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Meet the priestess who inspired the Bengali movie which will be showcased at the International Film Festival of India

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Kolkata: Dr. Nandini Bhowmick led a quiet and quite a revolution when she took stage as a woman priestess. Her work went on to inspire the Bengali film, Brahma Jaanen Gopon Kommoti in 2020 which has now been selected for the Indian Panorama section of the 51st International Film Festival of India to be held in Goa from January 16-24, 2021. In this exclusive interview to eNewsroom, Nandini, who also teaches Sanskrit at Jadavpur University in addition to being a theatre professional, shares her joy, talks about the journey that she and the all-women priestess group Shubhamastu that she leads have traversed thus far, and also gives out a special message for our women readers.

eNewsroom: Brahma Jaanen Gopon Kommoti (BJGK), the film inspired by your work will be screened on January 17, 2021 at the 51st International Film Festival of India. Heartiest congratulations to you and your all-women priestess group – Shubhamastu.

Nandini: Thank you. The news was given to me by Aritra Mukherjee, the director of the film and it brought tears to my eyes. BJGK is a path-breaking film advocating social change. All of us at Shubhamastu are super-excited.

eNewsroom: Well, what you did was path-breaking, too…

Nandini: Thank you. I wanted to break the manacles of deep-rooted patriarchal prejudices. A woman is regarded as ‘impure’ because she menstruates. This is precisely why only Brahmin men are allowed to perform religious ceremonies. This inference is unacceptable. Why should one hear about the Sabarimala Temple case in today’s times?

eNewsroom: Who inspired you?

Nandini: Ruma Roy and I were inspired by Acharya Gauri Dharmapal, our Sanskrit professor at the Lady Brabourne College. She was a practicing priestess and one day she asked us whether we could like to don the mantle. Both of us readily agreed. We started our journey in 2009. Seymanti Banerjee and Paulomi Chakraborty joined us after a while.

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Nandini and Ruma recite shlokas during a wedding ritual

eNewsroom: What was your family’s reaction?

Nandini: I come from a very progressive family. My paternal grandmother Jyotiprabha Devi had refused to change her surname after her marriage and added ‘Devi’ to her name instead. My family was hardly surprised when I informed them. I have even solemnised the weddings of my two daughters without any ado.

eNewsroom: Did you have a specific plan in mind?

Nandini: Since I hail from the theatre background, I had realised that we must have that extra element of performance. We had to be different. Thus, at a Shubhamastu officiated ceremony, you will not only hear mantras and shlokas being delivered by Ruma and me, you will also hear the timeless compositions of Rabindranath Tagore rendered by Seymanti and Paulomi. We follow scripts and we also have our Rabindrasangeet playlist, both of which are upgraded constantly.

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Poster of Brahma Jaanen Gopon Kommoti

eNewsroom: Your initial days were filled with struggles. How did the tide turn?

Nandini: When Ruma and I started, we battled doubts and mockery, sexist and misogynistic snarls. Our claim and relevance were questioned. The tide turned when brides and grooms with progressive-minds started contacting us. They did not want to follow the patriarchal rituals. They wanted to get married the ‘Shubhamastu way’. Today, besides weddings, we also officiate housewarming ceremonies, memorial service and so on.

eNewsroom: Can you tell our readers about the ‘Shubhamastu way’?

NB: Well, Shubhamastu has placed the Rig Vedic wedding ceremony and its rituals in a contemporary and current context. Our ceremony is short and crisp. We translate the Sanskrit shlokas and mantras in Bengali or Hindi and English so that everyone can understand the meanings. In a wedding the mother’s name is taken after the father’s, when we conduct it, we take her name first.

We have also eliminated certain archaic patriarchal practices. For example, we do not follow the kanyadaan ritual where the girl (as if she is a commodity) is given away as a donation to the groom by the bride’s father.

We also do not follow the ‘lojja-bostro’ (cloth or cloak of shame) ritual where the bride’s face is covered by a sari as the groom puts the vermillion on her. As a matter of fact, we ask the bride to put a shoubhagya tilak or a dot of vermillion on the forehead of the groom as a mark of good luck.

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The all-women priestess group: Shubhamastu – ( L to R) Nandini, Seymanti (sitting), Ruma and Paulomi

We do not encourage the piri-ghorano, a ritual where the girl has to sit on a low, flat stool and the male members of her family carry her seven times around the groom nor do we advocate following the ritual of chaal chorano where the girl throws rice grains to signify that she is returning or paying off her food debt at her father’s house.

eNewsroom: Would you say that the clients who approach Shubhamastu are beacons of social change or is it a ‘status symbol’ for many?

Nandini: Well, 80 per cent of our clients are advocators for social change. Initially, we only got calls from urban metros and cities, but of late we have been to various sub-urban, semi-urban towns and metropolitan cities like Kancharapara, Uluberia, Srirampur, Sonarpur, Madhyamgram, Asansol among others. This indicates changing mindsets in these places. However, 20 per cent of our clientele do comprise families for whom ‘being married’ by Subhamastu is nothing more than a ‘status symbol’.

eNewsroom: Any special message for our readers?

