelined. The leaders at the event today are pygmies standing on the shoulders of their predecessors basking in their reflected glory. Covid-19 is a convenient excuse!

The “bhaviya” Ram Mandir envisaged by the Hindutva brigade will now definitely be completed in three-and-half years, in time for the next general election.

It will certainly be grander, taller, bigger, an architectural marvel, more expensive than any temple in the world with gold and silver bricks and studded in jewels, but will it please Lord Ram who chose the humble hut of Shabari over the palaces of yogis to eat the tasted berries the old woman offered him with true love and devotion?

The Ram Mandir may even become a tourist attraction as the first edifice of a Hindu India putting Ayodhya on the world map, but history will always remember it as the temple that was built on the debris of a criminally destroyed mosque.

 

The article had first published in The Telegraph.

Sajeda Momin was The Telegraph’s Uttar Pradesh correspondent from 1989 to 1993 and covered the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi dispute

Vidya kasam, watch it only if you love Balan

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Solve this first: (Her daughter’s story) + {cribbing²} ÷ facts x colourful Bollywood drama – plot = ?

You don’t remember BODMAS? Check again now.

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You call this a biography of a world famous mathematician– Shakuntala Devi and see her young daughter, who was deprived of her love, still holds it against her and fails to move ahead in her life. That’s what she feels. And when the movie almost shows the journey of her mother – also based on the same formula of a grudge on mother – from her growing up days to finding success abroad and even getting a recognition as a ‘Human Computer’ and her name in the Guinness Book of World Record, somewhere the daughter still could not get over her childhood days away from her father and with a busy successful mother.
That was a brief story above.

While I would not call it a good or a bad movie, drama is something that has had its audience with handkerchiefs, always.

Personally, I would first appreciate casting directors Sehar Latif and Yash Nagarkoti’s choice of Vidya Balan. She knew what to deliver and brought out multiple personalities simultaneously to take the central character sailing through a rough sea! As the hurried approach to quickly wrap up her childhood days did not satisfy my demands, the storyline ahead was a mess.

A vibrant young woman from Bangalore perhaps knew everything even after not attending school. From repairing broken English to living her life in altogether a new world was too easy for her. Director Anu Menon, really?

All she grieved about was her parents’ behaviour and loss of her elder sister. That’s not movie making. I am sorry. You may have touched emotions with your portrayal of four generations and shows of bonding of girls with their mothers, but establish your story first. Poor story jointly written by Menon and Nayanika Mahtani.

Unnecessary colours to wooing attitude towards men to demanding a baby from a good-looking later-found ‘homosexual’ Bengali man, our superheroine in Kanjeevaram was too advanced to deal with every problems in her life.

I repeat, this was something that her deprived daughter in distress narrated about her ambitious colourful mother who failed to take care of her. What else?

If acting could save a movie, this somewhere is jointly rescued by Balan and her onscreen daughter Sanya Malhotra. Vidya kasam! Rather, I would say Shakuntala Devi has been portrayed as a happy-go loudmouth villain!

Cinematography by Keiko Nakahara is good at certain places if not throughout, dialogues by Ishita Moitra is also good at many places and so it editing by Antara Lahiri.

As it’s a ‘women-centric’ move, sorry movie, the first man (her father played by Prakash Belawadi) was shown as a carrier (on a cycle) or a manager or a PR person, the second (her husband played by Jisshu Sengupta) a mere sperm donor and the third (her son-in-law played by Amit Sadh) a big supporter, sidelined by his wife’s problems to deal with her mother’s fame and his dormant dreams of becoming a father.

P.S: No offence but Shakuntala Devi move, oops movie, should have been reviewed by a woman perhaps to understand the emotions attached to it. I am sorry but even a son loves his mother and fights with her. Or perhaps the Mothers’ Day emotions in every child would have fitted the bill better!

Rating: 2.5/5

Bengal’s gets its first ever online Lord Ganesha Puja

Kolkata: In the post Covid-19 era and ‘new normal’ world, going online has become a necessity. We have, thus far, witnessed online classes, events seminars et al and now get ready to witness online puja or e-Darshan of Lord Ganesha who is arriving on Saturday, August 22, this year.

Salt Lake-based Yuvak Sangha Club, is all set to become a trendsetter by organising Bengal’s first ever online Ganesh Puja-Bidhannagar Ganesh Chaturthi Mahotsav 2020 and live streaming it on their Facebook page. The Puja, that stepped into the eleventh year, even has a theme that befits the time we are living in and that is ‘Grihokone Vinayak’ – or Ganesha at home.

Supreme Court had recently commented that e-Darshan is no darshan. But to both organizers and devotees, it is the safest way to celebrate the festival during lockdown. And be assured that this is going to catch up.

This ‘trendsetting’ announcement was made by Mr. Anindya Chatterjee, President of Yuvak Sangha Club during a virtual press conference, held on Friday, July 31, 2020.

He informed, “During this post Covid era, we have to honour and abide by the ‘new normal’ norms, maintain social distancing, wear masks and ensure that there are no large gatherings and so on. We held multiple meetings with our members and came to the conclusion that it would not be prudent to organise the Ganesh Puja in the manner that we do so every year. We brainstormed, roped in the tech savvy children of our members and finally decided to take the online route. We also realised that going online will also enable us to cater to a wider audience within the country and abroad. I suggested the theme and it was heartily welcomed by the other members. Going online is a new concept and format for us, but we are ready to take on this challenge.”

Keeping safety precautions and honouring the rules of social distancing in mind, the club has decided not to disclose the exact location of the Puja. Devotees and enthusiasts will be able to watch the inauguration and all the rituals, do e-darshan, enjoy the aarti, offer pushpanjali on the club’s Facebook page, right from the safety of their homes. They can also register their names and gotro and offer their puja.

And that is not all. The club has also decided to home deliver the bhog and prasad, free of cost. “We will be creating a link on Facebook and those interested in getting the bhog and prasad will have to register their names on our Facebook page. We are talking to various agencies about the distribution process in areas like Biddhanagar, Salt Lake, Lake Town, Rajarhat, New Town, Beleghata, Bangur, parts of Kolkata and so on.”

During the press conference, Anindya Chatterjee also informed us that the idea of online Ganesh Puja has already been welcomed and people, including the elderly are looking forward to this ‘different and unique’ celebration. “There are many elderly people in Salt Lake whose children are residing abroad. So, they are pretty tech savvy. However, if they need our assistance, we shall definitely help them and ensure that they do not miss out on the opportunity of experiencing the first ever online Ganesh Puja.”

The Yuvak Sangha Club has also appealed to its members residing within India and abroad to contribute for greater causes. The amount collected will be utilised to help not only the needy affected by Covid-19 and super cyclone Amphan, but also children from humble backgrounds and enable them to partake as well as benefit from the system of online education.