Nandini: Despite living in the 21st century, women are considered to be unequal to men; they are described as helpless; regarded as impure and even inauspicious. This patriarchal mindset needs to change. I belief that women have the power to usher in change. However, in order to do that, they have to first free themselves from the shackles of age-old beliefs, prejudices and superstitions. Women need to be fearless, determined, find their voices, advocate for gender equality and should not give up till they have made a difference.

Burning copies of farm bills warm up Lohri and Sankranti celebration

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Kolkata: Bengal supporters of the farmers’ movement today joined in burning the copies of the pro-corporate three farm laws as well as effigies of the prime minister Narendra Modi and BJP MPs from the state in Kolkata and districts.

It was part of the ongoing agitation called by the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee which has been spearheading the massive mobilization at Delhi border for more than one and half month. The Committee has declined to accept the intervention of the expert committee appointed by the Supreme Court pointing to the fact that all the four members are professedly pro-government. The court’s decision came on Tuesday along with a temporary stay on the implementation of the farm laws which is contingent upon the farmers’ acceptance of the panel. 

The AIKSCC, however, has reiterated its demand for the rollback of the laws as well as its earlier stand not to seek any judicial arbitration but political solution through the parliament. The government, however, has been looking for a leeway to get rid of the prolonged blockades at the gates of the national capital and suggested formation of an expert committee following the deadlock after eight rounds of direct negotiations.

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No Vote For BJP campaign event at Moulla Ali I Pix: Kasturi Basu

The farmers’ leadership has announced their resolve to celebrate the Republic Day on January 26 by holding tractor rallies in Delhi and other parts of the country in parallel to the government’s traditional military and cultural shows. To prepare its support base for the tempo, the AIKSCC has urged them to observe January 18 as Mahila Krishak Divas as well as the birthday of Netaji Subhas Bose on January 23.

Worried about its political impact inside and outside the country, the Modi regime is keen on the apex court’s intervention to stop the parallel commemoration of the Republic Day. It has cited security threats from Khalistani terrorists which the farmers have called a blatant lie to defame a peaceful democratic movement. The chief Justice has already asked the government to detail its threat perceptions.

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At Bhawanipur where there is hunger strike going one since several days, effigies were burnt on the call of AIKSCC I Pix: Arranged

In this backdrop, burning of copies of the farm laws and prime minister’s effigies raised the political heat on the day of Makar Sankranti at the end of winter solstice.The day was celebrated as Poush Songkranto in Bengal and Lohri in Punjab as well as Pongal in Tamil Nadu which Begins from tomorrow.

Reflecting on the unity in diversity in the cultures of agricultural communities across the country, the AIKSCC Bengal unit celebrated it as a day of united resolve of the farmers to foil the government’s bid to legalise its crony capitalists’ control over farming and agro-marketing. 

Copies of the laws and effigies were burnt at the pro-agitation dharna site at Dharmatala and Bhawanipur in South Kolkata by members of Netaji-Bhagat Singh United Forum and Justice Unifying Social Transformation (JUST). Meanwhile, Bengal against Fascist RSS-BJP, a non-CPM left civil society group held a street corner meeting cum dharna at Moulali crossing in support of farmers. The forum has been formed to run a campaign with the call No Vote to BJP as the assembly election is round the corner.

Tractor rally in Bengal in support to the farmers’ siege on Modi government

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Kolkata: Tractors are not commonplace in West Bengal’s rural landscape like Punjab, Haryana and Western Uttar Pradesh. Nevertheless, Rampurhat in Birbhum district today witnessed an impressive tractor rally in support of the one and half month long farmers’ movement at Delhi borders.

Decked with national flags and rings made of vegetables around flex posters demanding the rollback of pro-corporate farm laws, the rally organised by Bangla Sanskriti Mancha moved on wheels through the lanes of the sub-divisional town.

The BSM, an anti-communal cross-faith youth forum that has been active in some south Bengal districts is now at the forefront of campaign against the farm laws in the district. It has begun a sit-in demonstration in solidarity to the farmer’s siege on Narendra Modi’s Delhi Durbar since last week at the town along with an outreach programme in outlying villages.

As the Supreme Court apparently asked the government to keep the controversial laws in abeyance, young rallyists on board the tractors raised slogans against the regime’s arrogance for still refusing to listen to the farmer’s demands to scrap the laws. These laws have been passed in haste by bulldozing the parliamentary opposition and without any discussions with the farmers’ bodies, they pointed out.

Watch tractor rally in solidarity with protesting farmers at Delhi borders

 

The political points apart, their youthful mood was also evident from the satires: Modi tumi kharap lok, tomar mathay ukun hok (Modi you are a wicked man, let there be lice on your head), originally a coinage by Kolkata students which has now travelled to districts.

Local Adivasi women who joined the rally sang traditional songs to the beats of Dhamsa- Madol, a regular feature of BSM programmes to underline the demographic and cultural pluralism of the district and Bengal. Some activists from Kolkata also joined them. Performers from lower castes groups also joined the march.

Meanwhile, the sit-in demonstration organised by the state chapter of the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee (AIKSCC) at downtown Kolkata has continued. Leaders of different peasants organisations spoke there explaining aspects of the farm laws. Groups of students and cultural activists performed criticising the corporate-communal agendas of Modi government in complete disregard to post-lockdown miseries of the masses.

Films on people’s miseries and their struggles were screened at the protest site in the evening by young film maker groups including those from Cinema for Resistance.

The Trinamool Congress government has reportedly extended the permission to hold the Dharna till January 15, albeit after some hiccups. Chief minister Mamata Banerjee may be at loggerheads with the Modi regime at the Centre as the assembly polls are round the corner, but she hardly leaves any room for other non-BJP forces including Lefts.

Solidarity rallies and indoor meetings were held in parts of the city as well as in Hooghly, North 24 Parganas and Nadia districts during the day.

 

Video and picture courtesy: Md. Ripon, groundzero.in, Dalit Camera,  Sankar Das

Company-Raj is no better than the current middlemen raj for Bengal farmers

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Kolkata: Airul Haque, a rural worker and resident of Vangar, an agricultural hub in the suburb of Kolkata, came to Dharamtalla at the heart of the city on Sunday to express his solidarity to the ongoing farmers movement at Delhi borders. Speaking at the Dharna Manch organised by the state chapter of All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee, he narrated the plight of small farmers in his locality who grow vegetables in their tiny plots of land but do not get remunerative price for their produce.

“We grow vegetables mainly for the city market. However, we are forced to sell our produces at Rs two to five per kg to local middle men or procurers attached to wholesale markets while the city consumers are buying the same vegetables at fivefold prices. Sometimes we are forced to leave our produces at the field, even dump them unsold. Our survival is at stake,” the organiser of Prantajan, a rural community rights group, said.

His words may have pleased prime minister Narendra Modi as they seemingly justified his claims over the three pro-corporate farm laws which he asserted would be panacea for all the woes of farmers with all sizes of land-holding and free them from middlemen raj and double their income.

But Airul and his rural friends are not convinced about Modi’s magic wand as are the big farmers of Punjab and Haryana, much more prosperous than their Bengal counterparts.

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Both have castigated Modi for imposing a monopolistic corporate ‘company-raj’ on farmers in lieu of existing layers of middlemen, some of whom would be absorbed by Ambanis and Adanis in order to swallow the agri-business market and its export.

“We don’t want to jump into the oven from the frying pan. Our experience shows that the big companies are already law unto themselves,’’ Haque said. Pointing to the sustained pro-corporate bias of the Modi regime, he said that the Centre had announced huge financial packages for big business during and after the Lockdown months.

But it  did nothing to bail out the pandemic-hit rural poor, particularly women and their families who had taken microcredits from banks like Bandhan Bank and non-banking finance companies. “ These companies are tightening their noose around our necks for interest payments even as there is no transparency and records over the interest rates and other credit conditions,’’ he said.

Interaction with farmers at Singu and Tikri border

Sankar Das, one of the leaders of Save Land, Livelihood and Ecology movement in Bhangar too focussed on the growing angst among farmers against corporatisation of Indian agriculture and agri-business.

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Students drawing and colouring at the protest site

“Since the days of the Green Revolution in India, markets for every agriculture input including high-yielding seeds, fertilisers and pesticides are controlled by multinationals and Indian big companies. They are instrumental in ruining the fertility of the land, groundwater level as well as bio-diversity of our rural landscape as well as the livelihoods of farmers and tribals and other nature-dependent communities.

Now Modi is hellbent on rewarding the whole agro-business as well as natural resources to the regime’s crony capitalists while impoverished and debt-ridden farmers are committing suicides more and more. Punjab and Haryana farmers who have first benefited from capital-intensive farming are now realising the perils of complete corporate takeover,” Das said.

He narrated his experience at Delhi’s Singhu and Tikri border where the farmers from adjoining states are holding a virtual siege on the national capital for the last one and half month demanding the rollback of laws.

“It’s not easy to survive the severe cold nights under the open sky with temperatures hovering around one or two degree celsius. Neither it is easy to bring the arrogant government to its knees. But the farmers’ defiance and determination is making a history. Their family life is on the wheels as children are taking online classes under the canopy over trucks and trolleys that had brought them to the gates of Delhi Durbar. We must try our best to turn their heroic struggle into a nationwide people’s movement against this anti-poor government,’’ he said amid cheers.

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A protest in solidarity with farmers in a Bengal district

Bengal- Punjab bond remembered

Those who had gathered at Dharmatala protest site on its second day felt further inspired as Ashis Maity, an octogenarian freedom fighter from East Midnapore’s Khejuri addressed them. “If farmers of Punjab, the land of Bhagat Singh can challenge the rulers of Delhi, their counterparts from Bengal, the land of Matangini Hazra would not be far behind,’’ he said referring to the legendary ‘Gandhi Buri’ of Bengal and the martyr of 1942 movement which saw part of undivided Midnapore free from British yoke for a brief period.

A host of singers, film makers and other cultural activists from different generations, from Pratul Mukhopadhaya, the veteran bard of successive mass movements to greying Asim Giri and Nitish Roy rendered spirited and soulful support to the farmers. Members of Paschim Banga Gana Sanskriti Parishad took part both in off-stage and on-stage performances.

Uncurtain, a group of young dramatists performed a powerful street theatre on the series of cruelties of the corporate-communal BJP-RSS regime to the migrant laborers during the Covid lockdown as well as gang-rapes and murders of Dalit girls in BJP-ruled UP.  The performance drew a large crowd that included the passers-by. A group of school children added colors to the protest site as they joined in drawing pictures and posters in support of the farmer’s movement.

As the dusk fell, another group of activists brought out a torch-lit march from south Kolkata under the banner of Netaji- Bhagat Singh United Forum and Justice Unifying Social Transformation (JUST) which celebrates the unity of ideas between the two great icons of the Indian freedom struggle from Bengal and Punjab. The rally participants paid homage to those farmers who had lost their lives during the ongoing movement at Delhi borders.

Similar Dharnas and rallies were held in districts including Birbhum’s Rampurhat, North 24 Parganas’ Khardah, Asokenagar, Nadia’s Nabadwip by different forums.

Jukto Mancha, a forum of writers, artists and intellectuals today held a convention in support of the farmer’s movement. Noted authors and educationists including Pabitra Sarkar, Shovonlal Dutta Gupta deplored increasing attacks on Indian as well as Bengal’s pluralist culture and political ethos by the BJP-RSS regime and its cohorts. Meanwhile, Joint Forum Against NRC has chalked out its new phase of campaign in Bengal and urged the people of the state to organise parallel celebration of the Republic Day on 26 January as planned by the farmers.

 

Inputs from Soumya Shahin, Panchali Kar, Partha Dey and Malay Tewari.

Easy to say, let’s implement the law, will roll back if not beneficial but ask NPS sufferers

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Ranchi: Girdhar Mahato, a resident of Ranchi, retired in September 2018 from the education department. He had got the job in 2011.

When Mahato had applied in 1982 the vacancies were meant to be filled on the basis of merit. Mahato had scored high on the merit list. But, thanks to corruption, he and others like him were denied the jobs that went to others who had scored much less than them. Litigation followed. After 23 years, when the High Court gave a decision in Mahato’s favour, he was finally inducted by the education department. But by the time he got his job he was under the new pension scheme (NPS) that does not carry the benefits of the old pension scheme (OPS)

“Now I am getting a meager amount of Rs 1500 as pension. Had I got pension as per the previous scheme I would be getting Rs 40,000, which is what some of my lower rank holding colleagues are getting,” rued the science teacher.

More pension amount under government old age pension schemes than under NPS

Hazaribagh district’s 62-year-old Ashok Kumar too had to fight tooth and nail for his job. He had got the job of Halka Karamchari (field officer in the revenue department) in 1991 which, as per the usual norm, was on a temporary basis. The employees are later absorbed as permanent. That did not happen and so Kumar too had to knock at the doors of justice.

After fighting a long battle the Supreme Court gave an order in his favour and he became a permanent employee in 2007. But since 2019, when he retired, neither his pension is being given to him nor has he got any gratuity amount.

“If and when I get my pension, it will be only Rs 1700 and not Rs 20,000, which I should be getting under the old pension scheme. My last drawn salary was around 40,000,” Kumar told eNewsroom.

“Because I retired as a government employee neither I nor my wife can get the government pension for the elderly, which is rupees one thousand for each person. This means together we could get more than what I will get as pension after serving the government for 29 years. And not only the old age pension, because I’m a government pensioner I am not entitled for ration card nor the Ayushman card,” regretted Kumar.

Watch the video of journalist Ravish Kumar, speaking on New Pension Scheme

Turning insurance agent after retirement

63-year-old Umakant Sinha said, “I do not have enough money to buy medicines. Recently, I passed a test to become an LIC agent. This is what has become of former government employees. Without the pension we have lost our status in society.”

Under the new pension scheme, those who joined service after January 1, 2004 (both central and state government employees, except those from the armed forces) will not get a pension that is half of the last salary, as was the case earlier. They are also not entitled to gratuity. Though, after strong opposition, gratuity has been resumed from February 2019.

There are more than two crores government employees in India.

And there is an ongoing agitation (National Movement For Old Pension Scheme -NMOPS) demanding that the government bring back the old pension scheme.

Rajnath Singh statement on farm bill is on similar lines to what he had said before implementing NPS

“In 2003, the Pension Act- 1972 was amended and New Pension Scheme was introduced. It is now known as New Pension System. In 2013, a regularity body, PFRDA was created to monitor it,” Vikrant Singh, Jharkhand Chapter’s NMOPS President told eNewsroom

Last month Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, speaking on the demand of farmers to repeal the new farm laws, had suggested that the laws should be implemented for a year or two and then if it is found not to be beneficial then it could be scrapped.

“A similar thing was said to us when the Vajpai government was implementing the new pension scheme (NPS). Our union leaders were told that the new pension scheme will be very beneficial for us. But it turned out to be disastrous. In 2003, through NPS, the working class’ pension was corporatized and now agriculture is being handed over to the corporate world,” added Singh.

The National Movement For Old Pension Scheme has yet to come forward and express solidarity for the protesting farmers but they can see the similarities in case the new farm laws are implemented.

The ongoing movement against the NPS poses a peculiar situation for those in Jharkhand. Since the state is barely 20 years old, several state government employees who joined after the state was carved out will retire several years from now and hence fail to appreciate why the movement is so important. “Many government employees do not understand the gravity of the problem and what it means for all government employees and their future,” said President NMOPS (Giridih), Imtiyaz Ahmad.

Hemant Soren had claimed before the Jharkhand assembly polls in 2019 that if his government comes to power the Old Pension Scheme will be implemented in the state. However, Soren government is yet to fulfill this promise of theirs.

Letter to PM, seeking an inquiry in the fresh killing of three Kashmiri youth

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Kolkata: Track II diplomat and Chairman of centre for Peace & Progress O P Shah had written a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressing concern over the killing of three youth in Kashmir on December 30, 2020 and urged for an independent inquiry into the alleged fake encounter.

On December 30, the three young men – namely, Ajaz Maqbool Ganie, Athar Mushtaq Wani and Zubair Ahmad Lone – were shot at and killed by the Indian Army’s 2 Rashtriya Rifles unit in the Lawaypora area of Srinagar.

Parents of three youth claimed that the three were students and hours before encounters they were with them at their respective houses.

In August, 2020 itself three labourers were killed in Shopian which later turned out to be fake. The three labourers were killed in an encounter in stage managed murder and even arms were planted on his bodies.

“I would urge the Government of India and the administration of the Union Territory of Jammu & Kashmir to conduct an independent, impartial and thorough investigation of this encounter, which the families of the dead young men allege was a ‘fake encounter’,” Shah mentioned in the letter and also raised major points.

“This allegation by the families of the deceased is further bolstered by the following information from recent media reports:

“That none of the deceased had any police record or other record of being politically active.

And none of the deceased was listed in the police’s database of active militants.

While security personnel failed to make any effort to involve the families of the deceased to appeal to the alleged militants to surrender.

Also frequently, dying militants tend to call their family members in their final hours – it is quite extraordinary that none of the deceased attempted to contact their family members.”

He also said that after every encounter, neighbours account matters, but in this case, the residents of the relevant neighborhood contest the military’s assertion that the deceased were given several opportunities to surrender.

And Shah also stressed that the Government should also sympathetically consider the demand of the family members to be handed over the bodies of deceased persons.

The Kolkata based diplomat added, “If we are to win back the hearts and minds of Kashmiris , “fake encounters” have to be completely eliminated and, therefore, it is incumbent upon the Government of India and its security forces to thoroughly investigate any suspicious encounter and to ensure that in cases where the security forces have perpetrated illegal killings, justice is done in a timely manner.”

Pro-farmer indefinite sit-in begins simultaneously across West Bengal, artists and women bodies to join

Kolkata: Vladimir Ilyich Lenin saw peasants in dhotis and lungis laying siege on Kolkata decades back when the city was a radical red citadel without a Left Front in power in Bengal. Standing at Dharmatala in granite, an iconic landmark at the heart of the city, the leader of the Russian revolution also witnessed the fall of the LF government after three decades in 2011.

Now, he is observing another kind of siege to the city of rallies as the state has been under increasing threats from the surging Sangh Parivar, the most reactionary right wing forces led by BJP-RSS. The central ruling party with its entwined corporate-communal agendas has emerged as the main challenger to the incumbent Trinamool Congress government, a regional party of middle-pathers and former ally of the Hindutva party while the LF-Congress combine has turned into a distant third force.

Nevertheless, a potential turnaround for the anti-BJP politics seems to have begun in Bengal with the Left-liberal efforts to organise public support to the agitating farmers from Punjab-Haryana. The latter have virtually laid a siege on Delhi Darbar of the Narendra Modi regime demanding the rollback of pro-corporate farm laws. Speakers at different protest sites in Bengal said that the task to turn the farmers’ movement into a nationwide people’s movement has become a key imperative not only for Punjab-Haryana but also for the people of the states who are still resisting the hegemony of the Hindutva party. Prime minister Modi has been openly espousing ‘one country-one election-one party-one leader’ rule.

Responding to the call of All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee, the umbrella body of the peasant bodies now spearheading the farmers’ agitation, its state chapter has launched an indefinite Dharna or sit-in demonstration a stone’s throw away from Lenin’s statue on Saturday to spread the solidarity protests across Bengal.

Hakikat Bir Singh, a son of dalit landless family in Punjab, now in Kolkata I Video by: Suman Sengupta

The pro-farmer campaigns have been gaining traction in Bengal as Left parties and many independent Left groups have joined it. The footfall at the dharna is likely to increase in the coming days as students, youth, minorities and intellectual groups have already started holding such solidarity programmes in Kolkata and districts. Anti-BJP Civil society groups, some of whom have already hit the streets with an appeal to the popular mind not to vote for the BJP as the state assembly election is round the corner.

Similar indefinite sit-in and rallies are being continued in Howrah, Birbhum, Bankura and Nadia districts by a forum called Bengal against Fascist BJP-RSS and members of CPI ML liberation respectively. The Forum will stage a sit-in protest at Moulali More on 13 January.

Artists and intellectuals are also joining

Mukto- Bangla, a group for cultural activists will chalk out its campaign programme on January 10. Netaji-Bhagat Singh United Forum will bring out a torch ra!Ly from Sarat Bose Road on Sunday evening to pay homage to the martyrs of the farmer’s movement, most of whom succumbed to the biting north Indian cold after being forced by the Modi regime to stay under the open sky for more than a month.

The spirit of solidarity is evident both offline and online. Some young artists and their friends have joined hands in selling the paintings that reflect the rainbow colors of the ongoing peasant mobilization at five borders around Delhi. These paintings have captured the defiant mood of daily life in the makeshift city of caravans on the national highways which have been blocked by the kilometres-long lines of tractors, trolley vans and trucks brought by the farmers and their families. An exhibition of three young activists– Laboni, Subheccha and Baishali will be held at Niranjan Sadan in Kolkata on January 24 and the proceeds would be donated to the pro-farmer campaign.

January 18: Mahila Kisan Divas

Meanwhile six national women’s organisations have called for solidarity programmes on January 18. Samyukt KisanMorcha (SKM) has already asked to observe the day as Mahila Kisan Divas.

National Federation of Indian Women(NFIW), All India Democratic Women’s Association(AIDWA), All India Progressive Women’s Association(AIPWA), PragatisheelMahilaSangathan(PMS), All India AgragamiMahilaSamiti(AIAMS) and All India MahilaSanskritikSangathan(AIMSS) will hold protests all over the country on January 18 demanding repeal of the three farm laws, food, work, health services, waiver of the loans of SHGs, action against harassment by MFIs and express solidarity with the farmers’ struggle.

Farmers protest: Growing solidarity in Kolkata and districts before parallel Republic Day Parade

Kolkata: The day Indian farmers at Singhu, Tikri, Gazipur borders and in Rewasan district held tractor rallies as a rehearsal to their proposed parallel Republic Day parade on January 26, activist groups in Kolkata and some other districts today held sit-in demonstrations, street corner meetings and marches in support of the ongoing farmers’ movement to repeal three farm laws.

In Bengal, the protest was against Narendra Modi government’s three anti-Farmer, anti-People black laws as well as burning issues of Farmers of West Bengal.

All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee (AIKSCC), the umbrella organisation of the peasant bodies which is now spearheading the 43 day-long farmers’ siege on the central government has called for solidarity campaigns across the country as the regime is still refusing to repeal the pro-corporate laws.

The nationwide campaign will culminate in the people’s celebrations of the Republic Day on January 26, commemorating the nation’s formal acceptance of its secular democratic constitution in 1950. These celebrations will be organised in parallel to the government’s Republic Day parade in Delhi which has been traditionally marked by the gala show of the country’s military might in addition to cultural tableaux from states, increasingly being forced to be in tune to the central ruling party’s dictates.

Watch a protest rally by BSM in Birbhum district

 

The Bengal chapter of AIKSCC will launch a continuous dharna or sit-in protest, named Annadatader Sanghotite Bangla (In support to the foodgivers) at downtown Kolkata from January 9. All trade unions, mass & cultural organisations have been requested to join. The all India coordination body of central trade unions has already expressed its solidarity to the AIKSCC programme and its state units to join.

Meanwhile, Bangla Sanskriti Mancha, a cross-faith youth forum active in multiple districts took out a public march against the farm bills at Rampurhat town in Birbhum district. The Manch has begun an indefinite sit-in support of the farmers. Its cultural teams have been visiting villages with Baul singers and street darma performers to spread awareness about the reasons behind farmer s’ opposition to the farm laws.

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A meeting at Kolkata to express solidarity with farmers

In Kolkata, members of No NRC Movement, Mukto Bangla, APDR and other civil society forums held similar dharnas at Moulali crossing.

Speakers counted the series of sweeping constitutional and legal amendments by the BJP-RSS regime in pursuance of its fascist agendas to impose majoritarian bigotry and monopoly of crony capitalists.

They recalled how the hard-earned rights of farmers, workers and other toiling people have been snatched away by the regime using its brute majority in the parliament or the executive fiats during Covid lockdown months. Instead of giving respite to the poor and middle class from the soaring price-rises in food and other essential items, it’s farm laws are meant to allow crony corporates like Ambani and Adani groups to hoard food grains and vegetables and jack up market prices, they pointed out.

Another rally was held by the minority groups and others commemorating the anniversary of the women’s-led protest in Park Circus maidan against the communal Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Register of Citizens. The protest site had become known as Kolkata’s Shaheen Bagh before the prolonged lockdown forced the growing opposition to the countrywide to lose momentum.

Attack on tribal Chief Minister by Manuwadi forces is highly condemnable — Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha

Ranchi: Even after change of guard in Jharkhand violence against women continues unabated in the state, as in against of 4 rape cases per day in 2019, 5 rapes taken place in the year 2020, expressing concerned on it and the violence in the name of protest, Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha, an umbrella body of civil society issued an statement on the rise of sexual violence in Jharkhand. The Mahasabha also condemned violence on Chief Minister Hemant Soren by Manuwadi forces and the failure of police administration.

The Mahasabha statement mentioned, “Violence against women continues unabated in Jharkhand. The recent incident of rape and beheading of a woman in Ormajhi has exposed this again. Even after 3 days of finding the victim’s body, neither she nor her culprits have been identified. Along with the continuing violence against women, this incident also raises serious questions on the law and order situation in the state. It is worrying that despite formation of a Jharkhandi government, violence against women has not reduced. 5 rape cases per day (average) have been reported in 2020 as compared to an average of 4 cases per day in 2019.”

The union of civil society while welcoming the democratic protest by any political party and civil society groups, regretted on BJP senior leader’s behaviour who justified violence, “The BJP Yuva Morcha protested across the state on 4th January against the Ormanjhi case. In the evening of the same day, the Chief Minister’s convoy in Ranchi was stopped, stoned and vandalized by a mob at Kishoreganj chowk. Many senior BJP leaders justified this attack as “violence by an angry public”. In a democracy, political opposition and protests demanding action from the state have their own importance. But, the mob attack on the CM’s convoy in Ranchi and consequent justification by BJP leaders raises many serious questions,” it said.

And further claimed that the attack on CM Jharkhand was Manuwadi behaviour. “Slogans of Jai Shri Ram were chanted in the crowd. The attack on the tribal CM with such slogans and the support extended by the BJP to the event is an example of the growing anti-Jharkhand Manuwadi violence in the state over the years. This incident is highly condemnable. It must be mentioned that Manuwadi ideology is against women’s rights. It is not surprising that right-wing forces which believe in Manuwad are raising the issue of violence on women in a violent, masculine and patriarchal manner.”

And reminded that mob lynching was rampant, “Such violence increased widely in Jharkhand during the BJP’s “double engine” government at the Center and the state. Lynching of Adivasis, Dalits and Muslims by mobs while chanting religious slogan of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ is a glaring example of this. Today the same mob opposed a tribal CM with religious slogans and hooliganism. The attack on the CM’s convoy indicates the dissatisfaction of right wing forces against a Jharkhandi government based on the principles of Adivasi identity.”

Jharkhand Janadhikar Mahasabha demanded from the state government to take prompt action in the rape and murder case in Ormajhi. And to curb sexual violence in the state, the government should prepare a comprehensive strategy after public discussion to curb sexual violence in the state.

The strategy can include improvements in law and order situation, training on gender equality and justice in educational institutions and government agencies and so on.

Mahasabha also pointed out the failure of police, “Such a violent attack on the CM’s convoy also shows the failure of the police administration. The government should take appropriate action on this issue. We also hope that the state government, in spite of such an incident, will not try to intervene on the democratic right to protest peacefully.”

The civil group also made an appeal, “Mahasabha appeals to the Hemant Soren government and all gathbandhan parties to launch a mass campaign to promote and strengthen constitutional values and Jharkhandi philosophy and identity against the growing anti-Jharkhand Manuwadi ideology and violence in the state. All the organizations associated with Mahasabha will support such a campaign.”

Covaxin controversy – is it safe?

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As we entered into the new year with continuing coronavirus threat there is good news as on 3rd January 2021 Drug Controller General of India (DGCI ) approved two vaccines for restrictive emergency usage in INDIA, spells hope in these dire times.

The first one is Oxford-AstraZeneca’s Covishield which is produced in India by Serum Institute of India (SII) and the 2nd one by Bharat Biotech in collaboration with the National Institute of Virology (NIV) and Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) Covaxin. 

This comes after an expert panel of the drug regulator, the Subject Expert Committee (SEC) gave its recommendation on 1st January 2021 for the emergency use authorization (EUA).

While Covishield developed in India with a master seed from Oxford-AstraZeneca’s, Covaxin derived from a strain of SARS-CoV-2 virus, isolated at NIV, Pune, India. Both vaccines will be administered in two doses 3-12 weeks apart and can be transported and stored at normal refrigeration temperatures.

Approval of the Bharat Biotech Covid-19 vaccine Covaxin, which is still undergoing phase-3 clinical trials, has raised serious questions. The DCGI said Covaxin was approved in the public interest as an abundant precaution, in “clinical trial mode”, to have more options for vaccinations, especially in cases of infection by mutant strains. The clinical trial ongoing within the country by the firm will continue.

Honorable Prime Minister Narendra Modi touted the approval as a “game-changer”.

Dr. Harsh Vardhan, Minister of Health and Family Welfare, said the Covaxin approval is a “Monitored Approval” and that the “clinical trial mode” would mean that all vaccine recipients will be tracked as if they are in a trial.

When asked what the “clinical trial mode” means, Gagandeep Kang, a microbiology professor at Christian Medical College, Vellore reacted, “I have no clue. I have never seen anything like this before. I’m completely unaware of any data that suggests that Covaxin has any efficacy against any strain of Covid-19, let alone special efficacy against the variant (UK) strain”

Health watchdog –All India Drug Action Network said it was “shocked”

Opposition parties are also questioning the speed and the manner approval was given.

The decision to approve an incompletely studied vaccine, even under an accelerated process, raises more questions than answers.

coronavirus covid-19 vaccine covaxin covishield india
India has the second highest number of infections in the world I Courtesy: Reuters

To answer this let us first understand what is Vaccine?

The vaccine uses your body’s natural defenses to build resistance to specific infections by training your immune system to create antibodies, just as it does when it’s exposed to a disease. However, because vaccines contain only killed or weakened forms of germs they do not cause the disease or put you at risk of its complications. The immune system remembers the disease and if you are then exposed to the germ in the future, your immune system can quickly destroy it before you become unwell.

While Covishield is based on the virus’s genetic instructions for building the spike protein using double-stranded DNA added to another virus (adenovirus), Covaxin is an inactivated vaccine (a vaccine that uses the dead virus).

Vaccine development has to go through different phases which usually takes years but due to Covid-19 enormous effects on health and social -regulatory framework have been relaxed –

1-Preclinical 4-Phase-3(efficiency trials)
2-Phase-1(safety trials) 5-Regulatory Review
3-Phase-2 (expanded trials) 6-Approved and distributed

 

Now let’s try to answer – For me ‘Clinical trial mode’ is similar to Phase III trial where the efficacy of the vaccine is tested on consented volunteers. If an experimental vaccine is given to people, there should be informed consent explaining the potential risks and benefits of the vaccine and post-vaccination follow-up. In case there is any serious adverse reaction, the recipient may also be eligible for compensation. Critics and Government are on the same page that Covaxin is still on Phase III trial but the question is why so hurry?

Since the beginning, Covaxin speed has raised so many unanswered questions.

ICMR transferred the strain NIV had isolated to Biotech Bharat on 9th May 2020. It takes at least three months to do animal trials to establish safety. The company published its results on June 29, 2020. So there were only 50 days in between, during which time the company should have developed the inactivated vaccine, conducted preclinical animal trials (with mice and hamsters), and sent its reports to be evaluated and approved by DCGI.

A related issue is that animal trials for Covid-19 can only be conducted with hACE2 transgenic mice, as ‘normal’ mice can’t get infected with the novel coronavirus. These mice need to be shipped from the US, Europe, or China.

These issues, therefore, raised initial concerns about whether Bharat Biotech could have proceeded to the human-trials phase of vaccine development within only 50 days of receiving the inactivated virus from NIV??

ICMR’s Dr. Balram Bhargava has earlier created a similar uproar when he wrote a letter to Bharat Biotech in early August 2020 writing, “It is envisaged to launch the vaccine for public health use latest by 15th August 2020 after completion of all clinical trials.”

Covaxin Phase III efficacy trial was initiated in India on 25,800 volunteers on November 6, 2020. In a December 22 statement, Covaxin said it had recruited 13,000, or half of its target for these trials. Now the regulator says that to date, 22,500 participants have been vaccinated across the country and the vaccine is safe but didn’t provide further details. It can’t happen so fast as the vaccine needs two shots 3-12 weeks apart, the volunteers need to be tracked and tested until enough of them have contracted Covid-19 to allow the vaccine’s efficacy to be analyzed. To be sure, there is no clarity on whether there is data from phase-3 to meet the criteria for an interim analysis on the vaccine’s efficacy.

The Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR), said Covaxin has the potential to mount a resistance against new mutants of SARS-CoV-2. No data has been shared by the regulator or the company to support this claim.

Words like -” Likely “, Restricted use ” “Backup Plan” has created more confusion.

In my view, DGCI should have given more time to BharatBiotech to complete its Phase III trial. It should not be seen as an unsurprising push in the wake of 26th January, Republic Day announcements at the cost of common citizens. Approving the vaccine before trials were complete was a matter of concern irrespective of how safe or effective the vaccine eventually turned out to be. The government’s decision not to release data on the vaccine’s efficacy for peer review is something I am concerned about. The government needs to be more transparent about the authorization process because the success of the Covid-19 vaccine program depends on public trust. It should not lead to vaccine-hesitant as already India is struggling with anti-vaccine,anti-scientific views.

Bharat Biotech is a reputed drug manufacturer that delivers four billion doses around the world for infections like rotavirus, hepatitis, Zika, Japanese encephalitis, and others. The method they have chosen is a very old and tested method of using an inactivated virus and have high hopes because of its proposed mechanism of action. Let us start with Covishield which has already started in the UK and let Bharat Biotech finish its Phase III trial.

Clinical trial or Safety and additional efficacy data continue to be collectedparticipants will continue to be monitored for long-term protection and safety.

Do remember ” A vaccine will complement the other tools we have, not replace them ” Contact tracing, testing more and more people, isolation, the quarantine will need to continue. We had to continue to follow social distancing norms, mask-wearing and hand hygiene practices.